SIDE  LIGHTS^ 


ON 


AMERICAN  HISTORY 


•m 


UNIVERSITY  FARM 


EIJ3 


SIDE   LIGHTS 
ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 


SIDE    LIGHTS 


ON 


AMERICAN  HISTORY 


BY 


HENRY   W.    ELSON,   A.M. 

LECTURER  OF  THE  AMERICAN  SOCIETY   FOR  THE  EXTENSION 

OF  UNIVERSITY  TEACHING 

AUTHOR  OF  "  HISTORICAL  BIOGRAPHIES   FOR  CHILDREN  " 
"  WHAT  TO   READ,"   ETC. 


_f)NE 

S~  ^t  COLLEGE  oT^^w 

/.     NATIOWfisfcERIOD   BEFOR&Q$K^CIVIL    WAR 

U.  OF  C. 


I   LIBRARY 


THE   MACMILLAN   COMPANY 

LONDON:   MACMILLAN  &  CO.,  LTD. 
1906 

All  rights  reserved 


OF  THE 

{    UNIVERSITY 

OF 


COPYRIGHT,  1899, 
BY  THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY. 

Set  up  and  electrotyped.  Published  May,  1899.  Reprinted 
September,  1899;  May,  September,  November,  twice,  1900; 
March,  August,  1902;  March,  1905. 

New  edition,  two  volumes  in  one,  September,  1906. 


J.  8.  Cashing  &  Co.  —  Berwick  &  Smith  Co. 
Norwood,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 


PREFACE 

HISTORY  can  be  presented  to  us  only  by 
means  of  pictures,  reproductions  of  that  which 
we  cannot  directly  witness. 

If  you  study  a  city  from  photographs,  the 
general  bird's-eye  view  is  necessary  to  give  you 
the  relative  size  and  location  of  things  ;  but  such 
a  view  is  not  enough.  You  must  have  pictures, 
on  a  larger  scale,  of  a  busy  street,  a  mammoth 
office  building,  a  public  park,  the  interior  of  a 
workshop,  and  the  like.  The  ordinary  school 
history  furnishes  the  bird's-eye  view  of  our  coun 
try's  origin  and  growth;  the  present  volume 
aims  to  give  a  more  detailed  account  —  a  pic 
ture  on  a  larger  scale  —  of  some  of  the  chief 
events  in  our  history.  It  is  intended  not  to 
replace  the  text-book,  but  to  supplement  it. 

The  text-book  gives  the  succession  of  events 
and,  in  some  measure,  their  relative  importance ; 
but,  owing  to  the  multitude  of  subjects  to  be 


189877 


Vi  PREFACE 

treated  within  the  limits  of  a  small  volume,  none 
can  be  exhaustively  dealt  with.  It  is  impossible 
for  any  writer,  however  skilful,  to  relate  his 
torical  facts  in  a  form  so  condensed  as  that  of 
the  average  text-book,  and  at  the  same  time  to 
give  them  that  living  interest  so  necessary  in 
holding  the  attention  of  young  readers.  The 
text-book  is  useful  and  indispensable ;  it  is  the 
index  that  points  to  the  vast  wealth  of  knowl 
edge  that  may  be  found  in  our  historical  litera 
ture  ;  it  furnishes  the  groundwork  on  which 
rests  the  entire  structure  of  historic  knowledge. 
But  unfortunately  the  text-book  too  often  is 
little  more  than  a  chronicle  of  events,  an  array 
of  dates  and  facts,  a  skeleton  without  flesh, 
without  life,  without  soul.  Such  a  book  is  ill 
adapted  to  awaken  an  interest  in  historical 
study,  and  can  be  used  successfully  in  the 
schools  only  in  connection  with  other  works 
as  supplementary  reading.  Used  in  this  way 
the  skeleton  of  the  text-book  may  be  clothed 
with  flesh  and  have  breathed  into  it  the  breath 
of  life. 

Our  learned  and  more  exhaustive  historical 
works  are  beyond  the  reach  of  most  busy  peo- 


PREFACE  Vll 

pie,  nor  are  they  adapted  to  use  in  the  schools. 
Between  these  two  extremes,  the  condensed 
text-book  and  the  ponderous  volumes  of  the 
historian,  we  find  many  books  of  great  value  — 
biographies,  memoirs,  histories  of  limited  periods 
or  of  particular  localities  —  but  none  of  these, 
as  far  as  the  author  knows,  is  fitted  for  the 
use  of  schools  or  was  prepared  with  that  end 
in  view. 

This  work  covers  a  field  not  hitherto  covered. 
It  has  been  written  for  the  general  reader,  as 
well  as  for  use  in  schools  of  the  grammar-school 
grade  and  of  the  grades  immediately  above  it. 
It  is  hoped  that  the  book  may  also  be  found  a 
pleasant  review  to  the  busy  teacher,  who  has 
many  things  to  teach  and  who  finds  it  impossi 
ble  to  become  a  specialist  in  everything. 

The  period  covered  is  the  first  seventy  years 
of  our  national  history ;  but  no  attempt  to  give 
a  connected  history  of  that  period  has  been 
made.  At  the  same  time  much  care  has  been 
taken  to  show  the  bearing  of  one  great  event 
upon  another,  their  causes  and  results,  and  the 
part  each  bore  in  making  our  civilization  what 
it  is. 


Viii  PREFACE 

The  subjects  treated  in  the  various  chapters 
have  been  selected  with  the  utmost  care.  The 
aim  has  been  to  choose  out,  not  the  dramatic 
and  exciting,  but  the  strategic  points,  the  pivots 
on  which  the  ponderous  machinery  of  our  his 
tory  has  turned.  This  is  true  of  most  of  the 
chapters.  A  few,  however,  such  as  "Wash 
ington's  Inauguration,"  "Conspiracy  of  Aaron 
Burr,"  "The  Campaign  of  1840,"  and  the  "Un 
derground  Railroad,"  have  been  chosen  with  a 
view  of  picturing  the  state  of  society  at  the  time 
treated. 

In  order  that  every  important  aspect  of  our 
national  growth  be  presented  to  the  reader,  the 
subjects  chosen  are  as  unlike  in  character  as 
practicable,  and  the  events  have  been  related 
with  greater  detail  than  is  possible  in  the  ordi 
nary  school  history.  This  has  been  done  at  the 
sacrifice  of  leaving  out  many  subjects  of  almost 
equal  importance  with  those  selected.  Minor 
incidents  and  details  in  history,  often  insignifi 
cant  in  themselves,  are,  like  illustrations  in  a 
sermon  or  lecture,  useful  for  the  light  they 
throw  on  more  important  matters. 

The   authorities  consulted  in  preparing  this 


PREFACE  ix 

work  are  far  more  numerous  than  indicated  in 
the  foot-note  references.  Those  given  are 
chiefly  the  works  most  likely  to  be  accessible 
to  the  reader  who  may  be  stimulated  to  further 
research. 

H.  W.  E. 

PHILADELPHIA,  PA., 

May,  1899. 


Xll  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  III 
THE  INAUGURATION  OF  WASHINGTON 

PAGE 

The  Unanimous  Election          .         .         .  54 

The  Triumphal  March      .         .         .         .        .         .       57 

New  York's  Welcome  OD     TIO    .}!J#AT      .      61 

CHAPTER   IV 
THE  ALIEN  AND  SEDITION  LAWS 

Political  Parties  One  Hundred  Years  Ago  '  .         -65 

Folly  of  the  Federal  Party   ,,.3,^^       -  _• <.     •      68 

Sedition  Law  in  Operation      t  .       ,.  T     «r  ,  ,.  lt  .  .       72 

The  Kentucky  and  Virginia  Resolutions  .  .•.,.•      ?6 

CHAPTER   V 
FULTON  AND  THE  STEAMBOAT 

Fulton's  Predecessors       .  ....       82 

Early  Life  of  Robert  Fulton    i/n>         ...      85 
Fulton  in  Foreign  Lands  .         .         .  .87 

The  Clermont  on  the  Hudson       &  vr/n/[£"i^   .        .      90 

CHAPTER  VI 
THE  LEWIS  AND  CLARKE  EXPEDITION 

Ascending  the  Missouri 99 

On  to  the  Pacific       .                                    ...  104 

The  Return  to  the  United  States      .        .        .        .  no 

An  Indian  Story Ill 


CONTENTS  Xlll 

CHAPTER   VII 
CONSPIRACY  OF  AARON  BURR 

PAGE 

Aaron  Burr       .         .....       rvM;- :br-I  rmihnTs  I17 

The  Great  Conspiracy       .    .     .  ^vuWxjO  sfO  )o  ucite  I25 

The  Arrest  and  the  Trial        ,  .b(w..k>K  }&  fan-r  hn~  130 
Theodosia        ,  .     .        .        .     -.        .        .        .138 

Later  Life  of  Aaron  Burr       3TM/-H"      .         .        .  144 

CHAPTER  VIII 
THE  MISSOURI  COMPROMISE 

Slavery  during  the  Colonial  Period  .       ~.yj  O'-w*  ^  T^ 

Slavery  under  the  Constitution         'i.'i      ;;: ]  n!(-'t£-} .i^V  155 
The  Sixteenth  Congress  .     >fi™£™  ?^*$£W  to  sxtf(    161 

CHAPTER  IX 
THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE 

How  this  Doctrine  Originated  .  .  ,i:    .,.  .-,< .-  168 

The  Monroe  Doctrine  in  Operation  .        »%„•'/  •    -t  '»?  J73 

Cuba  and  Mexico     .  gnrif}-/  c,r>i  fv  f*  •  9  •]/     ?  -    A  X79 
Venezuela         .         .         .      ^••r":'i<  «r  i^.  *j  -T ;  T '    '  *  '  r^5 

Remarks  on  the  Monroe  Doctrine     ....  191 

CHAPTER  X 

LAFAYETTE'S  VISIT 

A  Nation's  Welcome         .         .  •   w/:J  s-^lr!  q;,-:       .  195 

At  the  Capitol  .  °"  ;p >  "2  ni  vykl  r.;-^Ifi  >.         .  200 

Mount  Vernon  and  Bunker  Hill       >'  -I1'' J  ^riijU       .  203 


xiv  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  XI 
THE  CAROLINE  AFFAIR 

PAGE 

The  Canadian  Rebellion  .        .         .  .     209 

Destruction  of  the  Caroline  .  .  .  .  .  212 
Arrest  and  Trial  of  McLeod  .  .  ^fa  fen*  .-.-^n;  217 

CHAPTER  XII 
THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1840 

The  Whig  Convention 225 

William  Henry  Harrison  .....  229 

The  Log  Cabin  and  Hard  Cider  Campaign       . .       .  232 

Last  Days  of  President  Harrison       .         .       ;>.        .  237 

CHAPTER  XIII 
DISCOVERY  OF  GOLD  IN  CALIFORNIA 

Slitter's  Sawmill 243 

The  "Forty-Miners"  .  .  'H.-"J- '•<.->  .  .  248 
A  View  of  the  Miners  and  the  Mines  .  .  .251 
California  in  National  Politics  .  .  .  .257 

CHAPTER  XIV 
THE  UNDERGROUND  RAILROAD 

The  Fugitive  Slave  Law 265 

The  Fugitive  Slave  Law  in  Operation  .  .  .271 
Working  of  the  Underground  Railroad  .  .  .  275 


CONTENTS  XV 

CHAPTER   XV 
THE  KANSAS-NEBRASKA  BILL 

PAGE 

Presidential  Election  of  1852    1  i<!  ^;'n    ':' '.•"'-  l/'J  /'-'.  295 

Stephen  A.  Douglas 300 

Reception  of  the  Bill  at  the  North     .        .       b.n£     .  306 

Results  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Law       *J        .    •     .  308 

CHAPTER  XVI 
THE  LINCOLN-DOUGLAS  DEBATES 

A  View  of  the  Two  Men  .        .        .        .        .'        .  310 

Preliminaries    .         .    ^    .         .         .         .        .        -.  313 

The  Challenge          ....         .         .         .  318 

Extracts  .         ..       T.        .         .         .        .         .         .  324 

The  Freeport  Doctrine     .         .         .         .         .         .  328 

The  Result       .         .         .                  .         .         .         .  332 

CHAPTER  XVII 
HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

The  Earliest  Political  Parties 339 

The  Federal  Party 341 

The  Democratic  Party      ....        .         .         .  345 

The  Whig  Party       ^        .        .         .       ".        .         .  351 

The  Republican  Party      .         .         .         ...'"•-.         .  354 


Xv  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  XVIII 
RELATION  OF  THE  STATES  TO  THE  NATION 

PACK 

Origin  of  the  States  and  of  the  Union     . :  f>ijl .?  .j .  - ,, . .,-  362 
Three  Kinds  of  Governments,  Consolidated,  Fed 
eral,  and  Confederate     ,7-^  ^  Utfi'^r*  "ft-  .     •  3^5 
National  and  State  Laws       ,: , ,,. ,  { t. ;/.  .^ .,  ^^  i<f ,  .  t    .  368 

National  and  State  Authority 371 

Advantages  of  the  Federal  System    .        .         .  376 
States' Rights  .        T/y '.r-lTMA'1  >     •         •         -381 


INDEX 385 


SIDE    LIGHTS    ON    AMERICAN 
S..5S  £  HISTORY   *f^^ 

CHAPTER  I 

DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE 

IT  is  generally  considered  that  the  most 
important  single  event  in  the  history  of  this 
Western  World  is  the  adopting  of  the  Decla 
ration  of  Independence,  at  Philadelphia,  by 
the  Continental  Congress,  on  July  4,  1776. 
This  was  the  crowning  act  of  the  Revolu 
tion  ;  without  it  there  would  have  been  no 
Revolution. 

The  word  "revolution,"  when  used  in  a 
political  sense,  means  a  fundamental  change 
of  government.  If,  therefore,  the  colonists 
had  not  succeeded  in  gaining  their  freedom 
and  changing  their  form  of  government,  the 
war  would  be  known  in  history  as  simply  a 
rebellion. 


2  SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

The  Declaration  of  Independence  did  not 
win  independence ;  it  was  simply  an  act  of 
Congress,  declaring  what  the  people  desired, 
what  they  felt  of  right  belonged  to  them, 
what  they  determined  to  fight  for.  They  all 
knew  that  it  would  require  long  years  of 
bloody  war  to  achieve  their  object.  But  it  is 
true  that  the  time  of  deciding,  of  determining 
on  any  act,  is  the  supreme  moment.  All  the 
effort  that  may  follow  in  carrying  out  the 
decision,  is,  compared  with  the  decision  itself, 
as  the  body  to  the  soul.  The  moment  the 
colonists  decided  on  independence  was  the 
supreme  moment  of  the  Revolution ;  and 
the  declaring  of  that  decision  may  rightly  be 
deemed  an  event  of  such  far-reaching  impor 
tance  that  nothing  else  in  American  History 
can  be  compared  with  it. 

Our  school  histories  all  tell  something  about 
this  Declaration  of  Independence ;  but  they 
have  so. many  things  to  tell  that  only  a  short 
space  can  be  given  even  to  such  an  event. 
What  schoolboy  or  schoolgirl  would  not  like 
to  know  more  of  this  Declaration  —  how  it 
was  brought  about,  and  who  did  most  to  bring 


DECLARATION   OF   INDEPENDENCE  3 

it  about  ?  Let  us  devote  this  chapter  to  the 
subject. 

We  celebrate  the  Fourth  of  July  as  our 
National  Birthday ;  but  the  2d  of  July  was 
the  real  original  Independence  day.  John 
Adams  wrote  on  the  evening  of  July  2,  1776: 
"This  day  will  be  the  most  memorable  in  the 
history  of  America;  to  be  celebrated  by  suc 
ceeding  generations  as  the  great  anniversary 
festival,  commemorated  as  the  day  of  deliver 
ance,  by  solemn  acts  of  devotion  to  God 
Almighty,  from  one  end  of  the  continent  to 
the  other,  from  this  time  forward  forever- 
more." 

The  Declaration  of  Independence  was  not 
the  result  of  a  sudden  burst  of  enthusiasm, 
finding  expression  in  a  rash  act  of  Congress  ; 
it  was  a  growth,  a  deliberate  step  of  the  whole 
people. 

Love  of  the  Colonists  for  England 

The  filial  love  of .  the  colonists  for  England 
was  very  strong.  The  intensity  of  that  love 
seems  remarkable  when  we  consider  that  most 
of  the  Americans  were  native  born,  few  had 


4  SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

ever  seen  England,  and  the  ancestors  of  many 
had  been  driven  from  that  country  on  account 
of  their  religion.  Yet  their  hope  of  reconcilia 
tion  with  the  King  was  deep-seated;  at  the 
beginning  of  the  war  few  indeed  thought  of 
independence,  and  when  it  first  began  to  be 
talked  about,  it  was  very  unpopular. 

In  November,  1775,  five  months  after  the 
battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  the  legislature  or 
assembly  of  Pennsylvania  instructed  its  dele 
gates  in  Congress  "to  dissent  from  and  ut 
terly  reject  any  propositions,  should  such  be 
made,  that  may  cause  or  lead  to  a  separation 
from  our  mother  country."  1 

The  legislature  of  New  Jersey  followed  a 
few  weeks  later  in  almost  the  same  language. 
In  December  the  Maryland  convention  de 
clared  that  the  people  of  that  province 
"never  did  nor  do  entertain  any  views  or 
desires  on  independency."  New  York  and 
Delaware  followed  with  similar  statements ; 
and  we  hear  the  same  voice  from  the  provin 
cial  congresses  of  New  Hampshire  and  North 
Carolina. 

1  See   Frothingham's  "  Rise  of  the  Republic,"  p.  466. 


DECLARATION   OF   INDEPENDENCE  5 

George  Washington  wrote  a  letter  the  pre 
ceding  year,  in  which  we  find  this  expres 
sion,  "  I  am  well  satisfied  that  no  such  thing 
as  independence  is  desired  by  any  thinking 
man  in  all  North  America."  Years  later  he 
said  that  when  he  took  command  of  the  army 
at  Boston  he  still  abhorred  the  idea  of  inde 
pendence.  Many  more  examples  could  be 
given,  but  these  show  the  general  feeling  dur 
ing  the  first  year  of  the  Revolutionary  War. 

At  the  same  time  there  were  a  few  men, 
who,  from  the  beginning,  seemed  to  foresee 
the  end,  and  these  were  unwearied  in  their 
efforts  to  attain  that  end.  Joseph  Warren  of 
Massachusetts,  the  patriot-hero  who  gave  his 
life  for  the  cause  at  Bunker  Hill,  used  these 
prophetic  words  at  the  beginning  of  the  war, 
"  America  must  and  will  be  free ;  the  contest 
may  be  severe;  the  end  will  be  glorious." 
Samuel  Adams,  the  most  intimate  friend  of 
Warren,  and  James  Otis  of  the  same  colony 
were  among  the  few  earliest  leaders  for  inde 
pendence.  But,  as  stated  above,  the  great 
mass  of  the  people  clung  to  the  mother  coun 
try  with  childlike  affection,  and  frowned  upon 


6  SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

every  suggestion  of  a  separation.  How,  then, 
came  the  spirit  of  independence  to  take  pos 
session  of  the  American  heart?  The  fact  is 
the  people  were  driven  and  goaded  to  do  as 
they  did.  No  other  course  was  left  them  but 
abject  servitude. 

Causes  that  led  to  Independence 

We  wonder  more  at  the  slowness  than  at 
the  haste  of  the  colonists  to  seize  the  great 
prize.  After  being  insulted  with  the  hated 
Stamp  Act,  the  Mutiny  Act,  the  Boston  Port 
Bill,  and  other  indignities,  they  still  longed  for 
a  reconciliation  with  England.  Their  petitions 
to  the  King  were  full  of  undeserved  and  al 
most  fulsome  praise  for  his  Majesty,  while 
they  blamed  Parliament  for  all  the  trouble. 
But  this  was  all  changed  within  a  year.  Their 
yearning  for  a  reconciliation  was  changed  to 
a  determination  never  to  be  reconciled.  No 
longer  did  they  deal  with  Parliament;  they 
ignored  the  crouching  whelps,  and  grappled 
with  the  old  lion  himself.  What  brought  about 
this  great  change  ?  The  chief  causes  are 
few. 


DECLARATION   OF   INDEPENDENCE  7 

First :  The  reception  of  the  last  petition  to 
the  King.  This  petition  was  agreed  on  by 
Congress  in  midsummer,  1/75-  It  had  been 
suggested  by  John  Jay  of  New  York,  and 
drawn  up  by  John  Dickinson  of  Pennsylvania, 
both  eminent  men,  true  patriots,  but  wholly 
averse  at  that  time  to  independence.  The  pe 
tition  expressed  the  tenderest  regard  for  the 
person  of  the  King ;  it  recited  the  wrongs 
that  the  colonists  had  endured ;  it  then  begged 
in  the  most  respectful  language  that  these 
wrongs  be  righted,  that  the  old-time  harmony 
be  restored,  so  that  the  Americans  could  live 
in  happiness  and  contentment  under  the  Brit 
ish  flag.  The  petition  was  sent  to  the  King 
by  a  special  messenger,  Richard  Penn,  who 
was  a  Tory.  Penn  hastened  away  with  high 
hopes,  and  the  hopes  of  America  went  with 
him.  He  reached  London  late  in  August. 
America  waited  breathless  for  the  result.  The 
eyes  of  all  turned  almost  appealingly  toward 
England.  M;?i 

The  answer  came  late  in  October.  It  as 
tonished  everybody.  The  King  had  declined 
to  receive  the  petition  at  all,  and  refused  to 


8  SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

see  the  messenger  that  brought  it !  Sadly  the 
people  heard  the  news,  and  their  sadness  was 
mingled  with  anger  and  resentment.  King 
George  III.  had  thus  taken  a  fatal  step 
toward  estranging  forever  his  subjects  in  the 
Western  Hemisphere. 

Second :  The  King's  proclamation.  On  the 
next  day  after  the  result  of  the  petition  was 
published  in  the  Philadelphia  newspapers,  the 
King's  proclamation  was  laid  before  the  Ameri 
can  public.  In  this  document  King  George  had 
declared  the  colonists  in  a  state  of  rebellion, 
and  no  longer  under  his  protection.  This  was 
another  stunning  blow.  The  people  were  ex 
asperated  in  the  extreme.  The  King  expected 
to  frighten  them  into  submission,  but  the  op 
posite  effect  resulted.  Independence,  that  had 
been  only  whispered  here  and  there,  was  now 
talked  of  openly  on  all  sides. 

Congress  assumed  a  bolder  tone.  It  an 
swered  the  King's  proclamation,  almost  defi 
antly.  It  appointed  committees  to  correspond 
with  foreign  nations,  and  talked  no  more 
reconciliation,  nor  put  forth  disclaimers  of 
independence.  This  was  in  the  first  part  of 


DECLARATION   OF   INDEPENDENCE  Q 

November,  1775,  and  from  this  day  forward 
the  united  colonies  took  no  step  backward 
in  the  great  march  toward  freedom.  King 
George  had  made  another  blunder  —  had  taken 
another  fatal  step. 

Third :  The  employment  of  foreign  aid. 
The  King  of  England  sent  an  army  of  for 
eigners,  known  as  Hessians,  hired  for  the 
purpose,  into  the  colonies  to  fight  against  his 
own  subjects!  Nor  was  this  all;  he  stirred 
up  the  savage  Indians  against  the  Americans 
whenever  possible,  knowing  full  well  that  war 
fare  with  them  meant  the  murdering  of  the 
innocent  —  the  mother  and  the  babe  —  in  ad 
dition  to  ordinary  warfare.  The  cruel  murder 
of  hundreds  of  innocent  men,  women,  and 
children  along  the  frontier  during  the  Revo 
lution  must  be  laid  at  the  door  of  George  the 
Third. 

The  colonists  were  now  convinced  that  their 
sovereign  did  not  love  them.  He  cared  for 
America  only  from  selfish  motives,  only  for 
what  he  could  make  out  of  it  for  commerce 
and  taxation.  Could  the  Americans,  as  a  self- 
respecting  people,  continue  their  allegiance  to 


10        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

such   a  man,  and  to  the  country  of  which  he 
was  the   sovereign  ? 

Progress  toward  Independence 

As  soon  as  the  full  meaning  of  the  attitude 
of  the  obstinate  King  had  taken  hold  of  the 
public  mind,  the  air  was  filled  with  shouts  of 
defiance,  and  calls  for  independence.  The 
people  discussed  the  subject  in  town  meet 
ings,  on  the  streets,  in  the  fields,  and  at  their 
firesides.  The  belief  everywhere  was  that  a 
reconciliation  was  impossible,  and  submission 
meant  slavery.  The  spirit  of  independence 
spread  from  New  England  to  Georgia,  and 
took  a  powerful  hold  upon  the  people.  It  is 
true,  the  feeling  was  not  unanimous.  There 
were  many  Tories  to  the  end ;  and  even  of  the 
Whigs,  especially  in  the  middle  colonies,  many 
hesitated  and  counselled  delay.  But  the  great 
body  of  the  people  came  to  favor,  during  the 
winter  and  following  spring,  a  final  break  with 
England. 

Public  opinion  was  moulded  largely  by  the 
newspapers  and  by  pamphlets.  A  pamphlet, 
called  "  Common  Sense,"  written  by  Thomas 


DECLARATION   OF   INDEPENDENCE  II 

Paine,  converted  thousands.  A  great  speech 
of  Patrick  Henry  before  the  Virginia  Conven 
tion  was  published  broadcast,  and  became  a 
powerful  force  in  moulding  the  public  mind. 

But  the  man  who  stood  first  among  the 
leaders  of  public  opinion  was  Samuel  Adams 
of  Massachusetts.  Adams  was  a  man  of  broad 
views  and  of  the  purest  motives.  He  had 
been  among  the  few  who  foresaw  the  end 
from  the  beginning.  From  the  first  he  had 
opposed  all  petitions  to  the  throne,  and  noth 
ing  made  him  happier  than  the  contempt  with 
which  the  King  received  them,  for  in  this  he 
saw  independence.  He  believed  in  a  glorious 
future  for  America;  but  first  the  colonies 
must  be  free  from  England,  and  to  attain  that 
end  he  ceased  not  to  labor  day  and  night, 
until  the  object  of  his  heart  was  won.  May 
the  name  of  Samuel  Adams  ever  be  honored 
by  the  American  people. 

Not  far  behind  this  man  in  the  great  fight 
we  must  place  his  cousin,  John  Adams,  who 
was  acknowledged  to  be  the  most  powerful 
debater  on  the  floor  of  Congress.  We  shall 
see  more  of  him  later.  There  are  many  other 


12        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

great  names  of  that  period  with  which  every 
schoolboy  is  familiar. 

The  idea  of  independence  gained  rapidly  all 
through  the  winter,  and  before  many  months 
of  the  year  1776  had  passed,  a  large  major 
ity  of  the  people  favored  it.  But  there  had 
been  nothing  done  officially.  The  colonies 
were  still,  in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  subject 
to  England.  It  was  April  before  any  colony 
made  an  official  move  for  independence. 

To  North  Carolina  must  be  awarded  the 
honor  of  being  first  to  act  as  a  colony  on 
this  great  subject.1  On  April  the  I2th  its 
provincial  congress  instructed  its  delegates  in 
the  general  Congress  at  Philadelphia,  "  To 
concur  with  the  delegates  of  the  other  colo 
nies  in  declaring  independency  and  forming 
foreign  alliances."  This  movement  was  led 
by  Cornelius  Harnet,  who  was  called  the 
Samuel  Adams  of  North  Carolina.  This  was 
a  beginning  and  a  very  important  one.  Be 
fore  this  the  talk  of  separation  from  England 
had  all  been  private  talk ;  now  there  was  offi 
cial  action  by  one  of  the  famous  Thirteen. 

1  Frothingham,  p.  504. 


DECLARATION   OF   INDEPENDENCE  13 

The  meaning  was  far-reaching,  and  none  could 
mistake  that  meaning.  Not  long  did  North 
Carolina  stand  alone.  Rhode  Island  soon  fol 
lowed,  and  Massachusetts  came  third.  In 
Massachusetts  the  voice  of  the  people  was 
heard  through  town  meetings  held  all  over 
the  colony.  There  was  but  one  voice,  "  Free 
dom,  freedom  from  the  tyranny  of  British  rule." 

The  next  to  act  was  the  Old  Dominion, 
Virginia.  The  convention  met  at  Williams- 
burg  on  the  6th  of  May.  That  convention 
listened  to  the  eloquent  Patrick  Henry,  whose 
burning  words  of  the  year  before  were  still 
ringing  through  the  land :  "  Is  life  so  dear, 
or  peace  so  sweet,  as  to  be  purchased  at  the 
price  of  chains  and  slavery?  Forbid  it,  Al 
mighty  God !  I  know  not  what  course  others 
will  take ;  but  as  for  me,  give  me  liberty,  or 
give  me  death." 

In  that  convention  sat  George  Mason  at 
the  height  of  his  great  powers,  and  James 
Madison,  not  yet  twenty-five  years  old,  but  one 
of  the  keenest  and  profoundest  of  lawyers. 
The  Virginia  convention  went  farther  than 
any  that  acted  before  it.  It  instructed  its 


14        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

delegates  in  Congress  to  actually  propose  in 
dependence  before  that  body.  This  bold  reso 
lution  was  immediately  sent  by  a  special 
messenger,  Colonel  Nelson,  to  the  Congress  at 
Philadelphia. 

Thus  we  see  that  the  South  and  New 
England  took  the  lead,  while  all  the  middle 
colonies  still  hesitated.  Let  us  now  see  what 
Congress  is  doing. 

A  V.iew  of  Congress 

This  Second  Continental  Congress  was  so  im 
portant,  and  did  such  great  things  for  Amer 
ica,  that  it  is  fitting  that  we  notice  briefly  a 
few  of  its  leading  characters. 

Many  of  the  members  were  men  of  wealth,  and 
belonged  to  the  greatest  families  in  their  respec 
tive  colonies.  Many  attained  eminence  and  fame 
in  later  years ;  but  the  majority  are  unknown  to 
fame  except  through  this  one  act  —  signing  the 
Declaration  of  Independence.  The  names  of  a 
few  are  familiar  in  every  home  in  the  land; 
such  are  those  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  the  writer 
of  the  immortal  document;  John  Adams,  the 
second  President;  and  Benjamin  Franklin,  whose 


DECLARATION   OF   INDEPENDENCE  x  5 

fame  long  before  the  Revolution  extended  to 
the  utmost  bounds  of  civilization. 

The  three  greatest  of  the  colonies  were 
Virginia,  Massachusetts,  and  Pennsylvania,  and 
we  find  from  these  three  the  strongest  dele 
gations  in  Congress.  Virginia's  greatest  son 
was  in  the  field  at  the  head  of  the  army ;  but 
we  find  from  that  colony  still  remaining,  in 
addition  to  Jefferson,  Richard  Henry  Lee, 
who  had  been  educated  in  England,  one  of 
the  most  brilliant  statesmen  of  the  time,  and 
Benjamin  Harrison,  confidential  friend  of 
Washington,  the  father  of  one  President  and 
great-grandfather  of  another. 

From  Massachusetts  we  have  the  two 
Adamses,  John  Hancock,  one  of  the  richest 
merchants  of  New  England,  a  statesman  of 
high  qualities,  and  now  President  of  Con 
gress;  and  Elbridge  Gerry,  afterward  a  mem 
ber  of  the  famous  triple  mission  to  France  in 
1797,  governor  of  Massachusetts  and  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States.  •";'" 

The  Pennsylvania  delegation  was  second  to 
none.  First,  always  first,  the  great  Frank 
lin;  next,  John  Dickinson,  of  the  same  age 


1 6        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

as  Washington,  educated  in  London,  a  re 
nowned  writer  against  the  tyranny  of  Eng 
land  ;  truly  desirous  of  independence,  but, 
thinking  the  time  too  soon,  he  opposed  the 
measure  with  great  moral  courage.  Scarcely 
below  him  stands  James  Wilson.  His  name, 
like  that  of  Dickinson,  is  not  at  this  day  well 
known  to  the  masses  of  the  people.  He  was 
afterward  a  justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  and 
professor  in  the  University  of  Pennsylvania ; 
he  was  perhaps  the  most  learned  lawyer  in 
America.  Let  us  not  forget  Robert  Morris, 
the  wealthy  Philadelphia  merchant,  who  came 
forward  in  the  dark  days  of  the  Revolution 
and  supported  the  armies  for  a  time  from  his 
own  purse,  but  who  afterward  lost  his  fortune, 
and,  in  his  old  age,  to  the  lasting  disgrace  of 
the  United  States,  languished  for  several  years 
in  a  debtor's  prison ! 

There  were  men  of  note  in  this  Congress 
from  other  colonies.  There  was  Roger  Sher 
man,  the  shoemaker  statesman  from  Connecti 
cut,  who  "  never  said  a  foolish  thing  in  his  life," 
who  spent  all  the  rest  of  his  life,  nineteen  years, 
as  a  member  of  Congress  ;  there  was  Caesar  Rod- 


DECLARATION   OF   INDEPENDENCE  I  y 

ney  and  Thomas  McKean  of  Delaware,  and 
Francis  Hopkinson  of  New  Jersey;  William 
Ellery  of  Rhode  Island  and  Samuel  Chase  of 
Maryland. 

Truly  it  was  an  illustrious  body  of  men. 
Here  were  future  presidents,  governors,  min 
isters  abroad,  cabinet  officers,  and  United 
States  senators.  Nearly  all  of  them  lived  to 
be  old,  and  to  see  the  new  Government  take 
its  place  among  the  nations ;  and  not  one  of 
them  ever  did  or  said  anything  to  bring  dis 
honor  upon  the  new-born  republic.  The  one 
who  survived  all  his  fellows  was  Charles  Car 
roll  of  Carrollton,  Maryland,  who  died  in  1832 
at  the  great  age  of  ninety-five  years. 

The  Final  Act  in  the  Great  Drama 

The  whole  country  was  astir  during  the 
spring  of  1776.  Perils  were  threatening  on 
every  hand.  The  Howes  were  moving  on 
New  York ;  Carleton  was  threatening  an  in 
vasion  from  the  north  ;  a  British  fleet  was  har 
assing  the  southern  coast,  while  the  merciless 
Indian  was  plying  the  tomahawk  on  the  fron 
tier.  But  the  patriots,  instead  of  being  awed 


1 8        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

into  submission,  clamored  the  louder  for  in- 
dependence.  This  showed,  not  only  a  noble 
patriotism,  but  a  courage  that  all  the  world 
must  admire.  A  great  English  writer  has 
said,  "America  was  never  so  great  as  on  the 
day  when  she  declared  her  independence." 

Congress  passed  in  May  a  resolution  per 
mitting  the  colonies  to  form  governments  of 
their  own  in  defiance  of  British  authority.  This 
was  true  revolution,  that  is,  a  changing  of 
their  form  of  government.  "  Is  not  America 
already  independent  ?  why  not  then  declare 
it  ? "  said  the  ever  vigilant  Samuel  Adams. 

Early  in  June  the  messenger  from  the  Vir 
ginia  convention  reached  Philadelphia.  What 
his  message  was  we  have  seen.  On  the 
/th,  Richard  Henry  Lee  offered  a  resolution 
which  was  seconded  by  John  Adams.  Here 
are  the  words  :  — 

"That  these  United  Colonies  are,  and  of 
right  ought  to  be  free  and  independent  States, 
that  they  are  absolved  from  all  allegiance  to 
the  British  Crown,  and  that  all  political  con 
nection  between  them  and  the  State  of  Great 
Britain  is,  and  ought  to  be  totally  dissolved." 


DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE     19 

This  was  the  true  Declaration  of  Indepen 
dence  ;  it  covered  the  whole  subject.  But  the 
resolution  was  not  now  voted  on.  After  three 
days  debate  it  was  laid  on  the  table  till  the 
ist  of  July.  Congress  thought  best  not  to 
be  hasty  in  dealing  with  so  great  a  subject. 
In  order  to  be  ready  to  act  when  the  right 
time  came,  a  committee  was  chosen  to  draw 
up  a  suitable  declaration.  This  committee  was 
chosen  by  ballot ;  and  Thomas  Jefferson,  re 
ceiving  the  highest  nuuiber  of  votes,  was  made 
chairman,  and  thus  became  the  writer  of  the 
immortal  paper.  The  other  members  of  the 
committee  were  Franklin,  John  Adams,  Roger 
Sherman,  and  Robert  Livingston.  Some  of 
the  colonies  had  not  yet  instructed  their  dele 
gates  to  act,  and  the  -delegates  would  not 
vote  on  their  own  authority.  By  the  end  of 
June,  all  the  colonies  except  one,  New  York, 
had  granted  this  authority. 

On  the  morning  of  July  the  ist,  the  mem 
bers  sat  in  their  places ;  Lee's  motion  was 
taken  off  the  table  and  was  before  the  House ; 
but  no  one  said  a  word.  The  New  Jersey 
delegates,  who  had  just  arrived  requested  that 


2O        SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

the  debate  of  three  weeks  before  be  repeated^ 
that  they  might  fully  understand  the  subject. 
At  first  no  one  moved,  but  the  eyes  of  all 
turned  to  John  Adams.  He  saw  that  he  was 
expected  to  speak ;  he  had  made  no  prepara 
tion,  but  his  soul  was  burning  with  the  sub 
ject.  He  now  arose  and  made  a  speech  which 
was  no  doubt  the  most  powerful  one  delivered 
in  Congress  during  the  Revolutionary  period. 
Not  a  word  of  this  great  effort  has  been  pre 
served  ;  but  Daniel  Webster  has  given  us  the 
spirit  of  it  in  his  "  Supposed  Speech  of  John 
Adams." 

Several  members  opposed  the  declaration, 
the  leader  of  whom  was  Dickinson.  He  an 
swered  Adams  as  best  he  could;  but  he  was 
on  the  wrong  side,  and  years  afterward  he 
acknowledged  it.  The  vote  was  taken  on  the 
evening  of  the  next  day.  It  was  desirous  that 
no  colony  vote  against  the  measure.  Each 
colony  had  one  vote,  the  majority  of  the  dele 
gates  casting  it,  while  the  minority  counted  for 
nothing.  Delaware  had  three  delegates,  but 
one  of  them,  Caesar  Rodney,  was  absent  in 
Delaware,  and  of  the  two  present  one  was  on 


DECLARATION   OF   INDEPENDENCE  21 

each  side.  A-  messenger  was  sent  with  all 
speed  for  Rodney.  On  hearing  the  news  he 
leaped  on  his  black  horse  and  started  at  full 
gallop  for  Philadelphia,  eighty  miles  away. 
All  day  and  all  night  he  sped  through  forests 
and  over  streams.1  This  was  a  greater  ride 
than  the  more  famous  one  of  Paul  Revere; 
the  more  remarkable  it  seems,  when  we  re 
member  that  Rodney  was  suffering  from  a 
cancer  in  the  face,  which  afterward  cpst  him  his 
life.  He  reached  the  capital  city  just  in  time 
to  cast  his  vote  and  save  Delaware  for  freedom. 
The  majority  of  the  Pennsylvania  delegates 
opposed  independence  ;  but,  seeing  that  the  tide 
was  against  them,  and  not  wishing  their  colony 
to  be  the  only  one  to  vote  against  the  meas 
ure,  two  of  them  remained  away,  and  the  rest 
cast  the  vote  in  the  affirmative. 

The  resolution  for  independence  passed  on 
the  2d  of  July  by  the  unanimous  vote  of 
twelve  colonies,  New  York  not  voting.  The 
2d  of  July  is  therefore  the  real  natal  day 
of  the  United  States  —  we  must  call  them 
colonies  no  longer. 
1  Walton  and  Brumbaugh's  "  Stories  of  Pennsylvania,"  p.  iSp, 


22        SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

But  it  was  necessary  to  put  this  great  act 
into  a  fitting  form  of  words,  giving  reasons  for 
taking  the  step,  before  sending  it  forth  to  the 
world.  Jefferson  had  them  prepared.  His 
document  was  now  taken  up,  debated  for  two 
days,  changed  a  little  here  and  there,  and 
adopted  on  the  evening  of  the  4th.  The 
same  twelve  States  voted  as  on  the  2d. 
New  York  added  her  vote  a  few  days  later, 
and  the  whole  thirteen  were  now  agreed  on 
the  great  measure.  The  form  adopted  on  the 
4th  was  the  "  Declaration  of  Independence " 
with  which  we  are  all  familiar;  hence  the 
Fourth  of  July  has  become  our  National  Holi 
day.  When  the  Declaration  was  first  sent  out 
it  was  signed  only  by  the  President  of  Con 
gress,  John  Hancock,  and  by  the  Secretary, 
Charles  Thompson.  It  was  also  ordered  to 
be  engrossed  on  parchment;  this  was  finished 
in  several  weeks,  when  all  the  fifty-six  mem 
bers  signed  it,  most  of  them  on  the  2d  of 
August.  This  parchment  copy  is  now  in 
Washington,  kept  by  the  secretary  of  state. 

The  rest  of  the  story  is  well  known.  The 
old  Liberty  Bell  rang  out  the  glad  tidings  of 


DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  23 

freedom.  Night  was  turned  into  day  with 
bonfires  and  illuminations.  The  Declaration 
was  read  in  cities,  towns,  and  villages,  from 
the  pulpit  in  the  churches,  from  the  public 
platform,  everywhere,  amid  shouts  of  joy  and 
gladness  from  the  people.  It  was  read  at  the 
head  of  each  brigade  of  the  army,  and  the 
roll  of  the  drum  and  the  roar  of  cannon  fur 
nished  the  glad  answer  of  the  patriot-soldiers. 
Thus  the  exultant  multitudes  welcomed  the 
new  day  that  was  dawning.  Thus  was  the 
United  States  of  America  launched  upon 
the  ocean  of  National  Life. 


CHAPTER   II 

FRAMING  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION 

IF  there  is  one  thing  in  our  early  history 
that  approaches  in  importance  the  passing  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  it  is  the 
making  of  our  Constitution,  which  was  done 
eleven  years  later  in  the  same  building  of  the 
same  city.  In  one  sense  the  latter  is  of  more 
interest  to  us  all ;  the  Declaration  is  now  a 
historic  document  only,  highly  revered  by  all 
Americans,  it  is  true,  but  of  no  present  legal 
force ;  while  the  Constitution  is  still  the  su 
preme  law  of  the  land.  The  Declaration  was 
called  for  by  the  people  from  all  parts.  Con 
gress  simply  ratified  their  wishes  in  passing 
it.  The  Constitution  cost  a  severe  and  pro 
longed  struggle  in  the  convention  that  framed 
it,  and  a  more  severe  and  more  prolonged 
struggle  in  the  various  States  before  being 
adopted. 


FRAMING  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION  25 

Condition  of  the  Country  after  the  Revolution 

Before  proceeding  to  an  account  of  the 
making  of  the  Constitution,  let  us  notice 
briefly  the  great  need  of  such  an  instrument 
— 'the  condition  of  the  country  before  its 
adoption.  The  people  had  won  their  free 
dom  in  a  long  and  bloody  war  with  a  great 
nation,  but  at  the  close  of  the  war  the  coun 
try  was  in  a  sad  plight  —  no  money  to  pay 
the  soldiers  nor  the  foreign  debt,  and  no 
means  of  raising  money. 

The  Congress  had  assumed  the  burden  of 
the  war  and  had  adopted  measures  for  carry 
ing  it  on,  not  from  any  legal  authority,  but 
by  common  consent.  That  the  colonies  stick 
together  during  the  war  was  absolutely  nec 
essary  to  success ;  but  scarcely  was  the  war 
over  when  the  States  began  to  feel  their  im 
portance  and  to  disregard  the  laws  of  Con 
gress.  That  body  could  not  enforce  its  own 
laws,  it  could  only  recommend ;  and  any  re 
fractory  State  among  the  thirteen  could 
openly  and  successfully  defy  its  power.  Now 
it  is  evident  that  no  government  c$n  l 


26        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

exist  if  it  has  not  power  to  enforce  its  own 
measures,  and  exactly  in  that  condition  do 
we  find  the  United  States  for  some  years 
after  the  Revolution. 

The  great  duty  devolved  upon  the  states 
men  of  that  day  to  organize  and  consolidate 
these  States  into  one  firm  and  compact  na 
tion,  and  at  the  same  time  to  retain  the  sep 
arate  State  governments  in  such  a  way  that 
State  laws  and  National  laws  would  not  con 
flict,  but  work  in  one  grand  harmony.  This 
would  secure  both  liberty  and  union.  These 
two,  Liberty  and  Union,  are  opposite  tenden 
cies  of  government,  and  they  can  exist  to 
gether  only  when  each  yields  part  of  its 
prestige  to  the  other.  Could  these  two,  Lib 
erty  and  Union,  be  so  balanced  in  the  same 
government  as  to  secure  the  benefits  of  both  ? 

It  was  a  great  problem.  It  was  a  problem 
that  the  ancient  world  labored  for  ages  to 
solve,  but  labored  in  vain.  Greece  walked 
forth  in  the  pride  of  her  freedom,  forgetting 
the  need  of  Union,  until  she  perished.  Rome 
made  the  opposite  mistake.  Rome  fostered 
and  exalted  Union  for  its  strength  until  it 


FRAMING  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION  2? 

became  a  tyrant  and  strangled  the  child  Lib 
erty.  It  was  left  for  America  to  solve  the 
problem  whether  Liberty  and  Union  could  be 
joined  in  perpetual  wedlock,  and  the  world 
turned  with  wondering  eyes  to  the  new-born 
Republic  of  the  West  and  awaited  the  deci 
sion  whether  a  "  government  of  the  people, 
by  the  people,  and  for  the  people,"  could 
endure  upon  the  earth. 

Before  the  war  the  thirteen  colonies  had 
been  joined  separately  to  England.  When 
that  bond  was  broken  they  found  themselves 
thirteen  separate  republics,  and  not  one  of 
them  strong  enough  to  maintain  its  freedom 
alone.  Yet  there  was  much  prejudice  against 
uniting,  as  each  was  jealous  of  its  own  liber 
ties,  and  the  people  feared  that  a  general 
government,  when  formed,  would  become  a 
tyrant,  as  England  had  been. 

Union  had  been  a  child  of  the  Revolution, 
called  forth  in  an  emergency,  and  for  a  spe 
cial  purpose,  but  was  now  no  longer  needful, 
especially  since  it  was  likely  to  encroach  upon 
that  other  child  still  dearer  to  the  American 
heart — Liberty.  It  was  this  feeling  among 


28        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

the  people  that  made  it  so  difficult  for  the 
statesmen  of  that  day  to  organize  the  govern 
ment  that  we  now  enjoy.  There  had  been 
adopted,  it  is  true,  a  constitution  known  as 
the  "  Articles  of  Confederation"  ;  but  this  was 
a  rope  of  sand,  and  its  best  service  was  to 
teach  the  people  their  need  of  something 
better. 

Defects  in  the  Articles  of  Confederation 

At  different  times  during  the  colonial  period 
there  had  been  efforts  at  union.  The  first  of 
these,  dating  1643,  comprised  four  New  Eng 
land  colonies,  and  was  in  force  something  over 
forty  years.  Another  plan  of  union,  drawn 
up  by  Dr.  Franklin  at  the  Albany  Conven 
tion  of  1754,  was  rejected  by  the  colonies  as 
too  monarchical,  and  by  the  King  as  too 
democratic.  There  were  efforts  of  less  im 
portance  at  various  times,  but  we  pass  these 
by,  and  give  our  attention  to  the  period  be 
fore  us. 

In  July,  1776,  a  few  days  after  the  Declara 
tion  of  Independence  was  passed,  a  plan  of 
government  was  proposed  in  Congress.  It  was 


FRAMING   OF  THE  CONSTITUTION  2Q 

debated  for  a  short  time  and  then  laid  on  the 
table,  where  it  rested  for  over  a  year,  when  it 
was  again  taken  up  and  adopted.  This  instru^ 
ment  was  called  the  Articles  of  Confederation. 
It  contained  some  of  the  elements  of  our  pres 
ent  Constitution ;  but  it  provided  for  no  presi 
dent,  no  supreme  court,  and  only  one  house 
of  congress.  This  Congress  had  no  power 
over  commerce,  no  power  to  raise  taxes  ex 
cept  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  the  States, 
and  it  dealt  with  the  States  as  units  and  not 
with  the  people  as  individuals.-  We  can  read 
ily  see  how  weak  such  a  government  must 
be.  Let  us  notice  more  fully  a  few  of  these 
defects. 

First :  The  operation  of  National  law  on  a 
State  and  not  on  the  citizen.  The  citizen  had 
no  direct  relation  to  the  government ;  all  his 
political  relations  were  to  his  State.  If,  for 
example,  a  man  now  violates  a  postal  or  reve 
nue  law,  he  is  punished  directly  under  United 
States  laws,  and  the  State  in  which  the  of 
fence  is  committed  has  nothing  to  do  with 
the  matter.  But  under  the  Articles  of  Con 
federation,  Congress  had  no  such  power ;  it 


30        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

could  only  call  upon  the  State  in  which  the 
offence  was  committed  to  punish  the  offender, 
and  if  the  State  neglected  or  refused  to  do  so, 
there  was  no  power  to  force  it. 

Second :  There  was  no  executive  and  no 
judiciary  —  no  president  to  enforce  the  laws 
and  no  supreme  court  to  interpret  them.  This 
was  a  serious  defect  indeed. 

Third:  They  voted  in  Congress  by  States 
and  not  by  individual  members,  each  State 
having  one  vote,  regardless  of  its  size  and 
importance.  It  required  the  votes  of  nine 
States  to  carry  any  important  measure;  and 
sometimes  for  months  there  were  less  than 
nine  represented. 

Fourth  :  Congress  had  no  power  to  enforce 
any  law  whatever.  The  States,  knowing  this, 
had  little  regard  for  the  laws  of  Congress. 
The  Articles  forbade  any  State  to  wage  war 
or  make  a  treaty ;  yet  Georgia  did  both  with 
the  Creek  Indians.  The  States  were  for 
bidden  to  keep  troops  in  time  of  peace ;  yet 
several  of  them  did  so.  They  were  forbidden 
to  enter  into  compacts ;  yet  Virginia  and 
Maryland  did  so  concerning  the  navigation 


FRAMING   OF  THE   CONSTITUTION  31 

of  the  Potomac  River ;  so  also  did  Pennsyl 
vania  and  New  Jersey  in  setting  the  bounds 
to  Delaware.1  The  Articles  were  constantly 
violated  by  the  different  States,  but  there  was 
no  power  to  prevent  such  violations. 

Fifth :  Congress  had  no  power  over  com 
merce.  This  was  a  most  glaring  defect. 
Our  agents  were  sent  abroad  to  make  treaties 
of  commerce,  and  any  treaty  thus  made  could 
be  set  aside  and  annulled  by  any  single  State 
in  the  Union.  The  result  was  that  foreign 
nations  refused  to  treat  with  us  and  our  for 
eign  commerce  was  in  a  most  deplorable 
condition. 

There  was  no  power  to  raise  taxes,  directly 
or  indirectly,  without  the  consent  of  every 
State.  In  1782  Congress  called  upon  the 
States  to  consent  to  a  five  per  cent  impost 
tariff,  so  as  to  raise  money  to  pay  the  sol 
diers  and  the  foreign  creditors.  Twelve  of 
the  States  acceded  to  this,  but  one  refused, 
little  Rhode  Island,  and  the  project  had  to 
fall  to  the  ground.  The  next  year  a  five  per 

1  MacMaster's  "  History  of  the  People  of  the  United  States," 
Vol.  I.  p.  340. 


32        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

cent  tariff,  limited  to  twenty-five  'years,  was 
proposed.  Twelve  again  agreed  to  this,  in 
cluding  Rhode  Island,  but  this  time  New 
York  refused,  and  not  a  dollar  could  be 
raised. 

The  paper  money  known  as  continental 
money  became  so  depreciated  that  it  took 
one  hundred  and  seventy-five  dollars  to  pur 
chase  a  bushel  of  corn.  When  any  one 
wished  to  express  his  utmost  contempt  for 
the  value  of  anything,  he  would  say,  "  Not 
worth  a  continental,"  an  expression  we  still 
hear  sometimes.  Congress  was  penniless  and 
powerless ;  and  thoughtful  people  saw  that 
something  had  to  be  done,  and  that  soon. 

Quarrels  of  the  States 

Besides  the  impotency  of  Congress,  there 
was  continual  jealousy  among  the  States. 
The  small  States  feared  that  the  large  ones 
would  reduce  them  to  the  condition  of  sub 
jects  ;  and,  in  fact,  Pennsylvania  and  New 
Jersey  came  near  doing  that  very  thing 
with  Delaware.  There  were  constant  quarrels 
among  the  States.  They  remind  us  of  a  lot 


FRAMING  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION  33 

of  school  children,  each  afraid  the  others 
would  gain  some  advantage.  New  York  and 
New  Hampshire  both  claimed  the  territory 
of  Vermont  and  were  about  to  fight  over  it. 
New  York  sent  troops  into  Vermont  and 
New  Hampshire  was  about  to  do  the  same. 
Vermont  was  plucky  and  bristled  up  like  a 
fighting  terrier,  and  was  about  to  fight  them 
both,  when  Washington  appeared  on  the 
scene  as  peacemaker.  Vermont  stuck  to  her 
claims,  and,  in  1791,  after  seeking  admission 
into  the  Union  for  fifteen  years,  became  the 
fourteenth  State. 

Another  State  quarrel  was  between  New 
York,  on  the  one  side,  and  New  Jersey  and 
Connecticut  on  the  other.  New  Jersey  sold 
a  great  deal  of  poultry  and  dairy  products  to 
New  York,  and  Connecticut  sold  firewood  to 
the  same  State.  Now  New  York  laid  a  tariff 
on  New  Jersey  poultry  and  Connecticut  fire 
wood.  Then  New  Jersey  retaliated  by  taxing 
New  York's  lighthouse  on  Sandy  Hook, 
while  Connecticut  got  even  by  boycotting 
New  York. 

But  the  most  serious  of  the  State  quarrels 


34        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

was  that  between  Pennsylvania  and  Connecti 
cut  over  the  Wyoming  Valley.  This  quarrel 
came  to  blows  and  bloodshed.  Connecticut 
claimed  the  Wyoming  Valley  by  right  of  her 
charter  and  many  of  her  people  had  settled 
there  before  the  Revolution.  Pennsylvania 
also  claimed  it  and  sent  troops  there  to  drive 
out  the  Connecticut  people.  After  much  strife 
and  cruelty  it  was  decided  to  arbitrate.  Penn 
sylvania  won,  and  Connecticut  moved  farther 
westward  and  took  possession  of  a  slice  of 
northern  Ohio,  then  a  Territory,  one  hundred 
and  twenty  miles  long  and  the  width  of  the 
State  of  Connecticut.  This  was  called  the 
Western  Reserve. 

By  these  things  we  see  that  the  Government 
was  in  an  imbecile  condition ;  something  had 
to  be  done,  or  anarchy  would  prevail.  Wash 
ington  wrote  a  circular  letter  to  the  governors 
of  all  the  States,  urging  a  stronger  govern 
ment  than  the  one  existing.  The  people  saw 
that  there  must  be  radical  changes  in  the 
Government  ere  long,  but  what  shape  it 
would  take  no  one  knew.  Some  talked  of  a 
kingdom  with  the  second  son  of  George  the 


FRAMING  OF  THE   CONSTITUTION  35 

Third  as  King.  This  was  freely  talked  of 
in  England,  but  found  no  footing  in  America. 
The  people  had  had  enough  of  George  the 
Third.  Washington  was  approached  on  the 
subject  of  becoming  King,  but  this  project 
gained  little  favor  with  the  people ;  and,  be 
sides,  Washington  positively  refused  to  consider 
the  matter.  Then  three  confederate  republics 
were  talked  of :  one  comprising  New  Eng 
land  ;  another,  the  Middle  States ;  and  a 
third,  the  Southern  States.  No  one  seemed 
to  surmise  that  the  boundless  West  was  des 
tined  to  become  part  of  our  public  domain. 

The  Annapolis  Convention 

While  the  country  was  in  this  restless  and 
unsettled  condition,  Virginia,  the  grand  Old 
Dominion,  came  to  the  rescue  and  called  a 
national  convention  to  meet  at  Annapolis, 
Maryland,  in  September,  1786.  Only  a  few 
States  responded  —  none  from  New  England, 
nor  from  the  extreme  South.  There  were 
only  twelve  delegates  present,  but  these  did 
something.  They  called  another  convention 
to  meet  at  Philadelphia  the  following  May. 


36        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

This  proposed  meeting  at  Philadelphia  was 
destined  to  be  the  far-famed  Constitutional 
Convention. 

Would  the  States  respond  to  the  call  ?  was 
the  question  of  the  hour.  The  people  gen 
erally  looked  to  Virginia  to  take  the  lead, 
nor  did  they  look  in  vain.  Virginia  was  con 
sidered  the  greatest  State  in  the  Union,  and 
she  had  called  the  convention  at  Annapolis. 
The  election  of  delegates  in  this  State  was 
directed  by  a  young  man,  James  Madison, 
and  he  made  a  happy  hit  at  the  outstart  by 
securing  the  selection  of  George  Washington. 
There  was  a  reverence  for  Washington  in 
every  State  that  was  little  short  of  idolatry, 
and  his  name  was  a  power  in  giving  the  con 
vention  tone  over  the  whole  country.  There 
were  but  two  men  in  America  whose  fame 
was  world-wide,  and  Washington  was  one  of 
them.  Virginia  next  chose  her  governor,  Ed- 
mond  Randolph ;  but  she  did  nothing  better 
than  when  she  chose  Madison  himself  as  one 
of  the  delegates.  Patrick  Henry  would  have 
been  sent,  but  he  refused  to  go.  He  was 
opposed  to  holding  the  convention ;  so  also 


FRAMING  OF  THE   CONSTITUTION  37 

was  Richard  Henry  Lee,  who  had  moved  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  in  1776. 

New  Jersey  soon  followed  in  the  election 
of  delegates.  Pennsylvania  came  next,  and  so 
on  until  twelve  States  were  represented,  one 
alone  refusing.  That  one  was  Rhode  Island ; 
but  Rhode  Island  might  have  been  brought 
into  line  had  not  her  greatest  citizen,  General 
Nathaniel  Greene,  recently  died  of  sunstroke. 
Congress,  then  sitting  in  New  York,  approved 
the  convention  after  seven  States  had  chosen 
delegates. 

The  Constitutional  Convention 

The  convention  met  in  Philadelphia  in  May, 
1787,  and  began  its  sittings  on  the  25th, 
There  were  fifty-five  delegates  in  all,  some  of 
whom  did  not  arrive  for.  several  weeks  after 
the  sessions  began.  Ten  others  who  had  been 
elected  never  attended.1 

Very  briefly  let  us  notice  the  personnel  of 
this  convention.  Thomas  Jefferson,  then  min* 
ister  to  France,  wrote  that  it  was  an  assembly 
of  demigods.  It  was,  indeed,  a  notable  gath- 

1  Elliot's  «  Debates,"  Vol.  I.  p.  63. 


38        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

ering.  Most  of  the  members  had  filled  high 
positions  before,  and  many  filled  still  higher 
positions  afterward.  Seven  had  been  gov 
ernors  of  States,  and  twenty-eight,  members 
of  Congress.  Two  afterward  became  Presi 
dents  of  the  United  States,  one,  Vice-President, 
and  many  others,  cabinet  officers  and  ministers 
abroad.  Eight  had  signed  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  eleven  years  before,  and  a  few 
had  been  members  of  the  Stamp  Act  Con 
gress  of  1765. 

The  greatest  American  genius  of  that  day 
was  the  oldest  man  in  the  convention,  Ben 
jamin  Franklin,  aged  eighty-one.  Of  him  and 
of  George  Washington  nothing  need  be  said, 
as  every  schoolboy  knows  their  history.  There 
were  in  this  convention  Robert  Morris,  James 
Wilson,  John  Dickinson,  Elbridge  Gerry,  and 
Roger  Sherman  —  these  have  been  referred  to 
in  the  preceding  chapter.  There  was  Edmond 
Randolph,  the  popular  young  governor  of  Vir 
ginia,  who,  as  a  youth,  at  the  outbreak  of  the 
Revolution,  could  not  agree  with  his  Tory 
father,  ran  away  from  home,  joined  the  patriot 
army,  and  served  through  the  war.  He  after- 


FRAMING   OF  THE   CONSTITUTION  39 

ward  became  governor  of  his  State  and  member 
of  Washington's  cabinet.  We  also  find  Gouv- 
erneur  Morris,  the  author  of  our  decimal  system 
of  money ;  John  Rutledge,  the  brilliant  orator  of 
South  Carolina;  Rufus  King,  who  was  yet  to 
spend  many  years  in  the  forefront  of  political 
life;  and  Charles  C.  Pinckney,  afterward  a 
member  of  the  famous  mission  to  France,  and 
twice  candidate  of  his  party  for  the  presidency 
of  the  United  States. 

The  two  profoundest  statesmen  in  the  con 
vention  were  young  men,  Madison  and  Ham 
ilton.  To  Madison,  perhaps,  we  owe  more  for 
making  the  Constitution  what  it  is  than  to  any 
other  man.  Alexander  Hamilton,  afterward  a 
member  of  Washington's  cabinet,  and  the 
leader  of  his  party  as  long  as  he  lived,  was  a 
great  lawyer  and  the  greatest  financier  this 
country  has  yet  seen.  He  was  born  in  the 
West  Indies,  came  to  New  York  when  a  boy, 
left  college  to  join  the  army,  showed  military 
genius  of  a  high  order,  entered  public  life  at 
the  close  of  the  war,  and  fell  at  last  a  victim 
of  the  duelist's  bullet1  in  the  midst  of  his 
brilliant  career. 

1  See  Chapter  VII. 


40        SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

The  convention  chose  Washington  as  its 
president,  closed  its  doors,  and  began  its  sit 
tings  for  the  summer.  It  was  well  that  the 
sessions  were  kept  secret  from  the  public,  for 
had  the  newspapers  printed  the  wrangles  and 
disputes  that  took  place  in  that  convention, 
the  people  would  have  been  distracted.  There 
were  now  all  kinds  of  speculation  as  to  what 
the  convention  would  do.  It  had  been  elected 
for  the  purpose  of  amending  the  Articles  of 
Confederation,  but  there  was  a  general  belief 
that  it  would  go  beyond  its  instructions.  James 
Wilson  related  an  anecdote  of  the  poet  Pope, 
A  common  expression  of  the  poet,  who  was  a 
man  of  frail  body,  was  "  God  mend  me !  "  A 
boy  was  one  day  assisting  him  across  a  ravine 
when  the  poet  made  use  of  his  familiar  phrase, 
"  Mend  you"  said  the  lad;  "it  would  be  easier 
to  make  half  a  dozen  new  ones."  So  it  would 
be  easier  to  make  half  a  dozen  new  constitu 
tions  than  to  mend  the  old  one.1 

The  United  States  Government  was  com 
pared  to  an  old  man  who  had  thirteen  sons.. 
They  had  built  a  big  house  and  all  lived 

1  Bryce's  "American  Commonwealth,"  Vol.  I.  p.  310. 


FRAMING   OF  THE  CONSTITUTION  41 

together  for  several  years,  when  the  sons  grew 
weary  of  the  paternal  roof  and  each  went 
out  and  built  a  hut  for  himself.  Then  trouble 
began :  one  had  his  corn  stolen  ;  another  lost 
his  sheep  by  wolves ;  another,  his  crops  by 
flood,  and  so  forth.  At  length  twelve  of  them 
begged  their  father  to  take  them  back,  and  he 
gladly  did  so.  But  the  thirteenth  still  held 
aloof,  and  at  last  went  and  hanged  himself. 
That  thirteenth  was  Rhode  Island.  Hard 
things  were  now  said  about  Rhode  Island. 
The  five  per  cent  impost  had  been  defeated 
by  Rhode  Island,  and  as  the  little  State  now 
refused  to  take  part  in  the  convention,  every 
thing  bad  was  blamed  on  it  —  the  bankrupt 
treasury,  the  suffering  of  the  soldiers,  the 
poverty  of  the  whole  nation.1  "  Drop  the 
State  out  of  the  Union,"  it  was  said ;  "  force 
it  to  pay  its  share  of  the  Revolutionary  debt, 
then  drop  it  from  the  roll  of  States ;  or,  better 
still,  divide  it  between  Massachusetts  and 
Connecticut." 

1  MacMaster,  Vol.  I.  p.  393. 


42        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

The  Three  Great  Compromises 

The  Constitutional  Convention  sat  with  closed 
doors  for  four  months.  The  work  it  produced 
was  a  great  work:  it  brought  order  out  of 
chaos ;  it  converted  a  Confederation  of  States 
into  a  Federal  Government.  Mr.  Gladstone 
has  said  that  "  The  American  Constitution  is 
the  greatest  work  ever  struck  off  at  any  one 
time  by  the  mind  and  purpose  of  man." 
From  another  great  Englishman  we  quote : 
"The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  of 
America  is  much  the  most  important  political 
instrument  of  modern  times." 

It  is  needless  to  give  here  a  full  account 
of  the  working  of  this  convention.  The  great 
document  which  it  produced  is  based  on  three 
compromises,  and  to  these  we  give  brief 
notice. 

First  Compromise.  —  Between  the  large  and 
small  States.  When  the  convention  had  de 
cided  that  the  new  Government  should  consist 
of  three  coordinate  branches,  an  Executive, 
a  Judicial,  and  a  Legislative,  and  that  the 
national  legislature  should  consist  of  two 


FRAMING  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION  43 

houses,  a  dispute  arose  between  the  large 
and  small  States.  The  large  States  claimed 
that  each  State  should  be  represented  in  Con 
gress  according  to  population ;  while  the  small 
States  demanded  that  all  be  equally  repre 
sented,  regardless  of  size  and  importance,  as 
under  the  Articles  of  Confederation.  Long 
and  fierce  were  the  debates  on  this  subject, 
each  side  avowing  that  it  would  not  yield. 
Two  or  three  times  the  convention  was  on 
the  verge  of  breaking  up,  when  at  length  they 
struck  a  compromise,  called  the  Connecticut 
Compromise  because  introduced  by  the  dele 
gates  from  that  State.1  By  this  agreement 
it  was  decided  that  in  the  Lower  House  of 
Congress  the  representation  should  be  accord 
ing  to  population,  while  in  the  Upper  House, 
or  Senate,  the  States  should  be  equally  repre 
sented.  This  is  the  most  permanent  clause  in 
the  Constitution,  for  it  provides  that  no  State 
shall  be  deprived  of  its  equal  representation 
in  the  Senate  without  its  own  consent.  Thus 
Delaware  has  the  same  voice  in  the  Senate 
as  New  York,  while  in  the  House  of  Repre- 

1  Ceo-cre  Bancroft's  "  History  of  the  U.  S.,"  Vol.  VI.  p.  239. 


44        SIDE  LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

sentatives  the  vote  of  New  York  is  at  the 
present  time  (1899)  thirty-four  times  as  great 
as  that  of  Delaware. 

.  Second  Compromise.  —  Between  the  free  and 
slave  States.  Before  it  was  fully  decided 
whether  to  base  the  House  of  Representatives 
on  population  or  wealth,  another  question 
arose :  Are  slaves  population  or  wealth  ?  The 
South  claimed  that  the  slaves  were  a  part  of 
the  population,  and  should  all  be  counted  in 
the  census  that  makes  up  the  representation 
in  Congress.  The  North  contended  that  as 
slaves  were  bought  and  sold,  they  were  merely 
property ;  and  since  they  had  no  vote,  they 
should  not  be  counted  in  making  up  the 
census.  Besides,  it  would  give  too  much 
power  to  the  men  who  owned  large  numbers 
of  slaves. 

Again  there  was  fierce  contention  in  the 
convention.  Neither  side  would  yield.  Another 
compromise  was  the  result  —  three-fifths  of  the 
slaves  were  to  be  counted  in  the  census ;  so 
it  was  decided,  and  so  it  continued  to  the  time 
of  the  Civil  War. 

Third    Compromise.  —  Between     agricultural 


FRAMING   OF  THE  CONSTITUTION  45 

and  commercial  States.  When  the  census  ques 
tion  was  settled,  the  subject  of  further  impor 
tation  of  negroes  from  Africa  engaged  the 
attention.  A  large  majority  in  the  convention 
opposed  the  foreign  slave-trade.  "  The  traffic 
must  be  stopped,"  said  they;  "it  is  an  inhuman 
business,  this  seizure  of  human  beings  and 
condemning  them  to  lifelong  bondage  because 
they  are  black;  it  is  contrary  to  morality,  re 
ligion,  and  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
the  very  principles  on  which  the  Revolution 
was  fought."  Then  two  States  protested  in 
thunder-tones  —  South  Carolina  and  Georgia. 
The  African  slave-trade  was  necessary  to 
their  prosperity,  they  said.  They  raised  rice 
and  indigo  in  their  boundless  swamps  where 
no  white  man  could  work,  and  even  the  black 
man  could  stand  it  but  a  few  years,  and  the 
ranks  had  to  be  constantly  refilled  from  Africa. 
They  would  not  join  the  Union  if  the  African 
slave-trade  was  prohibited.  They  contended 
that  it  was  not  a  matter  of  morality  nor  of 
religion ;  it  was  a  matter  of  business ;  it  was 
whether  or  not  South  Carolina  and  Georgia 
were  wanted  in  the  Union. 


46        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

This  was  now  very  serious.  The  delegates 
from  the  other  States  felt  morally  bound  to  stop 
this  traffic  in  human  flesh  and  blood,  but  the 
attitude  of  these  two  States  put  a  chill  on  their 
ardor.  The  outlook  was  grave :  Rhode  Island 
was  not  represented ;  the  New  York  delegates 
had  gone  home  in  anger  because  they  couldn't 
have  their  own  way ;  Massachusetts  was  by 
no  means  certain.  If  now  South  Carolina  and 
Georgia  refused  to  take  further  part,  it  was 
plain  that  no  Union  could  be  formed. 

Before  this  question  was  settled  another  arose, 
namely,  shall  Congress  or  the  States  severally 
have  control  over  commerce  ?  The  South  said, 
that  by  all  means  the  States  should  manage 
their  own  commerce.  It  was  an  agricultural 
region ;  it  desired  a  low  tariff,  or  none  at  all, 
so  as  to  buy  goods  cheaply  from  abroad.  New 
England  now  protested.  Its  wealth  was  in 
shipping.  The  tariff  should  be  the  same  in 
all  the  States.  Congress  should  control  it. 
Again  there  was  a  deadlock.  Two  great  ques 
tions  now  lay  before  the  convention :  the  con 
trol  of  commerce  and  the  foreign  slave-trade. 
Again  a  compromise  was  reached.  It  was 


FRAMING  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION  47 

decided  that  Congress  should  control  com 
merce,  and  that  the  African  slave-trade  be 
left  open  —  not  forever,  but  for  twenty-one 
years  —  until  the  year  1 808.  This  was  the 
third  compromise  of  the  Constitution. 

The  most  important  work  of  making  the 
Constitution  was  now  completed,  and  the  sum 
mer  was  well-nigh  spent.  But  there  was  much 
yet  to  do  of  minor  importance;  as,  how  to 
elect  the  President,  for  how  long  a  term,  and 
what  powers  should  be  given  him  ?  Many 
wanted  the  President  elected  by  Congress, 
and  seven  years  was  the  favorite  length  of 
term ;  but  a  term  of  four  years  was  agreed 
upon,  and  the  election  by  an  electoral  college. 
Then  the  Supreme  Court  —  how  should  the 
judges  be  appointed  ?  what  should  be  their 
powers  ?  what  powers  should  Congress  have  ? 
and  the  like.  All  these  things  and  many 
others  were  ably  discussed,  and  finally  decided 
as  we  have  them  now  in  our  Constitution. 

This  great  document  being  finished,  the  con 
vention  ended  its  sittings  on  the  i/th  of  Sep 
tember.  Few  of  the  members  were  satisfied 
with  it;  each  one  thought  it  would  have 


48        SIDE  LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

been  a  little  better  had  he  written  it  himself. 
Franklin  advised  that  all  the  members  sign 
it,  that  each  one  yield  his  own  judgment 
to  that  of  the  majority.  "Too  many,"  he 
said,  "are  like  the  French  lady,  who,  in  an 
argument  with  her  sister,  exclaimed,  'I  do  not 
know  why  it  is,  sister,  but  I  find  nobody  that 
is  always  in  the  right,  except  myself,' "  or,  we 
may  add,  like  the  old  Quaker  who  said  to 
his  wife,  "  Rebecca,  all  the  world  is  queer  but 
thee  and  me,  and  sometimes  I  think  thee  is 
a  little  queer." 

As  the  members  were  signing,  Franklin, 
pointing  to  a  picture  on  the  back  of  the  chair 
in  which  Washington  sat,  remarked,  "  In  look 
ing  at  that  picture,  I  have  often  wondered, 
during  the  summer,  whether  it  was  a  rising 
or  a  setting  sun,  now  I  know  it  is  a  rising 
sun." 

The  Constitution  before  the  People 

The  ship  Constitution  had  had  a  rough 
voyage  thus  far,  but  the  storms  were  by  no 
means  over.  It  was  decided  that  if  nine 
States  adopted  it,  the  new  Constitution  would 


FRAMING  OF  THE   CONSTITUTION  49 

take  effect  and  become  the  supreme  law  of 
the  land;  but  here  it  was  destined  to  encoun 
ter  serious  and  almost  fatal  opposition.  It 
was  sent  to  Congress,  still  sitting  in  New 
York,  but  there  was  much  opposition  to  it 
in  that  body,  led  by  Richard  Henry  Lee. 
After  debating  the  subject  for  eight  days,  how 
ever,  Congress  sent  it  to  the  States  without 
recommendation  for  or  against  it. 

Now  for  the  first  time  the .  people  arrayed 
themselves  into  two  great  political  parties. 
Those  desiring  a  strong  government  and  favor 
ing  the  Constitution,  became  known  as  the 
Federalists ;  those  opposing  it  were  called 
Anti-Federalists.  The  people  were  nearly 
equally  divided,  and  the  strife  extended  over 
nearly  a  year,  and  was  very  bitter. 

Delaware  won  the  honor  of  being  the  first 
State  to  adopt  the  new  Constitution.  This 
was  in  December.  Pennsylvania  followed  in 
the  same  month,  led  by  James  Wilson.  In 
that  State  almost  half  the  people  opposed 
the  Constitution,  and  it  was  adopted  only 
after  a  most  severe  struggle.  New  Jersey 
came  next  and  Georgia  fourth.  Georgia  was. 


$0        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

bounded  on  the  west  by  hostile  Indians  and 
<jn  the  south  by  troublesome  Spaniards.  A 
better  government  was  therefore  quite  welcome 
to  the  people,  who  felt  the  need  of  a  stronger 
defence. 

The  two  greatest  States,  Virginia  and  Massa 
chusetts,  still  held  aloof.  There  was  power 
ful  opposition  in  both.  The  convention  was 
in  session  in  Massachusetts  and  the  feeling 
was  that  it  would  decide  the  fate  of  New 
England  and  perhaps  of  the  Union.  The 
eyes  of  all  now  turned  toward  Massachusetts. 
In  addition  to  Elbridge  Gerry,  who  had  helped 
frame  the  Constitution  and  then  refused  to 
sign  it,  two  of  the  foremost  men  in  the  State 
opposed  it  —  Samuel  Adams  and  John  Han 
cock.  But  Adams  was  converted  in  a  novel 
way.  During  the  convention  a  mass-meeting 
of  laboring  men,  who  favored  the  new  Consti 
tution,  met  at  the  Green  Dragon  hotel,  in 
Boston.  They  were  great  admirers  of  Samuel 
Adams  and  sent  one  of  their  number,  Paul 
Revere,  famous  for  his  midnight  ride  of  years 
before,  to  inform  Mr.  Adams  that  they  de- 
. sired  him  to  favor  the  Constitution.  "How 


FRAMING  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION  51 

many  of  you  are  there  ? "  asked  Adams 
Revere,  pointing  upward,  answered,  "More 
than  the  stars  in  the  sky."  Mr.  Adams  was 
much  moved ;  he  was  converted,  and  Massa 
chusetts  soon  afterward  ratified  the  Constitu 
tion.  This  was  the  sixth  State.  Connecticut 
had  been  the  fifth.  Maryland  and  South  Caro 
lina  soon  raised  the  number  to  eight,  and  but 
one  more  was  now  needed  to  put  the  new 
Government  into  operation. 

It  was  now  June,  1788.  The  Virginian  con 
vention  was  in  session.  The  State  had  waited 
nearly  a  year,  and  eight  of  her  sisters  had  rati 
fied.  There  was  a  great  opposition  in  Virginia, 
led  by  Richard  Henry  Lee  and  Patrick  Henry. 
But  in  spite  of  Henry's  eloquence  the  State 
ratified  on  the  25th  of  June.  The  shout  of 
triumph  was  thrilling,  and  it  spread  over  the 
whole  country. 

"The  ninth  State,  the  ninth  State,"  cried 
the  people ;  "  Virginia  has  ratified,  there  are 
now  nine  States,  and  the  Government  is 
secure.  Hurrah  for  the  United  States  of 
America ! "  But  Virginia  was  not  the  ninth 
State.  New  Hampshire  had  ratified  four  days 


52        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

before,  though  the  news  had  not  yet  reached 
Virginia.  New  York  joined  the  ranks  in  July. 
This  made  eleven.  The  other  two  States,  North 
Carolina  and  Rhode  Island,  remained  out  of  the 
Union  until  some  time  after  the  first  President 
had  been  inaugurated. 

Nearly  all  the  States,  on  adopting  the  Con 
stitution,  proposed  amendments  aggregating 
more  than  a  hundred.  These  were  considered 
by  Congress.  The  House  boiled  them  down  to 
seventeen,  and  the  Senate  reduced  this  num 
ber  to  twelve,  when  they  were  sent  to  the 
State  legislatures,  as  the  Constitution  pro 
vides.  The  States  ratified  ten  of  them.  The 
first  ten  amendments  to  our  Constitution  were 
therefore  adopted  before  the  close  of  the  year 
1791.  The  eleventh  followed  some  years  later, 
while  John  Adams  was  President,  and  the 
twelfth  in  1804.  This  was  the  last  amend 
ment  for  sixty-one  years,  the  next  being  that 
abolishing  slavery  at  the  close  of  the  Civil 
War. 

The  adoption  of  our  Constitution  marks  a 
great  era  in  human  history  —  it  marks  the 
birth  of  a  Nation  destined  to  be  the  greatest 


FRAMING   OF  THE   CONSTITUTION  53 

of  the  earth.  It  created  a  Federal  Government, 
a  wonderful  combination  between  the  States 
and  the  Nation  —  each  supreme  within  its  own 
sphere,  neither  encroaching  upon  the  domain  of 
the  other.  This  marvellous  machinery  was  set 
in  motion  by  the  adoption  of  our  Federal 
Constitution. 


CHAPTER   III 

THE  INAUGURATION  OF  WASHINGTON 

The  Unanimous  Election 

IN  our  own  times  it  is  not  possible  to  foretell 
who  will  be  the  next  President  of  the  United 
States  until  the  people  have  made  their  choice 
by  the  ballot.  But  in  1788,  when  the  Constitu 
tion  had  been  adopted  by  the  requisite  number 
of  States  and  was  soon  to  go  into  operation, 
there  was  no  speculation  as  to  who  would  be 
the  first  President.  Every  one  knew  that  the 
great  chieftain  who  had  led  the  Revolutionary 
armies  to  victory  was  the  choice  of  the  Nation. 

General  Washington,  having  passed  the  me 
ridian  of  life,  had  retired  after  the  war  to  his 
home  at  Mount  Vernon,  hoping  to  spend  the 
evening  of  his  days  undisturbed  on  his  farm. 
Most  men  in  public  life  are  ambitious  to  rise 
higher  and  higher;  but  it  was  not  so  with 
Washington.  His  great  desire  was  to  spend 
54 


THE  INAUGURATION  OF  WASHINGTON        55 

the  rest  of  his  life  amid  the  rural  attractions 
of  his  home  on  the  banks  of  the  Potomac. 
No  one  can  doubt  this  who  reads  His  diary 
and  his  private  correspondence.  But  when 
the  great  man  heard  the  call,  not  only  of  his 
personal  and  political  friends,  but  of  the  whole 
people  as  with  one  voice,  to  become  the  Chief 
Magistrate,  he  felt  it  his  solemn  duty  to  heed 
and  obey  the  call. 

Congress  had  decided  that  the  electors  be 
chosen  in  each  State  on  the  first  Wednesday 
in  January,  1789;  that  they  meet  and  choose 
a  President  and  Vice-President  on  the  first 
Wednesday  in  February,  and  that  the  new 
Government  go  into  effect  on  the  first  Wednes 
day  in  March.  This  day  happened  that 
year  to  be  the  4th.  A  few  years  later  the 
Fourth  of  March  was  made  the  legal  inaugu 
ration  day  by  act  of  Congress,  and  it  has  so 
continued  ever  since.  New  York  City  had 
been  chosen  as  the  temporary  capital  of  the 
new  Government. 

The  4th  of  March  came,  but  the  new  Con 
gress  did  not  meet  on  that  day;  there  was 
no  quorum  present.  The  President  was  not 


56        SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

inaugurated ;  he  had  not  yet  arrived.  In 
fact  it  was  only  by  Congress  that  he  could 
be  officially  informed  of  his  election.  The 
new  Government  had  been  ushered  in  on  the 
4th  of  March  by  the  booming  of  cannon 
and  the  ringing  of  bells ;  but,  owing  to  the 
bad  roads,  long  distances,  and  the  slow  meth 
ods  of  travel,  Congress  had  not  a  quorum 
until  thg  first  of  April,  when  the  Lower  House 
began  its  first  session,  the  Senate  not  meet 
ing  till  the  sixth. 

One  of  the  first  things  Congress  did  was 
to  count  the  electoral  votes,  when  it  was  found 
that  George  Washington  had  received  sixty- 
nine,  the  entire  number,  and  John  Adams 
thirty-four,  each  elector  having  voted  for  two 
men.  The  votes  not  cast  for  Adams  were 
scattered  among  ten  other  men,  John  Jay 
standing  next  to  him  with  nine  votes.  But 
ten  States  voted  in  this  election.  North  Caro 
lina  and  Rhode  Island  were  not  yet  members 
of  the  Union,  and  New  York  had  not  voted, 
owing  to  a  quarrel  between  the  two  houses 
of  the  legislature. 

A  messenger,  Charles    Thompson,  long   the 


THE   INAUGURATION  OF  WASHINGTON        57 

secretary  of  the  old  Congress,  was  immedi 
ately  despatched  with  the  news  of  the  elec 
tion  to  Mount  Vernon.  He  arrived  there 
about  the  middle  of  April,  and  Washington 
immediately  set  out  on  his  journey  to  New 
York.  On  the  i6th  he  wrote  in  his  diary: 
"About  ten  o'clock  I  bade  adieu  to  Mount 
Vernon,  to  private  life,  and  to  domestic  felic 
ity  ;  and,  with  a  mind  oppressed  with  more 
anxious  and  painful  sensations  than  I  have 
words  to  express,  set  out  for  New  York  with 
the  best  disposition  to  render  service,  to  my 
country  in  obedience  to  its  call,  but  with  less 
hope  of  answering  its  expectations." 

The  Triumphal  March 

Washington's  journey  to  New  York  was 
one  continuous  ovation.  It  was  like  the  tri 
umphal  march  of  a  Roman  conqueror.  Men, 
women,  and  children  of  all  ages  thronged  the 
highways  to  shout  their  glad  welcomes,  and 
show  their  love  to  this  first  citizen  of  the  land. 
He  preferred  a  quiet,  unostentatious  journey, 
but  public  feeling  was  too  strong  to  be  sup- 
pressed.  In  every  city  through  which  he 


58        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

passed  there  was  great  preparation  for  his 
reception,  and  large  numbers  of  citizens  and 
soldiers  escorted  him  through  their  respective 
States.  At  Alexandria  he  was  given  a  pub 
lic  dinner  presided  over  by  the  mayor,  whose 
happy  address  was  answered  by  Washing 
ton  in  a  few  choice  words  showing  the  deep 
est  emotion.  He  was  received  with  high 
honors  at  Baltimore  and  Chester ;  but  it  was 
left  for  Philadelphia  and  Trenton  to  make 
the  greatest  display  in  doing  homage  to  this 
civilian  hero. 

The  people  of  Philadelphia  had  erected  a 
triumphal  arch  at  Grey's  Ferry  on  the  Schuyl- 
kill,  near  the  entrance  of  the  city.  At  Ches 
ter,  fourteen  miles  below,  Washington  had 
been  placed  on  a  superb  white  horse.  The 
procession  started  for  the  city  and  was  aug 
mented  along  the  way  until  it  became  a  mul 
titude.  He  entered  the  city  amid  the  shouts 
of  the  gathered  thousands  and  the  roaring 
of  artillery.  As  he  passed  under  the  arch, 
a  crown  of  laurel  was  let  down  upon  his  head 
by  a  boy  who  had  been  concealed  for  the 
purpose  amid  the  laurel  branches.  The  day 


THE   INAUGURATION   OF  WASHINGTON        59 

was  given  to  festivities,  and  at  night  there 
was  a  grand  display  of  fireworks. 

On  the  next  day,  April  the  2ist,  a  beau 
tiful  sunny  day,  Washington  reached  Trenton, 
and  his  reception  here  was  the  most  touch 
ing  of  them  all.  What  memories  must  have 
rushed  to  his  mind  when  he  reached  the  banks 
of  the  Delaware,  where,  twelve  years  before, 
he  had  crossed  on  that  dark  winter  night 
amid  ice  and  snow  to  strike  a  telling  blow  at 
the  enemy.  The  change  since  then  had  been 
marvellous.  Then  the  darkness  of  the  winter 
night  only  typified  the  darkness  that  seemed 
to  be  settling  like  a  pall  over  the  patriot 
cause ;  now  the  brightness  of  the  day  was 
typical  of  the  exultant  gladness  of  a  free  and 
united  people. 

The  people  of  Trenton  were  prepared  to  re 
ceive  the  approaching  chieftain.  At  the  bridge 
across  the  little  river  that  flows  through  the 
city  was  erected  a  triumphal  arch,  tastefully 
decorated  with  evergreen  and  flowers.  In 
front  of  the  arch  in  large  gilt  letters  were 
the  words :  "  The  defender  of  the  mothers 
will  be  the  protector  of  the  daughters."  At 


6O        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

this  point  a  large  number  of  women  met 
Washington  and  his  escort,  and  as  he  passed 
under  the  arch  a  number  of  schoolgirls, 
dressed  in  white  and  crowned  with  garlands, 
came  forward  singing  an  ode l  and  strewing 
his  path  with  flowers.  Washington  was  more 
deeply  affected  by  this  than  at  any  other  time 
during  his  journey.  He  said  that  the  impres 
sion  it  made  upon  his  heart  could  never  be 
effaced.2 

The  procession  was  two  days  crossing  New 
Jersey  to  Elizabethtown  Point,  where  they  were 
met  by  a  reception  committee  from  both  houses 
of  Congress.  Here  a  fine  barge,  built  for  the 
occasion,  was  waiting  to  take  the  President 
elect  to  the  New  York  harbor.  It  was  manned 
by  thirteen  pilots  in  white  uniform,  and  was  ac- 

1  The  ode  was  composed  for  the  occasion  and  is  as  follows :  — 

"  Welcome,  mighty  Chief,  once  more, 
Welcome  to  this  grateful  shore; 
Now  no  mercenary  foe 
Aims  again  the  fatal  blow. 

"  Virgins  fair  and  matrons  grave, 
Those  thy  conquering  arm  did  save, 
Build  for  thee  triumphal  bowers ; 
Strew  the  hero'?  way  with  flowers." 

2  Marshall's  "  Life  of  Washington,"  Vol.  V.  p.  159. 


THE  INAUGURATION   OF   WASHINGTON        6l 

companied  by  many  other  vessels  highly  deco 
rated  and  bearing  many  distinguished  citizens. 
These  formed  a  nautical  procession  and  swept 
up  the  beautiful  bay,  cheered  on  by  instru 
mental  music  and  by  the  firing  of  salutes  from 
the  ships  lying  at  anchor  along  the  harbor.1 

New  York's  Welcome 

It  was  Thursday,  April  the  23d,  1789. 
New  York  City  had  donned  its  holiday  dress. 
Flags  were  floating  over  the  principal  build 
ings,  bells  were  ringing,  and  the  people  were 
in  a  flutter  of  excitement.  Soldiers  in  bright 
uniform  stood  along  the  side  walks,  mounted 
aids  galloped  to  and  fro  amid  the  surging 
crowd,  while  bands  of  music  enlivened  the 
scene.  The  bay  was  full  of  vessels  with  flaunt 
ing  flags  and  streaming  pennants.  The  crowd 
along  the  Battery  was  dense,  and,  as  the 
people  stood  gazing  down  the  bay,  the  barge 
in  which  Washington  had  embarked  hove  in 
sight,  when  the  boom  of  cannon  from  the  an 
chored  vessels  announced  the  fact,  and  was 
answered  by  thirteen  guns  from  the  city.  The 

1  Irving's  "  Life  of  Washington,"  Vol.  IV.  p.  565. 


62        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

barge  approached  and  from  it  stepped  Wash- 
ington,  —  tall  and  stalwart,  with  a  proud,  sol 
dier-like  step,  but  with  a  serious,  thoughtful 
countenance.  Here  he  was  met  by  Governor 
George  Clinton,  and  escorted  through  the 
streets  amid  prolonged  cheering  on  all  sides.1 

The  inauguration  was  to  take  place  at  Fed 
eral  Hall  (now  the  New  York  custom-house) 
corner  Broad  and  Wall  streets.  Vice-President 
Adams  had  been  sworn  into  office  before  Wash 
ington  reached  the  city ;  but  a  week  was  yet  to 
elapse  before  the  latter  was  to  be  inducted  into 
his  position,  owing  to  the  repairing  of  the  build 
ing  still  in  progress. 

At  length  the  day  came  —  April  30,  1789. 
At  nine  o'clock  religious  services  were  held  in 
all  the  churches  in  the  city.  Before  noon  the 
streets  about  Federal  Hall  were  packed  with  a 
solid  mass  of  people,  the  windows  of  the  sur 
rounding  buildings  were  filled  with  eager  faces, 
and  the  roofs  were  covered  with  anxious  sight 
seers. 

A  few  minutes  after  twelve  o'clock,  Wash- 

1  A  good  brief  account  of  Washington's  reception  in  Ne\v 
York  is  given  by  Schouler  (Vol  I.  p.  150). 


THE   INAUGURATION   OF  WASHINGTON        63 

ington,  accompanied  by  John  Adams  and  Chan 
cellor  Livingston,  and  followed  by  both  Houses 
of  Congress,  stepped  forth  on  the  balcony  in 
the  presence  of  the  vast  assemblage  of  people. 
The  shout  of  welcome  that  rose  seemed  to  pour 
forth  the  whole  heart  of  the  Nation.  Washing 
ton  placed  his  hand  upon  his  heart  and  bowed 
again  and  again  to  the  cheering  multitude. 
He  then  sank  back  into  an  arm-chair,  and  the 
crowd,  seeming  to  understand  that  he  was  over 
come  with  emotion,  was  instantly  hushed  into 
silence.  He  soon  rose  again  and  stepped  for 
ward  between  Adams  and  Livingston,  while 
in  the  rear  stood  Alexander  Hamilton,  Roger 
Sherman,  Baron  Steuben,  and  two  Revolution 
ary  generals,  Knox  and  St.  Clair. 

The  secretary  of  the  Senate  stood  by  with 
an  open  Bible,  on  which  Washington  laid  his 
hand  while  Chancellor  Livingston  pronounced 
the  oath  of  office.  At  its  conclusion  Washing 
ton  replied  in  solemn,  stifled  words :  "  I  swear 
—  so  help  me  God."  He  then  reverently 
bowed,  and  kissed  the  Bible. 

Livingston  now  stepped  forward,  waved  his 
hand  to  the  people,  and  shouted :  — 


64        SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

"  Long  live  George  Washington,  President 
of  the  United  States." 

The  next  moment  a  flag  was  displayed  on 
the  cupola  of  the  hall,  and  this  was  the  signal 
for  the  discharge  of  artillery  on  the  Battery. 
Bells  were  rung  all  over  the  city,  and  the  shout 
that  rose  from  the  assembled  crowd  spread 
from  street  to  street  until  the  whole  city  was 
a  roaring,  seething  mass  of  humanity. 

Soon  afterward,  the  newly  installed  Presi 
dent  retired  within  the  hall  and  read  his 
inaugural  address.  His  voice  was  low  and 
tremulous,  as  one  of  his  hearers  wrote,  ~and 
his  countenance  grave  almost  to  sadness, 
showing  his  deep  sense  of  responsibility. 

Thus  was  ushered  into  office  the  first  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  amid  the  heartiest 
welcome  that  a  grateful  people  could  bestow. 
More  than  a  century  has  passed  since  then, 
and  the  great  Washington  is  still  the  American 
idol.  No  other  President,  no  other  statesman, 
has  won  the  universal  homage  of  the  people 
as  he  did.  Washington  has  no  rival  —  he  can 
have  no  rival  —  in  holding  the  first  place  in  the 
great  American  heart. 


CHAPTER   IV 
THE  ALIEN  AND  SEDITION  LAWS 

THE  most  famous  legislation  in  our  history 
after  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  and  be 
fore  the  Missouri  Compromise  was,  perhaps, 
the  Alien  and  Sedition  Laws.  The  effect  of 
these  laws,  though  in  force  but  a  short  time, 
was  far-reaching  and  important,  as  they  had 
much  to  do  in  the  overthrow  of  the  political 
party  that  brought  them  into  existence,  and 
in  establishing  in  power  a  party  of  opposite 
tendencies. 

Political  Parties   One   Hundred  Years  Ago 

Party  lines  in  1798  were  more  tensely  drawn 
than  they  now  are.  Far  less  do  our  great  po 
litical  parties  of  to-day  differ  from  each  other 
than  did  the  Federal  and  Republican  parties  of 
one  hundred  years  ago.  The  Federal  party, 
led  by  Alexander  Hamilton,  stood  for  a  strong, 
F  65 


66        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

centralized  government.  The  Republican  party, 
afterward  called  the  Democratic  party,  founded 
and  led  by  Thomas  Jefferson,  stood  for  States' 
Rights  and  local  self-government. 

These  two  party  leaders,  Jefferson  and  Ham 
ilton,  were,  beyond  a  doubt,  the  greatest  Ameri 
can  statesmen  of  this  period.  Both  were  as 
patriotic  as  it  is  possible  to  be,  but  they  differed 
widely  in  their  ideas  of  what  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  should  be.  They  opposed 
each  other  at  every  point,  and  became  personal 
enemies.  Be  it  remembered  that  at  this  time 
the  general  policy  of  the  Government  had  not 
been  fully  settled.  Hamilton  favored  construing 
the  Constitution  so  as  to  make  the  Government 
very  strong,  and  modelled  after  the  English 
monarchy.  He  never  fully  trusted  the  people 
nor  believed  them  capable  of  self-government. 
Jefferson  was  an  extreme  republican  or  demo 
crat.  He  trusted  the  people  implicitly,  and  used 
all  his  powers  in  furthering  the  one  thing  near 
est  his  heart  —  local  self-government.  Both 
men  were  extremists,  almost  radicals.  Hamil 
ton  lived  to  see  the  people  rise  and  overthrow 
his  party  forever.  Jefferson  lived  to  see  that  a 


THE  ALIEN  AND   SEDITION   LAWS  67 

government  carrying  out  his  ideals  was  an  iiru 
possibility  ;  and  after  he  became  President  he 
was  forced  to  abandon,  one  by  one,  some  of  the 
very  ideals  on  which  his  party  had  been  founded. 

But  Hamilton  and  Jefferson  each  committed 
the  serious  mistake  of  misunderstanding  the 
other.  Hamilton  believed  that  Jefferson  was  at 
the  head  of  a  party  of  fanatics,  who  might  rise 
at  any  time  and  take  forcible  possession  of  the 
Government,  as  the  people  of  France  had  done 
in  that  country,  and  spread  anarchy  on  all 
sides.  Jefferson  believed  that  Hamilton  was  at 
the  head  of  a  great  conspiracy,  the  object  of 
which  was  to  merge  the  Republic  into  a  mon 
archy.  Both  were  in  error.  The  Federal  party 
did  not  aim  nor  wish  to  overthrow  the  Repub 
lic  and  substitute  a  monarchy ;  nor  was  there 
any  danger  of  Jefferson's  party  effecting  a  revo 
lution  similar  to  the  French  Revolution. 

When  we  bear  in  mind  this  misunderstanding 
between  these  two  National  parties,  we  can  see 
more  clearly  why  partisan  hatred  became  so 
intense. 

The  Federal  party  did  great  service  to  the 
country  during  its  twelve  years'  supremacy,  but 


68        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

it  was  never  a  popular  party.  On  the  retire- 
ment  of  Washington,  John  Adams '  became 
President  only  after  a  most  vigorous  contest, 
and  even  then  he  had  a  majority  of  but  three 
over  Jefferson.  Had  the  Federal  party  been 
wise,  it  would  now  have  seen  the  necessity  of 
doing  something  to  win  the  popular  heart ;  but 
the  party  seemed  bent  on  its  own  destruction. 
It  proceeded  to  enact  laws  that  were  sure  to 
drive  away  the  very  support  that  was  necessary 
to  its  further  lease  of  power.  The  most  promi 
nent  of  these  were  the  far-famed  Alien  and 
Sedition  Laws. 

Folly  of  the  Federal  Party 

There  was  a  moment  in  1798  when  the  Fed 
eral  party  seemed  to  be  really  popular.  It  was 
at  the  time  of  the  X.  Y.  Z.  explosion,  as  it  was 
called.  There  was  serious  trouble  between  this 
country  and  France.  President  Adams  had 
sent  three  men,  Gerry,  Marshall,  and  Pinckney, 
to  treat  with  the  French  Government.  These 
had  a  diplomatic  correspondence  with  three 
Frenchmen  representing  their  government  in  a 
semi-official  way.  These  Frenchmen  made 


THE  ALIEN  AND   SEDITION   LAWS  69 

demands  upon  the  United  States  that  could  not 
be  acceded  to  with  honor,  signing  themselves 
X.  Y.  and  Z.1  It  was  at  this  time  that  Pinckney 
is  said  to  have  used  the  expression,  "  Millions 
for  defence,  but  not  one  cent  for  tribute." 
This  correspondence  was  called  for  by  Con 
gress.  The  President  sent  it  in  April,  1798, 
and  the  newspapers  soon  published  it  broad 
cast.  This  was  the  explosion. 

The  outburst  of  patriotism  over  the  whole 
country  was  very  enthusiastic.  Party  differ 
ences  were  lost  sight  of  for  the  time,  and  the 
whole  people  seemed  to  join  the  universal 
shout.  Patriotic  songs  were  written,  one  of 
which,  "  Hail  Columbia,"  written  by  Joseph 
Hopkinson  for  a  Philadelphia  theatre,  still  sur 
vives.  Now  this  outburst  of  popular  enthusi 
asm  was  purely  non-partisan,  yet  the  party  in 
power,  the  party  that  had  brought  about  the 
conditions  that  produced  the  excitement,  might 
have  reaped  from  it  a  rich  harvest,  had  the  nec 
essary  tact  been  used.  But  the  Federal  party 
was  not  tactful ;  it  did  not  build  for  the  future. 

When  the   party  found  itself   on  the  upper 

1  More  accurately,  these  letters  were  used  by  the  American 
commissioners  to  conceal  the  names  of  the  Frenchmen. 


70        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

wave  of  public  approbation,  instead  of  strength- 
ening  itself  for  the  future,  it  stooped  to  humble 
a  few  of  its  old  enemies.  It  passed  several 
obnoxious  laws  that  tended  to  weaken  it 
greatly.  Not  enough  to  estrange  many  owners 
of  houses  and  of  slaves  by  passing  the  House 
and  Slave  Tax  Laws ;  not  enough  to  offend  a 
large  portion  of  the  foreign-born  population  by 
raising  the  Naturalization  Law  to  fourteen 
years,  —  it  went  farther  and  enacted  the  famous, 
or  rather  infamous,  Alien  and  Sedition  Laws. 
The  Alien  Law,  enacted  early  in  the  summer 
of  1798,  was  twofold.  The  first  enabled  the 
President  to  apprehend  and  send  out  of  the 
country  any  alien  whom  he  might  consider 
dangerous  or  disturbing  to  society.  By  the 
second  he  was  given  power  to  apprehend  any 
alien  of  any  country,  which  was  at  war  with 
any  other  country.  It  was  the  former  of  these 
that  caused  a  storm  of  protest.  It  had  been 
aimed  at  Frenchmen  in  the  country,  and  all 
French  sympathizers  denounced  the  law  in 
unmeasured  terms.  It  was  opposed  on  the 
ground  that  it  violated  the  Constitution  in 
usurping  power  over  men  under  the  protection 


THE  ALIEN  AND   SEDITION   LAWS  71 

of  the  respective  States  in  which  they  dwelled, 
and  in  denying  them  trial  by  jury.  The  law 
expired  in  two  years. 

The  Sedition  Law  was  also  in  two  sections, 
one  of  which  made  it  a  serious  offence  to  con 
spire  to  oppose  any  National  law.  This  was 
opposed  by  no  one ;  but  the  other,  which  made 
it  a  crime  to  print  or  publish  any  false,  scandal 
ous,  or  malicious  matter  against  the  Government 
of  the  United  States,  either  House  of  Con 
gress,  or  the  President,  was  most  bitterly  op 
posed.  This  was  claimed  to  be  unconstitutional 
on  the  ground  that  the  Constitution  guaranteed 
the  right  of  freedom  of  speech  and  of  the 
press,  and  also  on  the  ground  that  it  enlarged 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  Federal  courts  without 
legal  warrant.  The  law  was  not  more  severe 
than  the  libel  laws  in  some  of  the  States, 
but  it  took  the  power  from  local  judges  and 
juries  and  put  it  into  the  hands  of  Federal 
officers.  There  were  but  two  of  the  Federalist 
leaders  who  were  wise  enough  to  foresee  that 
this  law  was  likely  to  work  injury  to  the  Fed 
eral  party.  These  were  Alexander  Hamilton 
and  John  Marshall ;  but  their  protests  were  not 


72        SIDE  LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

heeded.  This  law  was  aimed  at  some  of  the 
most  radical  Republican  editors,  who  had  been 
quite  reckless  in  criticising  the  President  and 
his  party. 

Most  vehemently  did  the  Republican  press 
denounce  the  Alien  and  Sedition  Laws. 
"  Freedom  of  speech  and  liberty  of  the 
press,"  cried  the  followers  of  Jefferson,  "these 
are  our  rights,  guaranteed  by  the  Constitution. 
Who  has  the  right  to  interfere  with  them  ? " 
This  was  their  chief  campaign  cry  two  years 
later  in  the  National  contest,  and  it  won  Jef 
ferson  thousands  of  votes  from  the  Federal 
party. 

The  Sedition  Law  in  Operation 

The  Alien  Law  was  never  enforced.  The 
Sedition  Law,  which  was  to  expire  with  Ad 
ams's  presidential  term,  was  put  into  operation 
soon  after  its  passage.  The  first  victim 
was  Matthew  Lyon,  a  member  of  the  Lower 
House  of  Congress  from  Vermont.  Lyon  was 
an  Irishman  by  birth,  had  been  brought  to 
this  country  as  a  redemptioner  when  a  boy, 
had  served  in  the  War  of  the  Revolution,  and 


THE  ALIEN  AND    SEDITION   LAWS  73 

vas  now  sent  to  Congress  from  the  State  of 
his  adoption.  He  was  an  impetuous  Republi 
can  ;  he  despised  all  pomp  and  all  monarchial 
tendency,  and  became  an  object  of  extreme 
dislike  to  the  Federalists. 

Lyon  figured  in  the  first  physical  contest 
on  the  floor  of  the  House.  While  he  was 
speaking  one  day,  Mr.  Griswold,  one  of  the 
Federal  leaders  who  hated  him,  made  an 
offensive  remark  in  an  undertone.  Lyon  was 
deeply  insulted,  and  instantly  turned  and  spat 
in  Griswold's  face.  The  excitement  became 
intense  among  the  members,  and  a  motion 
soon  followed  to  expel  Lyon  from  the  House. 
The  motion  was  lost  by  a  strict  party  vote. 
The  chagrin  and  rage  of  the  Federalists  was 
now  at  the  boiling-point,  and  the  trouble  was 
not  yet  over. 

A  few  days  later  Griswold  came  into  the 
House  with  a  heavy  stick  in  his  hand,  and 
began  beating  Lyon  with  it  while  the  latter 
was  sitting  in  his  seat.  Lyon  now  ran  to  the 
fireplace,  seized  the  tongs,  and  the  two  states 
men  engaged  in  a  rough  and  tumble  fight, 
rolling  over  the  floor  together  several  times 


74        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

amid  the  greatest  excitement  of  the  other 
members.  Friends  soon  parted  the  comba 
tants,  and  a  motion  was  made  to  expel  both 
from  the  House.  But  as  both  had  equally 
offended,  their  friends  decided  at  length  to 
drop  the  whole  matter,  and  this  was  done. 

But  Matthew  Lyon's  troubles  were  only 
begun.  Soon  after  the  Sedition  Law  took 
effect,  this  Vermont  statesman  found  himself 
arrested  and  called  on  to  answer  for  a  letter 
he  had  published  in  a  Vermont  paper  criticis 
ing  the  administration.  About  the  severest 
thing  in  this  letter  was  this :  "  Every  con 
sideration  of  the  public  welfare  is  swallowed 
up  in  a  continual  grasp  for  power,  an  un 
bounded  thirst  for  ridiculous  pomp,  foolish 
adulation,  and  selfish  avarice." 

This  language  was  no  worse  than  that  used 
by  scores  of  editors  and  pamphleteers  of  both 
parties ;  but  the  Federalists  despised  this 
"wild  Irishman,"  as  they  called  him,  and  im 
proved  this  opportunity  to  wreak  their  ven 
geance  on  him.  Matthew  Lyon  was  seized, 
and,  after  a  short  trial,  was  fined  one  thousand 
dollars,  and  sent  to  prison  for  four  months. 


THE   ALIEN  AND   SEDITION   LAWS  75 

A  petition  was  soon  sent  to  the  President 
begging  him  to  pardon  Lyon ;  but,  as  the  pris 
oner  himself  refused  to  ask  for  a  pardon, 
President  Adams  declined  to  grant  it. 

There  was  one  occurrence  that  brought  joy 
to  Lyon's  heart  in  the  midst  of  his  misfor 
tunes.  He  was  triumphantly  reflected  to  Con 
gress  while  still  in  prison.  This  proved  that 
the  people  were  still  with  him. 

To  pay  his  fine  his  friends  started  a  lottery. 
In  those  days  lotteries  were  common.  Public 
buildings,  school-houses,  bridges,  court-houses 
and  the  like  were  often  built  with  money 
raised  by  lottery.  Lyon's  friends  now  took 
this  means  of  relieving  his  distress ;  and  Has- 
well,  the  editor  who  called  upon  the  people 
to  support  the  lottery,  used  such  language  as 
to  land  himself  in  prison  under  the  same  law! 

Thus  we  have  a  sample  of  the  practical 
working  of  the  Sedition  Law.  About  ten 
men,  all  editors,  fell  victims  to  the  law.  One 
man,  Thomas  Cooper,  was  imprisoned  for  say 
ing  that  "the  President  was  hardly  in  the 
infancy  of  political  mistake ;  "  another,  named 
Frothingham,  for  accusing  Hamilton  of  trying 


76        SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

to  purchase  a   Republican  paper  in  the  inter 
est  of  Federalism. 

It  was  plain  that  the  law  was  not  based  on 
patriotism,  nor  was  it  passed  for  any  good 
purpose.  It  was  vindictive  and  born  of  par 
tisan  bitterness.  But  its  effect  was  opposite 
that  intended.  It  told  heavily  on  the  party 
that  had  fathered  it. 

The  Kentucky  and  Virginia  Resolutions 

Before  the  close  of  the  year  1798,  and  while 
these  obnoxious  laws  were  still  in  force,  the 
Kentucky  legislature  passed  a  series  of  resolu 
tions  severely  condemning  the  Alien  and  Sedi 
tion  Laws.  A  few  weeks  later  the  legislature 
of  Virginia  adopted  a  series  of  very  similar 
resolutions,  but  somewhat  milder  in  tone. 
These  expressions  from  these  two  legislative 
bodies  attracted  much  attention  and  became 
famous  in  American  history.  It  was  not 
known  at  the  time  who  wrote  them ;  but  it 
was  found  many  years  afterward  that  Thomas 
Jefferson  was  the  author  of  the  Kentucky 
Resolutions,  and  James  Madison  of  the  Vir 
ginia  Resolutions. 


THE  ALIEN   AND   SEDITION  LAWS  f] 

The  Kentucky  Resolutions  were  nine  in 
number.  They  had  been  introduced  into  the 
legislature  by  George  Nicholas,  who  had  re 
ceived  them  from  Jefferson.  Nicholas  changed 
and  modified  them,  somewhat.  They  defined 
the  Union  as  a  compact  in  which  the  States 
were  a  party,  the  Constitution  being  the 
written  agreement  defining  the  powers  of  the 
General  Government.  They  pronounced  for 
a  strict  construction  of  the  Constitution,  and 
claimed  that  the  States  as  such  had  the  right 
to  judge  of  the  constitutionality  of  National 
law,  and  that  any  infractions  of  the  Constitu 
tion  should  be  opposed  by  the  States.  The 
next  year  this  legislature  added  a  more  severe 
resolution,  declaring  that  the  States  were 
sovereign  and  independent,  and  that  nullifica 
tion  was  the  rightful  remedy  for  an  unconsti 
tutional  law. 

The  Virginia  Resolutions  were  eight  in 
number.  They  declared  if  Congress  enacted 
laws  that  were  unconstitutional,  it  was  the 
right  and  duty  of  the  States  to  interpose  and 
arrest  the  progress  of  the  evil.  These  reso 
lutions,  as  well  as  those  of  Kentucky,  all 


78        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

aimed  directly  or  indirectly  at  the  Alien  and 
Sedition  Laws,  and  their  authors  called  upon 
the  other  States  to  express  themselves  on  the 
subject.  Several  State  legislatures  answered 
them,  but  they  all  took  the  opposite  ground, 
claiming  that  the  States  had  no  right  to 
judge  of  the  acts  of  the  Federal  Government. 

The  Kentucky  and  Virginia  Resolutions 
opened  a  grave  question  that  was  not  fully 
settled  for  more  than  half  a  century,  and  had 
to  be  decided  at  last  by  an  appeal  to  the 
sword.  That  question  was  whether  the 
United  States  of  America  was  simply  a  com 
pact,  a  confederation  of  independent  States ; 
or  was  it  a  Federal  Government,  a  nation, 
with  all  the  powers  of  sovereignty  and  self- 
preservation  ? 

South  Carolina  made  much  of  these  resolu 
tions,  fathered  by  the  great  Jefferson,  the 
Democratic  idol,  when  adopting  her  Nullifica 
tion  Ordinance  in  1832.  The  school  of 
Southern  statesmen,  led  by  Calhoun,  based 
their  doctrine  of  State  sovereignty  largely  on 
the  same  ground.  Even  in  1861  the  seceding 
States  of  the  South,  in  arguing  for  the  right 


THE  ALIEN  AND   SEDITION   LAWS  79 

of  secession,  freely  quoted  the  resolutions  of 
Jefferson.  But  to  assert  that  the  Kentucky 
and  Virginia  Resolutions  were  the  original 
cause  of  nullification  and  secession,  would  be 
to  assert  altogether  too  much.  The  condi 
tions  of  the  North  and  the  South  were  so 
unlike  that  an  ultimate  conflict  between  them 
was  inevitable. 

Let  it  be  remembered,  finally,  that  these 
resolutions  did  not  represent  the  sober,  good 
sense  of  Thomas  Jefferson ;  this  is  plainly 
shown  by  his  public  acts  and  later  corre 
spondence.  They  were  written  in  time  of 
great  political  excitement,  and  there  is  little 
doubt  that  the  author  (for  Jefferson,  and  not 
Madison,  was  the  real  author)  felt  an  honest 
fear  that  the  Federal  party  was  usurping  too 
much  power,  and  was  establishing  a  danger 
ous  precedent.  This  he  wished  to  counter 
act,  and  he  employed  the  means  that 
promised  to  be  most  effective.  No  American 
statesman  has  been  more  patriotic  than  Jeffer 
son,  and  the  dismemberment  of  the  Union 
for  any  cause  was  no  part  of  his  political 
creed. 


CHAPTER  V 
FULTON  AND  THE  STEAMBOAT 

WE  have  spoken  of  the  Revolution  which 
took  place  in  this  country  in  the  latter  part 
of  the  eighteenth  century.  This  was  a 
political  revolution,  and  its  effect  on  the 
American  people  was  far-reaching  indeed, 
while  its  influence  has  been  felt  throughout 
the  world.  But  there  was  another  revolution 
that  soon  followed  this,  of  the  industrial 
world,  and  its  effect  on  mankind  has  been 
even  greater  than  that  of  the  former.  This 
second  revolution  was  brought  about,  not  by" 
the  marshalling  of  armies  and  the  convulsion 
of  nations,  but  silently,  in  the  brain  and  the 
workshop  of  the  man  of  genius.  It  came  by 
the  invention  of  steam  navigation.  The 
steamboat,  the  steamship,  and  the  railway 
have  all  come  into  use  within  the  nineteenth 
century,  and  their  use  has  revolutionized 
80 


FULTON  AND  THE  STEAMBOAT  8 1 

commerce  and  human  intercourse,  and  made 
a  vast  stride  toward  our  modern  civilization. 

Strange  to  say,  the  means  of  travel  had 
not  improved  for  more  than  two  thousand 
years ;  stranger  still,  in  the  quarter  of  a  cen 
tury  following  1806  the  commercial  world 
was  revolutionized  by  the  subserving  to 
man's  use  of  a  simple  natural  law,  as  old  as 
creation.  It  was  known  to  the  ancients  that 
the  expansion  of  water  into  steam  exerted  a 
powerful  force,  but  it  was  left  for  modern 
times  to  apply  that  force  to  practical  pur 
poses,  and  the  result  has  been  marvellous. 

The  world,  on  receiving  some  benefaction, 
loves  to  choose  out  some  particular  person  on 
whom  to  bestow  its  homage,  often  neglecting 
to  award  its  gratitude  to  others  equally 
deserving.  For  the  wonderful  benefits  of 
steam  navigation  the  world  has  chosen  to 
honor  one  name  far  above  all  others,  and 
that  is  the  name  of  Robert  Fulton.  In  this 
case  the  honor  is  not  misplaced ;  but  it  is 
also  true  that  Fulton's  achievements  rested  on 
the  work  of  others,  without  which  he  could 
not  have  succeeded. 


82        SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Fulton's  Predecessors 

The  steam-engine  was  invented  by  a  Scotch 
man,  James  Watt,  some  thirty-five  years  before 
Fulton's  success  on  the  Hudson.  But  more 
strictly  speaking,  Watt  simply  improved  and 
perfected  the  clumsy  steam-engine  of  New- 
comen,  which  had  been  in  use  for  half  a  cen 
tury. 

The  subject  of  steam  navigation  had  been 
talked  of  for  many  years  before  Robert  Fulton 
was  born,  as  we  now  hear  of  aerial  navigation 
and  the  like.  The  first  known  attempt  to 
apply  steam  to  navigation  was  by  a  man  wholly 
unknown  to  fame,  William  Henry,  a  gunsmith 
of  Lancaster, 1  Pennsylvania.  Mr.  Henry  was 
the  leading  gunsmith  of  his  province  during 
the  French  and  Indian  War.  In  1763  he  made 
an  engine  from  models  he  had  seen  in  Eng 
land,  attached  it  to  a  boat  with  paddles,  and 
experimented  on  the  Conestoga  Creek  near 
Lancaster.  His  attempt  was  not  successful, 
but  it  is  believed  that  he  was  first  to  originate 
the  idea  of  the  steamboat 

1  Thurston's  "  Robert  Fulton,"  p.  30. 


FULTON  AND  THE  STEAMBOAT      83 

In  1786  James  Rumsey  was  experimenting 
on  the  Potomac  River  with  a  steamboat  of  his 
own  construction.  His  plan  was  to  force  a 
stream  of  water  backward  and  thus  propel  the 
boat  forward.  General  Washington  saw  the 
working  of  Rumsey 's  boat,  and  stated  in  a 
letter  that  he  considered  the  discovery  one  of 
vast  importance. 

One  more  of  these  predecessors,  and  the 
most  important  of  all,  we  must  notice  —  John 
Fitch.  The  life  of  John  Fitch  was  tragical 
and  sad.  He  was  an  inventive  genius  of  the 
first  rank,  but  a  more  unfortunate  man  would 
be  hard  to  name.  He  was  the  son  of  a 
Connecticut  farmer.  His  father  was  a  hard 
hearted  man,  and  his  boyhood  was  passed  with 
little  pleasure.  Intensely  desirous  of  acquir 
ing  knowledge,  his  stern  and  niggardly  father, 
though  amply  able  to  procure  them,  refused 
him  the  necessary  books.  On  reaching  man 
hood  he  married  a  woman  with  such  a  bad 
temper  that  he  could  not  live  with  her,  and  he 
became  a  wanderer  in  the  earth. 1 

At  the  same  time  that  Rumsey  was  experi- 

1  Parton's  "People's  Biography,"  p.  146^. 


.34        SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTOR\ 

menting  on  the  Potomac,  we  find  Fitch  with  a 
similar  craft  on  the  Delaware.  At  first  he 
made  a  very  small  engine  and  applied  it  to  a 
very  small  boat,  and  succeeded  in  running  it 
up-stream  at  the  rate  of  seven  miles  an  hour. 
Then  he  made  a  boat  forty-five  feet  long  and 
placed  in  it  a  larger  engine,  and  soon  began  to 
make  regular  trips  from  Philadelphia  to  Bor- 
dentown  and  Trenton.  It  carried  passengers, 
and  in  all  ran  about  two  thousand  miles,  when 
its  usefulness  was  over.  The  curiosity  of  the 
public  had  been  gratified ;  and  as  the  boat  did 
not  pay,  the  people  refused  to  take  further 
interest  in  it,  believing  the  whole  scheme 
impracticable. 

Not  so  with  Fitch.  His  soul  was  on  fire 
with  the  scheme ;  he  foresaw  steam  navigation 
to  the  uttermost  parts  of  the  sea,  and  he  fully 
believed  that  the  time  had  come  for  the  new 
movement  to  begin.  He  also  believed  in  him 
self  ;  he  believed  that  he  was  capable  of  carry 
ing  out  his  schemes,  and  no  one  at  this  day 
doubts  that  he  was  right.  But  he  was  penni 
less,  the  clothes  on  his  back  were  turning  to 
rags,  but  he  did  not  care  for  that.  He  wanted 


FULTON  AND  THE  STEAMBOAT      85 

money  to  build  another  boat,  but  the  public 
had  lost  interest  in  his  projects.  In  vain  did 
he  appeal  to  Congress  for  assistance,  in  vain 
did  he  try  to  enlist  the  aid  of  wealthy  men. 
At  last  genius  had  to  flit  itself-  away  and  die 
for  want  of  material  aid.  At  last  poor  John 
Fitch  gave  up  his  hopes  with  a  broken  heart. 
He  wandered  to  the  West  and  settled  on  a 
little  farm  in  the  wilderness  of  Kentucky, 
where  he  died,  some  years  later,  by  his  own 
hand.  Had  he  received  the  needed  assistance, 
there  is  little  doubt  that  the  name  of  John 
Fitch  would  hold  the  place  to-day  that  is  held 
by  that  of  Robert  Fulton. 

Early  Life  of  Robert  Fulton 

While  John  Fitch  was  building  his  boat 
on  the  Delaware,  there  was  a  young  artist 
aged  twenty  years,  living  at  Second  and  Wal 
nut  streets,  Philadelphia.  He  was  a  keen  ob 
server  of  what  Fitch  was  doing.  His  name 
was  Robert  Fulton.  He  was  of  Irish  descent, 
and  first  saw  the  light  on  a  farm  in  Lancaster 
County,  Pennsylvania,  in  1765.  At  the  early 
age  of  three  years  he  was  left  fatherless  and 


86        SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

his  mother  was  poor.  Robert  was  sent  to  school, 
where  he  made  fair  progress,  but  his  thoughts 
were  more  taken  with  the  workshops  of  Lan- 
cester,  to  which  city  the  family  had  moved. 
He  began  his  'career  of  invention  at  an  early 
age.  When  ten  years  old  he  made  lead- 
pencils,  which  were  pronounced  almost  as 
good  as  the  best  made  at  that  time.  At  the 
age  of  thirteen  he  invented  a  sky-rocket,  and 
at  fourteen  an  air-gun.  Congress  had  a  gun- 
shop  at  Lancester  during  the  Revolution,  and 
young  Fulton  frequented  the  place  until,  while 
still  a  child,  he  became  an  expert  gunsmith. 
Robert  Fulton  had  also  a  natural  talent  for 
painting,  and  at  the  age  of  seventeen  he  went 
to  Philadelphia,  determined  to  become  an 
artist  Here  he  remained  for  four  years,  and 
not  only  became  an  excellent  artist,  but 
earned  money  enough  to  return  at  the  age 
of  twenty-one,  and  purchase  for  his  mother  a 
small  farm.  This  done,  the  ambitious  youth 
sailed  for  Europe  to  seek  his  fortune  in  the 
great  world. 


FULTON  AND  THE  STEAMBOAT      87 


Fulton  in  Foreign  Lands 


He  went  to  London  and  sought  the  home 
of  Benjamin  West,  the  great  American  artist, 
then  residing  in  that  city.  West  had  been 
born  in  the  same  State  with  Fulton,  Pennsyl 
vania;  their  fathers  had  been  old  friends,  and 
now  the  world-famous  artist  opened  wide  his 
door  to  the  aspiring  boy  from  his  own  land. 
Fulton  became  a  pupil  of  West  and  resided 
in  his  house  for  several  years. 

But  while  Robert  Fulton  was  a  successful 
artist,  he  was  not  a  great  artist,  and  none 
knew  it  better  than  himself.  His  mind  re 
verted  to  the  inventions  and  aspirations  of  his 
childhood,  and  at  length  he  decided  to  give 
up  painting  and  become  a  civil  engineer  and 
an  inventor.  He  remained  several  years  longer 
in  England  and  while  there  invented  a  machine 
for  sawing  marble,  and  another  for  spinning 
flax,  and  still  another  for  making  ropes.  He 
next  invented  a  mechanical  power-shovel  which 
was  used  in  England  for  many  years.  He  was 
also  the  originator  of  the  submarine  torpedo 
used  for  destroying  vessels  of  war.  Among 


88        SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

his  intimate  acquaintances  were  many  of  the 
leading  men  in  England.  He  was  the  author 
of  several  books  on  various  mechanical  sub 
jects.  During  all  this  period  his  mind  was 
full  of  steam  navigation.  The  papers  of  Fitch 
had  fallen  into  his  hands,  and  he  studied  them 
with  the  utmost  care. 

In  1802  he  went  to  France,  and  in  Paris  he 
met  a  friend  who  proved  to  be  the  benefactor 
of  his  life.  It  was  Robert  R.  Livingston  of 
New  York,  the  man  who  had  pronounced 
the  oath  of  office  to  President  Washington, 
and  who  was  now  minister  to  France.  Living 
ston  had  also  been  thinking  much  of  naviga 
tion  by  steam.  He  had  not  genius,  it  is  true; 
but  he  had  something  else  almost  equally 
necessary  —  he  had  money.  In  a  short  time 
a  compact  was  made  between  Livingston  and 
Fulton,  and  their  aim  was  to  navigate  the 
Seine  River  by  steam,  the  former  furnishing 
the  money,  the  latter  the  brains. 

Fulton  soon  had  his  boat  ready,  sixty-six 
feet  in  length,  and  to  this  an  engine  was 
adapted.  The  time  was  at  hand  for  making 
the  trial  trip,  Fulton  had  spent  a  sleepless 


FULTON  AND  THE  STEAMBOAT  89 

night,  and  on  rising  in  the  morning  a  mes 
senger  from  the  boat,  with  despair  in  his  face, 
rushed  into  his  room,  and  exclaimed:  — 

"  Oh,  sir,  the  boat  has  broken  to  pieces  and 
gone  to  the  bottom  !  " 

Fulton  was  overwhelmed  with  grief.  Has 
tening  to  the  river,  he  instantly  began  the 
task  of  raising  the  vessel  with  his  own  hands, 
and  he  kept  at  it,  without  food  or  rest,  for 
twenty-four  hours.  From  the  injury  to  his 
health,  occasioned  by  this  exertion,  he  never 
fully  recovered. 

In  a  few  weeks  the  vessel  had  been  raised 
and  rebuilt,  and  at  the  trial  trip  in  July,  1803, 
a  vast  crowd  of  people  stood  on  the  banks 
of  the  river  and  shouted  their  acclamations  of 
approval.  But  Fulton  saw  that  the  vessel  was 
imperfect,  and  that  a  new  engine  must  be 
procured.  As  Chancellor  Livington  was  now 
about  to  sail  for  America,  it  was  decided  that 
the  next  experiment  be  made  on  the  Hudson 
River. 


90        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

The  Clermont  on  the  Hudson 
Robert  Fulton  was  not  the  inventor  of  the 
steafnboat,  as  is    commonly  supposed ;  but   he 
was  the  first  to  put  it  into  practical  use.     The 
poet  Lowell  has  said :  — 

"  Though  old  the  thought  and  oft  expressed, 
'Tis  his  at  last  who  says  it  best." 

This  is,  true  in  mechanics  as  well  as  in  poetry. 
Fulton  adopted  and  improved  on  the  ideas  of 
William  Henry,  of  James  Rumsey,  of  John 
Fitch,  and  others,  and  where  they  had  failed 
he  succeeded.  The  world  applauds  success, 
but  it  seldom  forgives  the  one  who  fails.  Ful 
ton  has  received  the  honor  that  he  deserved, 
while  the  others,  scarcely  less  deserving,  have 
been  forgotten  by  the  great  public. 

Again,  the  highest  peak  in  a  mountain 
system  is  the  noted  one ;  others  almost  as  lofty 
are  scarcely  noticed.  Methuselah  is  the  world's 
example  of  great  age,  while  few  consider  that 
there  were  others  who  lacked  but  a  few  years  of 
reaching  the  same  age.  So  with  the  inventors 
of  the  steamboat.  At  the  time  Fulton  was 
building  the  Clermont  there  were  movements  of 


FULTON   AND   THE   STEAMBOAT  9 1 

the  same  kind  in  various  parts  of  the  world, 
independent  of  his.  The  scientific  world  at 
that  moment  was  absorbed  with  the  one  great 
subject  —  navigation  by  steam.  Fulton  had 
great  advantages ;  he  had  a  monopoly  of 
the  Hudson  River,  he  had  Livingston  as  his 
partner.  Perhaps  he  was  the  greatest  genius 
of  them  all ;  at  least  he  succeeded  first ;  thus 
he  gained  public  applause,  and  became  the 
popular  hero.  His  fame  is  now  world-wide, 
and  perhaps  will  never  diminish. 

But  who  besides  specialists  and  historians 
has  heard  of  John  Stephens  ?  He  was  an 
inventive  genius  of  great  skill.  Having  re 
ceived  his  ideas  of  steam  navigation  from 
Fitch,  he  labored  for  years  to  construct  a 
steamboat.  He  succeeded  at  last  in  1807  — 
just  after  Fulton  had  won  the  popular  heart. 
In  a  few  years  he  had  steamboats  plying  on 
the  Delaware  and  Connecticut  rivers.  Had  it 
not  been  for  Fulton,  Stephens  would  probably 
to-day  be  honored  as  the  'inventor  of  the 
steamboat. 

Let  us  return  to  our  subject.  Fulton  and 
Livingston  determined  to  make  their  next 


92        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

attempt  in  America.  They  ordered  a  steam- 
engine  of  Watt,  in  England,  without  revealing 
the  object  for  which  it  was  intended.  Fulton 
went  to  England  to  oversee  its  construction, 
which  took  nearly  three  years.  It  reached 
New  York  in  1806,  and  its  owners  soon  had  a 
boat  one  hundred  and  thirty-three  feet  long,  of 
one  hundred  and  sixty  tons.  The  steam-power 
was  applied  by  means  of  a  paddle-wheel. 
Fitch  had  employed  an  endless  chain  with 
paddles  attached,  and  Stephens  used  a  screw- 
propeller. 

Fulton  named  his  boat  the  Clermont,  after 
Livingston's  country-seat  on  the  Hudson.  The 
trial  trip  was  made  in  August,  1807.  A  vast 
crowd  of  people  stood  on  the  banks  of  the 
river  to  witness  the  experiment,  few  believing 
it  would  be  successful.  The  moment  came, 
and  the  Clermont  moved  out  into  the  river, 
running  against  the  current  at  the  rate  of  four 
miles  an  hour. 

The  trip  to  Albany,  one  hundred  and  fifty 
miles,  was  covered  in  thirty-two  hours,  an 
average  of  nearly  five  miles  an  hour,  while  the 
return  trip  took  but  thirty  hours. 


FULTON  AND  THE  STEAMBOAT  93 

The  boat  was  described  as  "  a  monster 
moving  on  the  waters,  defying  wind  and  tide, 
breathing  flames  and  smoke."  The  fuel  used 
was  dry  pine,  and  the  flames  rose  above  the 
smoke-pipe.  It  was  said  that  in  some  of  the 
vessels  met  by  the  Clermont,  "  the  crews  shrank 
beneath  the  decks  from  the  terrific  sight  and 
let  their  vessels  run  ashore ;  while  others 
prostrated  themselves  and  besought  Providence 
to  protect  them  from  the  horrible  monster 
which  was  marching  on  the  tides,  and  lighting 
its  path  by  the  fires  which  it  vomited." 

The  great  question  was  now  settled  ;  naviga 
tion  by  steam  was  an  assured  fact.  A  New 
York  paper  made  the  statement  that  there 
would  soon  be  steamboats  on  the  Mississippi, 
and  it  was  believed  that  they  would  make  two 
miles  an  hour  against  its  strong  current.  What 
would  the  editor  have  thought  had  he  foreseen 
that  long  before  the  century's  close  the  sea 
would  be  covered  with  steamships,  some  of 
twelve  thousand  tons  burden,  "  ocean  grey 
hounds,"  that  would  cross  the  Atlantic  in  less 
than  six  days,  averaging  more  than  twenty 
miles  an  hour! 


94        SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

After  the  Clermont  had  made  her  successful 
trial  trip,  she  was  scheduled  to  make  regular 
trips  twice  a  week  from  New  York  City  to 
Albany,  the  charge  for  a  passenger  being  seven 
dollars  each  way.  She  was  usually  loaded  with 
passengers,  and  the  owners  found  the  business 
a  paying  one  from  the  start.  During  the 
winter  the  Clermont  was  enlarged  and  repaired, 
and  two  other  steamboats,  the  Raritan  and  the 
Car  of  Neptune,  were  added  to  the  service  the 
following  year.  Within  seven  years  Fulton  had 
twelve  steamboats,  all  built  under  his  directions, 
plying  the  waters  around  New  York. 

Robert  Fulton  was  the  hero  of  the  hour.  He 
was  a  tall,  handsome  man,  rather  slenderly 
built,  graceful  and  refined.  He  had  risen 
socially  as  well  as  otherwise ;  he  had  married  a 
niece  of  Chancellor  Livingston,  and  his  asso 
ciates  were  the  leading  men  of  Europe  and 
America.  His  name  was  on  every  tongue,  but 
he  was  very  modest  and  gave  his  whole  energy 
to  the  further  improvement  of  the  use  of  steam- 
power.  But  he  was  not  long  left  to  enjoy  his 
triumph.  Death  claimed  him  while  in  the  midst 
of  his  useful  life.  In  January,  1815,  he  was 


FULTON   AND   THE   STEAMBOAT  95 

called  to  Trenton  to  testify  in  a  court  trial.  On 
his  return  he  crossed  the  Hudson  in  an  open 
boat  amid  heavy  floating  ice.  He  caught  a 
severe  cold  which  resulted  in  a  serious  illness. 
When  only  partially  recovered  he  went  to  the 
Brooklyn  navy-yard  to  oversee  the  building 
of  a  vessel,  and  was  exposed  to  the  cold  for 
several  hours.  He  suffered  a  relapse,  and  on 
February  the  24th  he  died,  aged  fifty  years. 
Seldom  in  our  history  has  the  death  of  a  private 
citizen  caused  such  universal  mourning  as  did 
that  of  Robert  Fulton.  But  his  work  was  done. 
He  had  risen  from  the  ranks  of  the  lowly  and 
achieved  the  highest  success.  He  did  a  great 
service  for  mankind,  and  the  glory  of  his  fame 
will  not  fade. 


CHAPTER  VI 
THE  LEWIS  AND  CLARKE  EXPEDITION* 

AT  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century 
the  Great  West,  from  the  Mississippi  River 
to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  was  a  vast,  unbroken 
wilderness.  Before  such  a  region  can  be 
claimed  for  civilization  —  even  before  the  pio 
neer  makes  his  home  in  the  forest  —  must  come 
the  explorer.  The  most  notable  exploring  expe 
dition  since  De  Soto  and  Marquette  was  that 
of  Lewis  and  Clarke  in  the  great  Northwest. 

The  father  of  this  expedition  was  Thomas 
Jefferson.  As  early  as  1792  he  proposed  to 
the  American  Philosophical  Society  that  an 
expedition  be  sent  up  the  Missouri  River  to 
cross  the  "  Stony  Mountains,"  as  the  Rocky 
Mountains  were  then  called,  and  to  follow  the 
nearest  river  to  the  Pacific.  When  he  became 
President  in  1801,  his  pet  project  was  still  on 

1  For  the  material  of  this  chapter  I  have  drawn  largely  on 
the  account  of  H.  H.  Bancroft,  Vol.  X.  —  E. 
96 


THE   LEWIS  AND   CLARKE   EXPEDITION       97 

his  mind,  and  this  desire  was  greatly  inten 
sified  two  years  later  by  the  Louisiana  Pur 
chase,  which  added  a  vast  territory  of  unknown 
bounds  to  the  public  domain. 

There  was  a  young  man  in  Jefferson's  em 
ploy  as  private  secretary,  named  Meriwether 
Lewis,  who  was  very  anxious  to  lead  the  pro 
posed  exploring  party.  He  had  been  a  captain 
in  the  army,  and  Jefferson,  knowing  him  to  be 
a  man  of  a  daring,  adventurous  spirit,  of  truth 
fulness  and  discretion,  appointed  him  to  the 
command.  Lewis  was  elated  with  his  appoint 
ment  ;  he  hastened  to  Philadelphia,  and  spent 
several  months  in  the  study  of  geography, 
botany,  and  astronomy,  that  he  might  be  able  to 
do  the  work  before  him  the  more  intelligently. 

The  instructions  were  written  in  Jefferson's 
own  hand,  and  were  signed  in  June,  1803. 
By  them  Lewis  was  directed  to  provide  him 
self  with  arms  and  ammunition,  with  tents, 
boats,  provisions,  and  medicines,  and  also  with 
many  articles  for  presents  and  barter  with  the 
Indians.  Lewis  chose  Captain  William  Clarke 
of  the  United  States  Army  as  second  in  com 
mand,  and  proceeded  to  Pittsburg  in  July, 


98        SIDE  LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

where  part  of  his  outfit  was  to  be  provided. 
Later  in  the  summer  he  went  down  the  Ohio, 
and  up  the  Mississippi,  and  encamped  for  the 
winter  with  his  company  on  the  eastern  bank 
of  that  river,  opposite  the  mouth  of  the  Mis 
souri.  The  winter  was  spent  in  drilling  the 
men,  and  in  making  preparation  for  the  ascent 
of  the  Missouri  in  the  early  spring. 

The  expedition  was  composed  of  twenty- 
eight  men,  half  of  whom  were  soldiers ;  nine 
were  young  Kentuckians,  two  Frenchmen,  one 
was  a  hunter,  one  an  interpreter,  and  the  re 
maining  one  a  negro  servant  of  Captain  Clarke. 
In  the  company  we  find  the  famous  scout  and 
Indian  fighter,  Lewis  Wetzel.  In  all  our  his 
tory  of  Indian  warfare  Lewis  Wetzel  stands 
without  a  superior  in  daring  and  reckless 
bravery.  Escaping  at  the  age  of  thirteen 
from  a  band  of  Indians  who  had  murdered 
his  father,  he  took  a  solemn  oath  that  he 
would  kill  every  Indian  that  it  came  in  his 
power  to  kill  as  long  as  he  should  live  —  and 
he  kept  his  word.  He  could  follow  a  trail 
with  the  keenness  of  a  bloodhound ;  he  could 
load  his  rifle  while  running  at  his  highest 


THE   LEWIS  AND   CLARKE   EXPEDITION       99 

speed ;  and  woe  to  the  dusky  warrior  that 
came  within  range  of  his  deadly  aim  !  Cap 
tain  Clarke,  knowing  of  Wetzel's  unerring  aim 
and  his  wonderful  knowledge  of  the  woods, 
and  believing  that  he  would  make  a  valuable 
member  of  the  party,  persuaded  him  to  join 
it.  But  Wetzel  was  accustomed  to  the  wild 
freedom  of  the  wilderness ;  he  disliked  the  mili 
tary  discipline  of  an  organized  expedition ;  and, 
after  accompanying  them  for  three  months, 
suddenly  left  them  and  returned  to  his  native 
haunts  on  the  Ohio. 

Ascending  the  Missouri 

The  party  embarked  in  three  boats  on  May 
14,  1804,  and  ascended  the  Missouri  at  the 
rate  of  twelve  to  fifteen  miles  per  day.  Their 
largest  boat  was  fifty-five  feet  long,  and  carried 
one  sail  and  twenty-two  oars.  They  had  gone 
but  eight  days  when  they  made  their  first  trade 
with  Indians  —  two  quarts  of  whiskey  for  four 
fine  deer.  The  forests  were  full  of  game  and 
the  rivers  abounded  with  fish,  both  of  which 
they  secured  in  abundance.  After  they  had 
journeyed  some  weeks  they  frequently  met 


100     SIDE   LIGHTS    ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

with  Indian  tribes,  most  of  whom  were  quite 
friendly. 

One  day  in  July,  soon  after  they  had  passed 
the  mouth  of  the  Platte  River,  one  of  the  party, 
while  hunting  in  the  forest,  came  upon  three 
Indians  dressing  an  elk.  They  belonged  to 
the  tribe  of  the  Ottoes,  and  it  was  arranged 
that  the  tribe  hold  council  with  the  explorers. 
The  latter  chose  a  bluff  on  the  east  bank  of 
the  river,  where  they  pitched  their  tents  and 
awaited  the  Indians.  The  view  from  this  place 
was  one  of  striking  beauty.  In  the  distance 
were  seen  groves  of  cottonwood  and  elm,  rising 
here  and  there  from  the  prairie,  and  the  majes 
tic  river  winding  silently  away  among  the 
hills. 

The  conference  was  held  on  the  3d  of  Au 
gust,  and  the  Indian  chiefs  were  presented 
with  medals  and  other  trinkets.  They  seemed 
greatly  pleased  with  their  strange  white  visitors 
from  the  East.  The  council  being  held  on  a 
bluff  of  the  river,  the  place  was  called  Council 
Bluffs,  a  name  retained  by  the  flourishing  city 
and  railway  centre  that  afterward  grew  up  on 
the  spot.  Two  weeks  later  they  encamped  at 


THE  LEWIS   AND   CLARKE   EXPEDITION     IOI 

the  mouth  of  a  little  river  where  now  Sioux 
City,  Iowa,  is  situated.  One  of  their  number, 
Mr.  Floyd,  had  died,  and  they  gave  his  name 
to  the  river.  Here  they  held  council  with  the 
Mahas  tribe,  and  some  miles  farther  up,  with 
the  Sioux.  Similar  councils  were  held  with 
many  other  tribes.  These  Indians  were  highly 
pleased  with  the  whiskey  and  trinkets  received 
from  the  white  men.  But  there  was  one  tribe, 
the  Ricaras,  that  refused  to  accept  whiskey. 
"Why,"  they  asked,  "should  they  be  offered 
drink  which  made  fools  of  them  ? " 

The  expedition  had,  by  the  last  of  October, 
penetrated  far  into  the  Northwest  Territory ;  the 
weather  was  now  growing  cold,  and  the  men 
determined  to  stop  for  the  winter.  They  built 
several  strong  log  houses,  and  found  them  quite 
comfortable.  The  blacksmith  of  the  party  put 
up  a  furnace,  and  made  knife-blades  and  spear- 
points,  which  they  traded  to  the  natives  for 
corn.  The  Indians  were  greatly  taken  with 
the  bellows ;  they  thought  it  a  marvellous  thing 
indeed. 

As  spring  approached  the  party  prepared 
\o  plunge  still  farther  into  the  boundless 


IO2      SIDE  LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

wilderness.  The  large  boat  could  not  be  taken 
farther,  as  the  river  was  growing  more  rapid; 
it  was  therefore  turned  back  and  headed  for 
St.  Louis.  An  escort  of  several  men,  who 
had  thus  far  accompanied  the  expedition,  re 
turned  with  the  boat  and  took  with  them 
several  boxes  sent  by  Captain  Lewis  to  Presi 
dent  Jefferson.  These  boxes  were  filled  with 
specimens  of  earth,  minerals,  native  imple 
ments,  and  stuffed  birds  and  animals.  The 
two  parties  separated  —  the  one  for  the  haunts 
of  civilization,  the  other  for  the  unknown 
Rocky  Mountain  region  —  on  the  afternoon  of 
April  the  /th,  1805. 

The  expedition  had  now  been  a  year  on  the 
way;  but  there  were  many  weary  miles  yet 
to  be  traversed.  They  soon  passed  the  mouth 
of  the  Yellowstone,  then  the  Milk  River, 
which  they  so  named  because  of  the  peculiar 
whiteness  of  the  water,  and  on  they  pressed 
toward  the  Rocky  Mountains.  In  this  remote 
region  they  found  wild  animals  in  great 
abundance.  The  country  literally  swarmed 
with  buffalo,  wolves,  bears,  and  coyotes,  prairie 
dogs,  and  many  other  animals.  Captain  Lewis 


THE   LEWIS   AND   CLARKE   EXPEDITION     1 03 

was  one  day  chased  by  a  wounded  white  beal 
and  narrowly  escaped  destruction. 

On  the  26th  of  May,  Lewis  ascended  a 
hill  and  cast  his  eyes  westward.  He  now 
saw  for  the  first  time  the  crest  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  far  away  in  the  western  horizon. 
The  lofty  summits  seemed  to  penetrate  the 
skies  and  the  captain  was  deeply  moved  with 
the  magnificence  of  the  scene.  He  wrote  in 
his  journal  that  he  "had  got  the  first  glimpse 
of  the  great  Rocky  Mountains,  the  object  of 
all  our  hopes  and  the  reward  of  all  our  ambi 
tions." 

One  day,  as  the  men  were  walking  over  the 
plain,  they  heard  an  awful  rumbling  in  the  sky, 
and  were  soon  overtaken  by  a  hailstorm,  the 
most  terrific  they  had  ever  seen.  All  the  men 
were  knocked,  bruised  and  bleeding,  to  the 
ground,  Captain  Clarke  narrowly  escaping 
with  his  life. 

On  the  1 3th  of  June  the  party  reached 
the  Great  Falls  of  the  Missouri.  They  had 
heard  the  mighty  roar  for  several  hours ;  now 
they  stood  before  one  of  the  grandest  specta 
cles  of  falling  water  in  the  world.  The  rivei 


104     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

descends  the  mountain  side  about  three  hun 
dred  and  sixty  feet  in  the  course  of  sixteen 
miles.  There  are  four  different  cataracts,  the 
largest  being  a  leap  of  eighty-seven  feet  over 
a  perpendicular  wall.  Between  the  cataracts 
are  rapids  where  the  water  leaps  and  rages 
as  if  possessed  by  evil  spirits.  Far  above  the 
mad,  seething  river  rises  a  cloud  of  rainbow- 
tinted  spray,  which  floats  peacefully  away  over 
the  forest  until  dissolved  into  air  by  the  sun. 

On  to  tJte  Pacific 

On  reaching  the  great  falls  the  party  were 
obliged  to  carry  their  canoes  for  eighteen 
miles,  when  they  again  made  use  of  the  river. 
After  a  journey  of  one  hundred  and  forty-five 
miles  from  the  falls  they  reach  a  place  where 
the  Missouri  breaks  through  great  mountain 
walls  many  hundred  feet  in  height,  and  they 
call  it  the  "Gates  of  the  Rocky  Mountains." 
They  are  still  four  hundred  miles  from  the 
source  of  the  river,  and  their  journey  con 
tinues. 

Many  interesting  incidents  occur  as  they 
journey  along.  One  morning  Captain  Lewis 


THE   LEWIS   AND   CLARKE   EXPEDITION     10$ 

awoke  and  found  that  a  huge  rattlesnake  had 
coiled  itself  around  the  tree  beneath  which  he 
had  slept,  where  it  kept  watch  over  him,  but 
did  him  no  harm.  On  one  occasion  the  party 
was  divided  into  two  parts  and  came  near 
losing  each  other  owing  to  the  impudence  of 
a  little  beaver.  One  company  led  by  Lewis 
came  to  the  forks  of  a  small  river,  and  he 
left  a  letter  placed  on  a  pole  for  Clarke, 
directing  him  to  take  the  stream  to  the  left. 
Along  came  the  beaver  and  deliberately  cut 
down  the  pole  with  his  teeth,  and  carried  it 
away,  letter  and  all.  Clarke  took  the  wrong 
branch,  and  it  was  several  days  before  the 
parties  were  reunited. 

The  party  had  with  them  an  Indian  woman 
of  the  Shoshone  tribe,  who  had  been  taken 
captive  by  another  tribe  about  five  years  before 
Being  informed  through  the  interpreter  who 
the  white  men  were  and  whither  going,  she 
was  induced  to  go  with  them  in  the  hope  of 
again  finding  her  own  people.  Captain  Lewis 
was  pleased  with  this,  as  he  hoped  to  make 
friends  with  the  Shoshones  by  bringing  back 
their  lost  one.  While  in  advance  of  the  rest 


106      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

one  day  in  August  he  saw,  about  two  miles 
across  the  plain,  a  man  on  horseback,  and  by 
the  aid  of  his  glass  he  saw  that  it  -was  an 
Indian  warrior  whom  he  believed  to  be  a 
Shoshone.  Lewis  approached  cautiously,  but 
when  within  a  few  hundred  yards  the  savage 
wheeled  his  horse  and  soon  vanished  in  the 
wilderness. 

For  some  days  they  searched  for  these 
Indians,  their  object  being  to  secure  guides 
and  horses,  for  the  faithful  Missouri .  had  at 
last  dwindled  to  a  rivulet,  and  could  guide 
them  and  bear  them  no  longer.  Several  times 
they  sighted  Indians,  but  each  time  they  ran 
like  frightened  deer.  After  several  days' 
search  they  came  suddenly  upon  two  women, 
one  of  whom  escaped,  but  the  other  was 
captured.  She  stood  expecting  instant  death ; 
but  Lewis  soon  convinced  her  that  there  was 
nothing  to  fear,  and  persuaded  her  to  lead  them 
to  her  tribe.  While  on  the  way  they  were 
met  by  sixty  armed  warriors,  coming  to  her 
rescue ;  but  when  she  convinced  them  of  the 
character  of  the  newcomers,  and  when  they 
beheld  the  other  woman,  who  had  been  stolen 


THE   LEWIS   AND   CLARKE   EXPEDITION    IO/ 

from  them  several  years  before,  now  brought 
back  in  safety  by  the  strangers,  their  hostility 
was  changed  to  the  wildest  demonstrations  of 
joy.  They  leaped  from  their  horses  and 
embraced  the  white  men,  besmearing  the 
clothes  and  faces  of  the  latter  with  paint  and 
grease.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  our  party 
had  no  further  trouble  securing  guides  and 
horses. 

The  expedition  had  now  reached  the  water 
shed  which  divides  the  vast  basin  of  the  Missis 
sippi  Valley  from  the  Pacific  Slope ;  and  one 
can  imagine  a  tiny  drop  of  water  falling  from 
the  clouds  and  being  divided  by  the  upturned 
edge  of  a  leaf,  the  one  half  finding  its  way  to 
the  Atlantic  Ocean  by  way  of  the  Missouri,  the 
Mississippi,  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  the  other 
flowing  into  the  Pacific  by  way  of  the  Columbia 
River.  Here  was  the  great  divide,  the  culmi 
nation  of  the  Rocky  Mountain  system,  the 
birthplace  of  mighty  rivers.  From  this  point 
our  party  must  traverse  the  rugged  mountains 
on  horseback  and  on  foot,  leaving  behind  their 
canoes,  until  they  reach  the  head  waters  of  the 
Columbia,  that  noble  river  of  the  Pacific  Slope, 


108     SIDE  LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

which  had  been  partially  explored  thirteen 
years  before  by  Captain  Grey,  and  to  which 
he  had  given  the  name  of  his  ship— the  Co 
lumbia  .' 

We  shall  not  attempt  to  trace  their  further 
course  in  detail,  as  their  experience  was  similar 
to  that  already  given.  The  party  discovered 
many  rivers  and  creeks  to  which  they  gave 
names.  They  evidently  had  no  poet  in  the 
company,  as  the  names  they  conferred  are 
peculiarly  devoid  of  euphonic  beauty.  After 
exhausting  their  vocabulary,  they  conferred  the 
names  of  the  President  and  his  cabinet  on 
rivers.  We  find  the  Jefferson,  the  Madison,  the 
Gallatin,  and  the  Dearborn  rivers.  Then  they 
used  the  names  of  the  men  of  their  own  com 
pany  till  all  were  exhausted.  The  Lewis  River, 
the  Clarke  River,  the  John  Day  River,  are 
found  among  them.  Even  the  negro  servant, 
York,  was  honored  by  having  a  river  called  by 
his  name.  Sometimes  they  gave  such  pedantic 
names  as  Philosophy,  Philanthropy,  and  Inde 
pendence  to  the  rivers.  When  they  discovered 
one  river,  a  large  bear  was  standing  on  the 
bank,  and  they  called  it  Bear  River.  One  day 


THE   LEWIS   AND   CLARKE   EXPEDITION     ICQ 

they  encamped  on  a  bank  of  a  stream  where 
game  was  scarce,  and  they  killed  a  colt  for 
food  ;  they  called  it  the  Coltkilled  River.  Some 
of  these  names  have  been  changed,  but  many 
are  still  retained. 

On  the  28th  of  September  our  explorers 
found  themselves  in  the  presence  of  Mount 
Hood,  rising  to  the  clouds  in  all  its  grandeur 
and  magnificence.  On  they  marched,  pass 
ing  dangerous  shoals  and  rapids  in  the  upper 
Columbia,  and  suffering  many  hardships.  But 
they  were  amply  repaid  with  many  romantic 
scenes  —  cascades  of  marvellous  beauty,  snow 
capped  mountain  ridges  skirted  at  the  base 
with  gigantic  forests,  with  here  and  there  an 
open  space  of  the  most  luxuriant  vegetation, 
now  adorned  with  the  richest  autumnal  hues. 

On  the  morning  of  November  7,  1806,  after 
a  journey  of  a  year  and  a  half  through  the  un 
broken  wilderness,  they  first  saw  the  blue  line 
in  the  western  horizon  that  told  them  that  the 
goal  of  their  wanderings  was  at  hand.  It  was 
the  Pacific  Ocean.  At  last  they  had  reached 
that  boundless  watery  plain  upon  which  Balboa 
had  gazed  with  a  swelling  soul,  through  which 


HO     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Magellan  had  ploughed  with  his  hardy  seamen 
until  he  had  belted  the  globe. 

The  Return  to  the  United  States 

The  exploring  party  spent  the  winter  in  log 
cabins  of  their  own  construction,  near  the  mouth 
of  a  river,  and  they  called  the  place  Fort  Clat- 
sop.  During  the  winter  they  made  several  ex 
ploring  expeditions,  and  were  visited  by  various 
Indian  tribes.  On  March  23,  1807,  they  began 
their  return  journey.  They  ascended  the  Co 
lumbia  River  in  canoes  to  its  head  waters,  when 
they  crossed  the  mountains  on  horses  secured 
from  the  Indians  whom  they  had  seen  the  year 
before.  Most  of  these  they  found  still  friendly, 
while  others  were  becoming  suspicious  of  the 
white  invaders  of  their  forest  home.  The 
Walla  Wallas  were  so  cordial  that  the  party, 
after  remaining  with  them  some  days,  found  it 
difficult  to  get  leave  to  depart.  Later  they  en 
countered  a  tribe  that  was  disposed  to  be  treach 
erous,  and  Lewis  was  obliged  to  shoot  an  Indian 
to  save  his  own  life. 

The  return  trip  was  covered  more  rapidly 
than  the  advance  had  been,  especially  after 


THE   LEWIS   AND   CLARKE   EXPEDITION     III 

they  reached  the  Missouri,  on  which  they 
floated  with  the  current.  The  expedition 
reached  St.  Louis,  September  23,  1807,  hav 
ing  traversed  nine  thousand  miles  of  unexplored 
wilderness  in  two  and  a  half  years.  They  had 
experienced  but  few  accidents,  and  had  lost  but 
one  man.  Their  journal  was  published  a  few 
years  later,  and  it  conveyed  much  important 
information  concerning  the  Great  West.  Con 
gress  made  grants  of  land  to  each  member,  of  the 
party,  besides  a  soldier's  pay  for  the  time  spent. 
Captain  Lewis  became  governor  of  Louisiana 
Territory,  and  Clarke  a  general  of  militia,  after 
ward  governor  of  Missouri.  Two  years  later 
Lewis  was  attacked  by  a  hereditary  disease, 
and,  in  a  temporary  season  of  insanity,  took 
his  own  life.  Clarke's  negro  servant,  York, 
now  took  Lewis's  name,  and  called  himself 
Captain  Lewis  to  the  end  of  his  life,  dying  some 
years  ago  in  Virginia  at  the  great  age  of  ninety 
years. 

An  Indian  Story 

A  member  of  the  Lewis  and  Clarke  expedi 
tion  named  John   Colter,   while  on  the  return 


112     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

trip,  asked  and  was  granted  leave  to  remain  in 
the  wilderness  as  a  hunter  and  trapper.  He 
associated  himself  with  a  trapper  named  Potts, 
and  the  two  were  soon  busy  capturing  fur-bear 
ing  animals.  They  were  in  the  heart  of  the 
Blackfoot  Indian  country,  and  these  savages 
were  known  to  be  hostile  at  the  time. 

One  day  as  Colter  and  Potts  were  sitting  in 
their  canoe  on  the  edge  of  a  small  stream  they 
heard,  from  behind  a  neighboring  hill,  the 
tramp  of  innumerable  feet.  At  first  they 
feared  that  it  was  Indians;  then  they  thought 
it  was  a  herd  of  buffalo.  In  a  few  minutes 
their  worst  fears  were  realized.  Six  hundred 
savage  warriors  swarmed  around  the  hill,  and 
the  two  trappers  were  unable  to  escape.  Potts 
raised  his  rifle,  shot  down  the  foremost  Indian, 
and  his  body  was  instantly  pierced  by  a  score 
of  arrows.  The  canoe  floated  away,  bearing 
his  dead  body.  Colter  was  taken  captive. 

The  savages  had  no  thought  of  sparing 
Colter's  life,  but  they  decided  to  toy  with 
him,  as  a  kitten  toys  with  a  mouse  before 
killing  it  —  but  sometimes  the  mouse  finds  a 
hole  and  escapes.  Colter  was  first  stripped 


THE   LEWIS  AND   CLARKE   EXPEDITION     113 

to  the  skin,  not  a  shred  of  clothes  being  left 
on  his  body.  He  was  then  asked  if  he  were  a 
good  runner,  and  he  answered  that  he  was  not. 
The  chief  then  took  him  about  three  hundred 
yards  from  the  body  of  Indians,  let  him  go,  and 
said,  "  Now  save  your  life,  if  you  can." 

At  that  instant  the  six  hundred  savages,  with 
a  terrible  war-whoop,  started  in  pursuit.  Colter 
darted  away  with  a  speed  that  surprised  him 
self  as  well  as  his  pursuers.  There  was  a  plain 
before  him  six  miles  wide,  bounded  on  the  far 
ther  side  by  a  river  fringed  with  trees.  Colter 
made  for  this  stream,  and  the  unearthly,  demon- 
like  yells  of  the  on-rushing  savages  seemed  to 
lend  him  wings.  The  plain  was  covered  with 
prickly  pears,  and,  being  without  moccasins,  his 
feet  were  lacerated  at  every  stride.  He  ran 
about  three  miles  before  looking  back ;  then, 
glancing  over  his  shoulder,  he  saw  that  all  but 
a  few  were  left  far  behind.  One  huge  warrior, 
however,  armed  with  a  spear,  was  but  two  hun 
dred,  yards  away  and  gaining.  Colter  doubled 
the  effort,  and  so  great  was  his  exertion  that  the 
blood  gushed  from,  his  nostrils  and  flowed  down 
over  his  breast.  When  within  a  mile  of  the 
i 


114     SIDE  LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

river,  he  glanced  back  again  and  saw  that  his 
pursuer  was  but  few  paces  away,  and  was  al 
most  in  the  act  of  throwing  his  spear. 

Colter,  moved  by  a  sudden  impulse,  stopped 
and  faced  the  savage,  spreading  out  his  arms, 
and  thus  stood  in  the  form  of  a  cross.  The 
Indian  was  so  surprised  at  this  unexpected 
movement  and  at  the  bloody  appearance  of  the 
white  man's  body,  that  he  stumbled  and  fell  to 
the  ground.  Colter  ran  back,  seized  the  spear, 
ran  it  through  his  antagonist's  body,  pinning 
him  to  the  earth,  and  renewed  his  flight. 

The  pursuing  savages  halted  a  few  seconds 
over  the  dead  body  of  their  comrade,  thus 
giving  Colter  an  increased  advantage.  Now 
they  again  resumed  the  pursuit  with  more 
fiendish  yells  than  before.  But  Colter  was 
nearing  the  river,  and  was  soon  hidden  by  the 
trees.  The  next  moment  he  plunged  beneath 
the  waves.  In  the  middle  of  the  river,  lodged 
against  an  island,  was  a  large  raft  of  drift 
wood.  Beneath  this  our  hero  dived,  and  .stuck 
his  head  up  between  two  logs  covered  with 
smaller  timbers  and  brush.  .The  Indians  came 
up  and  searched  for  several  hours,  but  failed 


THE   LEWIS   AND   CLARKE   EXPEDITION     115 

to  find  him.  Again  and  again  he  could  see 
them  walking  above  him  over  the  driftwood. 
He  was  terribly  afraid  they  would  set  fire  to 
it,  but  they  did  not. 

At  nightfall  the  savages  left,  and  Colter 
swam  out  and  was  soon  speeding  through  the 
forest.  After  travelling  for  seven  days,  utterly 
unclothed,  and  with  nothing  to  eat  but  roots, 
he  reached  a  trading-post  on  the  Big  Horn 
River.  It  was  several  months  before  he  fully 
recovered  from  his  terrible  experience. 


CHAPTER  VII 
CONSPIRACY  OF  AARON  BURR 

THE  world  is  inclined  to  go  to  extremes  in 
placing  its  stamp  of  value  on  the  most  con 
spicuous  public  characters.  It  is  true,  there 
is  a  great  middle  class  of  prominent  men  who 
are  rated,  after  they  are  gone,  at  something 
near  their  real  worth ;  but  the  people  must 
have  their  hero,  their  demigod,  their  type  of 
all  perfection ;  they  must  also  have  their  mon 
strosity,  their  type  of  all  villany.  From  the 
same  trait  of  human  nature  that  tends  to 
adore  too  much,  springs  the  tendency  to  de 
spise  too  much.  The  drama  must  have  its 
hero  and  its  villain,  and  if  either  falls  below 
perfection  in  his  rdle,  the  imagination  sup 
plies  the  deficiency. 

Some  of  the  greatest  characters  in  history 
were  not  so  great  nor  so  perfect  in  real  life 
as  posterity  has  made  them ;  and  it  is  cer- 

116 


CONSPIRACY  OF  AARON  BURR  1 17 

tain  that  some  of  the  villains  of  history  were 
not  so  monstrous  as  they  have  been  pictured. 
History  in  the  abstract  is  truth,  because  it  pic 
tures  human  nature  as  it  really  was  and  is ; 
but  it  is  not  always  true  in  the  concrete ;  it 
overdraws  some  characters  at  the  expense  of 
others. 

Aaron  Burr 

This  chapter  is  not  intended  to  be  a  defence 
of  the  character  with  whom  it  deals,  but  the 
author  wishes  to  state  his  belief  at  the  out- 
start  that  Aaron  Burr  has  been  judged  too 
severely  by  the  American  people ;  that  he 
was  not  so  deep-dyed  a  villain  as  is  generally 
supposed.  It  is  true  that  he  slew  the  great 
Hamilton  in  a  duel ;  but  duels  were  com 
mon  in  those  days,  and  he  who  accepted  a 
challenge  was  scarcely  less  blamable  than  he 
who  gave  it.  It  is  true,  or  is  supposed  to  be 
true,  that  he  aimed  to  sever  the  Union  and 
to  set  up  a  Western  Empire  with  himself  at 
the  head.  But  let  it  be  remembered  that  in 
those  days  there  was  a  general  belief  that 
the  East  and  West  would  eventually  become 


Il8      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

separate  nations ;  that  so  unlike  were  their  in 
terests,  and  so  great  their  distance  apart,  as  to 
render  their  continuance  in  the  same  house 
hold  impossible;  and  that  it  is  still  believed 
that  but  for  the  railway  and  the  telegraph, 
which  have  brought  us  so  near  together  as 
a  people,  the  ultimate  separation  of  the  East 
and  the  West  would  have  been  inevitable. 

Nevertheless,  Burr  was  a  bad  character; 
his  ambition  was  not  that  of  the  patriot,  but  of 
the  self-seeker;  his  killing  of  Hamilton  was 
little  short  of  murder,  as  he  knew  that  his 
skill  with  the  pistol  far  exceeded  that  of  his 
antagonist,  and  he  was  fully  determined  to 
end  the  career  of  the  latter.  But  he  had  his 
redeeming  traits.  He  was  a  great  lover  of 
children ;  his  perennial  exuberance  of  spirits 
under  the  most  crushing  trials  excites  our  high 
est  admiration ;  his  devotion  to  his  daughter 
was  strangely  beautiful. 

Aaron  Burr  was  a  descendant  of  the  great 
New  England  divine  of  colonial  days,  Jona 
than  Edwards.  Scarcely  more  than  a  boy 
at  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution,  he  flung 
himself  into  the  midst  of  the  fray,  and  proved 


CONSPIRACY   OF  AARON   BURR  IIQ 

to  be  one  of  the  bravest  of  the  brave.  He 
afterward  entered  the  legal  profession  and 
became  one  of  the  keenest  and  most  success 
ful  lawyers  in  America.  He  entered  politics 
and  rose  until  he  became  a  senator,  then  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States.  His  wife  had 
died  and  left  him  a  little  daughter  named 
Theodosia,  a  beautiful  girl  of  the  rarest  men 
tal  gifts,  who,  while  yet  a  child,  presided  over 
her  father's  luxuriant  home  with  the  grace 
of  a  princess.  The  father  adored  his  charm 
ing  daughter,  and  lavished  upon  her  every 
luxury  that  wealth  could  bestow ;  but  she  did 
not  become  a  spoiled  child ;  her  good  sense 
was  of  the  highest  grade,  and  her  devotion 
to  her  father  was  something  wonderful. 

But  an  evil  day  came,  and  the  happiness 
of  the  family  became  forever  blighted.  The 
misfortune  began  with  the  death  of  Hamilton. 
It  had  been  coming,  it  is  true,  for  some  time 
before.  Hamilton  was  but  one  of  the  power 
ful  politicians  who  had  combined  to  break 
the  political  fortunes  in  New  York  and  in  the 
nation  of  Aaron  Burr.  They  succeeded,  and 
in  the  spring  of  1804  Burr  found  himseli 


120     SIDE  LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

politically  and  financially  ruined.  Up  to  that 
time  he  had  been  a  political  aspirant  not  unlike 
others  of  his  station.  His  private  life  was 
not  pure,  but  it  was  no  worse  than  that  of 
many  others  of  his  own  class.  Had  he  been 
elected  President  of  the  United  States  in  1801, 
when  he  came  so  near  the  prize,  he  would 
doubtless  now  be  classed  among  the  honored 
fathers.  Had  he  borne  his  later  defeat  in 
New  York  in  silence,  as  many  a  man  has  borne 
equal  disappointments,  his  name  would  not 
now  be  covered  with  odium. 

But  Burr  was  a  vindictive  man.  He  brooded 
over  his  downfall.  He  thought  Hamilton  the 
chief  cause  of  it,  and  determined  to  rid  him 
self  of  his  great  rival.  He  challenged  him  to 
a  duel.  The  false  code  of  honor  of  that  day 
was  such  that  one  could  not  refuse  such  a 
challenge  without  being  branded  as  a  coward, 
and  Hamilton  had  not  the  moral  courage  to 
defy  public  opinion,  and  refuse  to  fight  a  duel. 
He  accepted  the  challenge.  They  met  at 
Weehawken,  on  the  New  Jersey  shore  of  the 
Hudson,  on  July  n,  1804.  Hamilton  fell  at 
the  first  fire,  mortally  wounded.  In  a  few 


CONSPIRACY  OF  AARON  BURR  121 

hours  he  was  dead.  Burr  had  legally  slain 
his  enemy.  He  may  have  experienced  a  mo 
mentary  thrill  of  joy  at  the  result.  The  truth 
may  not  at  that  moment  have  entered  his 
brain  that  his  fatal  bullet  had  added  a  lustre 
for  all  time  to  the  name  of  his  fallen  victim, 
and  had  covered  his  own  with  indelible  dis 
honor. 

If  ever  there  was  a  man  who  received  due 
punishment  in  this  life  for  his  wrong-doing, 
it  was  Aaron  Burr.  From  this  day  forth  his 
every  project  was  marked  with  failure.  He 
lived  to  be  old,  and  through  all  his  subse 
quent  years,  misfortune  pursued  him,  like  the 
Nemesis  of  evil,  with  unrelenting  severity. 

Scarcely  had  the  breath  left  Hamilton's 
body,  when  public  feeling  in  New  York,  re 
gardless  of  party,  was  roused  against  his 
slayer.  Burr,  to  escape  the  popular  indigna 
tion,  quietly  left  the  city  for  Philadelphia,  but 
here  he  found  the  same  state  of  feeling  against 
him,  and  he  fled,  to  the  South,  where  he  re 
mained  for  several  months.  When  the  excite 
ment  had  somewhat  abated,  he  returned  north 
ward,  and  spent  the  winter  in  Washington  and 


122     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Philadelphia;  but  the  public  feeling  was  still 
such  that  he  thought  best  not  to  remain,  and 
he  decided  on  making  a  tour  of  the  West. 

At  that  time  a  tide  of  emigration  was  pour 
ing  into  the  Mississippi  Valley,  new  States 
were  being  carved  out  of  the  wilderness,  and 
new  cities  were  growing  up  in  many  places. 

Burr  determined  to  go  westward,  but  what 
his  ultimate  intentions  were  no  one  seemed 
to  surmise.  His  friends  proposed  (for  he 
still  had  friends)  that  he  settle  in  some  rising 
Western  city,  and  get  himself  elected  to  Con 
gress.  This  would  no  doubt  have  been  easy 
to  do,  for  very  few  men  of  his  mental  caliber 
could  be  found  west  of  the  Alleghanies,  and 
he  was  still  popular  in  the  Mississippi  Valley. 
Had  he  chosen  such  a  course,  he  could  have  in 
a  great  measure  lived  down  the  odium  arising 
from  the  duel,  but  he  was  too  ambitious  for 
such  a  quiet  life.  This  plan,  it  was  afterward 
believed,  was  intended  only  to  hide  his  real 
designs. 

He  left  Philadelphia  in  April,  1805  ;  in  nine 
teen  days  he  had  reached  Pittsburg,  and  was 
soon  floating  down  the  Ohio.  The  Ohio  is 


CONSPIRACY   OF  AARON   BURR  123 

one  of  the  most  beautiful  of  rivers.  For  hun 
dreds  of  miles  it  coils  itself  among  the  hills, 
which  often  rise  in  rocky  steeps  from  the 
water's  edge,  skirted  along  the  base  and 
crowned  at  the  top  with  primeval  forest.  On 
ward  the  little  party  proceed  until  they  reach 
Marietta,  that  quaint  old  town  that  had  been 
founded  seventeen  years  before  by  Rufus  Put 
nam,  the  "  Father  of  Ohio,"  and  named  in 
honor  of  the  unfortunate  queen  of  France. 
Here  they  alight  and  inspect  those  strange 
mounds,  the  relics  of  an  unknown  race,  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Muskingum. 

A  few  miles  below  Marietta  there  is  an 
island  in  the  river  that  was  soon  to  become 
famous,  and  was  to  be  known  henceforth  as 
the  Blennerhassett  Island.  It  lies  low  in  the 
river,  is  about  three  miles  long  and  quite  nar 
row.  On  this  island  Harman  Blennerhassett, 
an  eccentric,  romantic  Irishman,  with  an 
equally  romantic  wife,  had  made  his  home. 
He  had  been  a  barrister  in  his  own  country, 
had  inherited  a  snug  fortune,  and  brought  it, 
with  his  wife,  to  America.  Their  thirst  for 
the  novel  and  the  romantic  had  led  them  to 


124     SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

penetrate  the  western  wilderness,  and  to  locate 
on  this  island,  where  they  built  a  curious 
house,  modelled  after  some  of  the  ancient 
structures  of  the  Old  World.  Here  they  lived 
in  apparent  contentment  for  several  years. 

Leaving  Marietta,  Burr  came  to  this  island, 
and  having  heard  of  the  eccentric  foreigner 
who  dwelled  there,  made  a  landing  out  of 
mere  curiosity.  Hearing  that  the  proprietor 
was  absent,  he  did  not  go  to  the  house,  but 
strolled  about  the  grounds,  when  Mrs.  Blenner- 
hassett  sent  a  servant  to  invite  the  strangers 
to  the  house.  Burr  sent  his  card  with  a  polite 
refusal ;  but,  when  the  lady  saw  his  name,  she 
came  out  and  gave  him  a  pressing  invitation 
to  remain  to  dinner.  He  now  consented,  and 
the  party  spent  several  hours  in  pleasant  con 
versation,  when  they  reembarked  and  pro 
ceeded  to  Cincinnati.  After  a  few  days'  stay 
at  this  growing  village,  Burr  descended  the 
river  to  the  Falls  of  the  Ohio,  where  Louis 
ville  now  stands.  At  this  point  he  left  the 
river,  and  made  an  overland  journey  through 
the  wilderness  to  Nashville.  A  travelling 
showman  had  lately  been  at  Nashville,  and 


CONSPIRACY  OF  AARON   BURR  125 

had  exhibited  a  wax  figure  of  Burr  "as  he 
appeared  when  he  slew  the  leviathan  of  Fed 
eralism  under  the  heights  of  Weehawken."1 
Burr  received  high  honors  at  Nashville,  where 
he  remained  for  some  days  at  the  home  of 
Andrew  Jackson. 

The  Great  Conspiracy 

Burr's  plans  had  now  taken  shape  in  his 
own  mind.  There  was  continuous  friction  be 
tween  the  Americans  and  Spaniards  in  the 
Southwest,  and  Burr  gave  out  that  he  in 
tended  to  conduct  a  military  expedition  against 
Mexico,  which  then  belonged  to  Spain.  But 
an  inner  circle,  knew  that  his  designs  were 
still  deeper,  that  his  aim  was  to  raise  a  re 
volt  in  the  Mississippi  Valley,  to  sever  it 
from  the  Union,  and  to  establish  an  inde 
pendent  nation.  This  Burr  had  suggested  to 
the  English  Minister,  Mr.  Merry,  before 
leaving  Philadelphia.  At  Cincinnati  he  had 
met  and  conferred  with  Mr.  Dayton,  former 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  and 
with  ex-Senator  John  Smith  of  Ohio,  both  of 

1  McMaster,  Vol.  III.  p.  57. 


126     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

whom  were  afterward  found  to  be  in  his  plot 
Some  have  even  named  Andrew  Jackson  as 
one  of  the  conspirators,  but  there  is  no  proof 
of  this ;  and  Jackson's  unswerving  patriotism 
before  and  after  this  period  was  such  as  to 
make  this  accusation  difficult  to  believe. 

Burr  went  down  the  Cumberland  from  Nash 
ville.  On  reaching  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio, 
he  met  the  man  who  was  to  be  his  confed 
erate,  and  afterward  his  betrayer  —  General 
James  Wilkinson.  Wilkinson  was  commander 
of  the  armies'  of  the  United  States  and  gov 
ernor  of  Louisiana  at  the  time.  He  was  a 
man  of  ambition  no  less  sordid  than  that  of 
Burr.  The  two  had  long  been  acquainted; 
they  had  fought  together  under  the  walls  of 
Quebec  in  the  Revolution,  and  had  corres 
ponded  with  each  other  for  many  years.  Burr 
now  took  Wilkinson  into  his  plot,  and  the  two 
men  spent  four  days  together,  laying  their 
schemes  for  the  future.  Wilkinson  then  fitted 
Burr  out  in  a  fine  boat  in  which  he  proceeded 
to  New  Orleans,  where  he  arrived  on  June 
25,  1805,  armed  with  a  letter  from  Wilkinson 
to  Daniel  Clark,  the  richest  man  in  the  city. 


CONSPIRACY  OF  AARON   BURR  127 

For  two  weeks  Burr  was  lionized  in  New 
Orleans,  and  his  proposed  expedition  to  Mex 
ico,  no  longer  a  secret,  was  talked  of  on  all 
sides.  Returning  up  the  river,  Burr  again 
met  with  Wilkinson,  but  found  the  ardor  of 
that  gentlemen  somewhat  cooled.  The  fact 
is,  Wilkinson  had  sounded  his  subordinate  offi 
cers  on  the  subject  of  dismembering  the  Union, 
and  had  received  so  little  encouragement  that 
his  enthusiasm  had  greatly  subsided. 

Late  in  the  fall  Burr  returned  to  Washing 
ton.  He  had  counted  much  on  receiving  aid 
from  England,  believing  that  country  ready 
to  engage  in  any  project  that  would  retard  the 
growth  of  the  United  States.  Hastening  to 
the  house  of  the  British  Minister,  Burr  was 
greatly  dismayed  when  that  gentlemen  in 
formed  him  that  no  assistance  from  that  quar 
ter  could  be  expected.  But  the  will  of  Burr 
was  indomitable.  During  the  few  months  he 
spent  in  the  East  his  efforts  were  prodigious. 
He  sought  out  his  old  friends,  army  and  navy 
officials,  men  of  wealth,  and  every  one  who 
had  a  grievance  against  the  Government,  and 
attempted  to  bring  them  into  his  plot.  By 


128     SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

one  of  these,  General  Eaton,  he  was  betrayed 
to  President  Jefferson,  but  Jefferson  was  slow 
to  believe  that  there  was  any  real  danger,  and 
made  no  attempt  to  apprehend  the  conspira 
tors.  Burr  stated  to  a  friend  that  the  Govern 
ment  was  in  such  an  imbecile  condition  that 
with  two  hundred  men  he  could  drive  the 
President  and  Congress  into  the  Potomac. 

In  August,  1806,  Burr  again  started  west 
ward,  taking  with  him  this  time  his  daughter 
Theodosia,  who  was  now  the  wife  of  Joseph 
Alston,  the  governor  of  South  Carolina,  reputed 
to  be  the  richest  planter  in  the  South.  They 
soon  reached  Blennerhassett  Island,  and  the 
occupants  were  completely  captivated  by  the 
wit  and  the  vivacity  of  the  charming  Theodosia, 
who  fully  believed  that  her  father's  schemes 
were  legitimate  and  honorable.  From  this 
time  the  Blennerhassetts  were  the  most  de 
voted  adherents  of  the  conspirator. 

This  credulous  Irishman  was  led  to  believe 
that  all  their  projects  were  about  to  be  real 
ized.  A  great  nation  was  to  be  founded  in 
the  West.  Burr  was  to  be  the  monarch  as 
Aaron  I.,  Mrs.  Alston  was  to  be  the  queen, 


CONSPIRACY  OF  AARON  BURR      I2Q 

and  her  little  son  heir  apparent  to  the  throne. 
But  this  was  not  all;  Blennerhassett  should 
represent  the  new  nation  at  the  court  of  St 
James,  and  Wilkinson  should  command  its 
armies.  This  was  the  vision  presented  to  the 
simple-minded  Blennerhassett,  and  he  chat 
tered  it  all  around  the  country. 

Leaving  his  daughter  on  the  island,  Burr 
went  down  the  river  to  Cincinnati,  and  across 
to  Nashville.  All  was  now  haste  and  activity. 
Fifteen  boats  were  being  built  at  Marietta, 
several  more  on  the  Cumberland.  Provisions 
were  purchased  and  men  were  arming  on  all 
sides  and  making  ready  for  the  expedition, 
most  of  whom  still  believed  that  the  sole  ob 
ject  was  the  conquest  of  Mexico.  Burr  was 
the  general  manager  of  everything.  We  find 
him  first  in  one  town  and  then  in  another,  dis 
playing  the  most  remarkable  energy. 

But  he  had  enemies  here  and  there.  At 
Frankfort,  Kentucky,  he  was  tried  in  a  United 
States  court  for  treason,  but  was  acquitted. 
One  of  his  counsel  in  this  trial  was  a  young 
man  whose  after  career  made  him  a  name  that 
the  Nation  still  delights  to  honor  —  Henry  Clay. 


130     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Burr  again  went  to  Nashville,  and  a  great 
ball  was  given  in  his  honor.  His  hopes  were 
now  at  their  highest  point.  He  was  soon  to 
become  a  conquering  hero  —  one  who  would 
draw  the  eyes  of  the  world  —  the  founder  of 
an"empire  —  when  lo  !  a  thunderbolt  came,  and 
his  whole  scheme  from  the  top  to  the  bottom 
was  shattered  and  annihilated.  The  bolt  came 
in  the  form  of  a  proclamation  from  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States. 

The  Arrest  and  the   Trial 

President  Jefferson  had  at  last  been  awak 
ened  from  his  lethargy  and  led  to  believe  that 
there  was  some  real  danger  of  an  uprising  in 
the  Mississippi  Valley.  Hence  the  proclama 
tion,  issued  in  November,  1806,  which  was 
called  forth  by  a  letter  from  General  Wilkin 
son,  betraying  Burr's  entire  plot  to  the  Presi 
dent.  When  this  proclamation  was  known  in 
the  West,  it  was  no  longer  possible  for  Burr 
to  proceed,  because  many  of  his  followers  had 
been  made  to  believe  that  Jefferson  knew  of 
and  favored  the  expedition ;  when  they  found 
that  this  was  not  true,  they  refused  to  follow 


CONSPIRACY  OF  AARON   BURR  13! 

their  leader  further.  The  President  in  his 
proclamation  did  not  mention  Burr  by  name, 
nor  make  any  reference  to  the  plan  of  sever 
ing  the  Union.  He  simply  stated  that  there 
was  reason  to  believe  that  an  unauthorized 
expedition  against  Mexico  was  about  to  be 
made,  and  he  called  upon  all  United  States 
officers  to  immediately  arrest  all  persons  en 
gaged  in  it. 

Wilkinson,  now  in  New  Orleans,  in  order 
to  clear  his  own  name,  made  a  desperate  effort 
to  pose  as  the  saviour  of  his  country.  He 
made  the  people  believe  that  a  fleet  was  about 
to  come  down  the  Mississippi  to  capture  the 
city.  He  harangued  the  excited  multitude  at 
a  public  meeting;  he  made  many  arrests  of 
suspected  persons,  and  put  the  city  under  mar 
tial  law.  In  short,  this  mighty  (but  it  should 
be  spelled  mitey)'  commander  of  the  army 
blustered  and  fumed  about  at  a  great  rate. 
But  it  was  all  unnecessary.  There  was  no 
armed  force  coming  down  the  river,  and  Wil 
kinson  probably  knew  it.  He  simply  wished 
to  make  a  loud  noise,  a  patriotic  noise,  so  as 
to  cover  his  own  false  trail  of  the  past 


132      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN  HISTORY 

Aaron  Burr  at  this  time  was  floating  down 
the  Mississippi  with  a  few  friends,  hoping  to 
escape  arrest  till  he  reached  the  sea,  when  he 
would  embark  for  a  foreign  land.  None  knew 
better  than  himself  that  Jefferson's  note  of 
warning  to  the  people  had  utterly  blasted  his 
prospects.  None  knew  better  than  he  that,  if 
arrested,  he  would  have  to  contend  against  an 
angered  administration,  supported  by  the 
enemies  he  had  made  in  the  killing  of  Hamil 
ton.  As  he  proceeded  down  the  river  he  was 
astonished  and  dismayed  to  find  that  his  col 
league,  Wilkinson,  had  betrayed  him.  A  short 
distance  above  Natchez,  Mississippi,  Burr 
landed  on  the  east  bank  of  the  river,  and,  dis 
guising  himself  in  the  dress  of  a  river  boatman, 
he  bade  his  companions  good-by  and  disappeared 
in  the  wilderness. 

One  cold  night  in  February,  1807,  two  young 
lawyers  were  playing  at  cards  in  a  cabin  near 
the  village  of  Wakefield,  Alabama,  when  two 
strangers  rode  up  and  inquired  the  way  to 
Colonel  Hinson's.  Being  informed  that  the 
colonel  lived  seven  miles  farther  on,  the 
strangers  departed.  One  of  them,  it  was 


CONSPIRACY  OF  AARON   BURR  133 

readily  seen,  was  a  country  guide ;  the  other 
seemed  to  be  a  different  sort  of  personage. 
He  was  dressed  in  a  rude  homespun  suit,  but 
his  intellectual  countenance,  his  flashing,  bright 
eyes,  and  his  elegantly  shaped  boots,  protruding 
from  the  coarse,  ill-cut  trousers,  attracted  the 
attention  of  one  of  the  young  men,  whose  name 
was  Perkins. 

Soon  after  the  strangers  had  gone,  Perkins 
said  to  his  companion,  "That  is  Aaron  Burr; 
let  us  follow  and  arrest  him."  l 

The  other  ridiculed  the  idea  and  refused  to 
make  any  move  toward  making  the  arrest.  But 
Perkins  was  determined ;  he  at  once  apprised 
the  sheriff,  and  in  a  short  time  he  and  the 
sheriff  were  riding  through  the  darkness 
toward  Colonel  Hinson's. 

Arriving  near  the  place,  Perkins  remained 
outside  with  the  horses  while  the  sheriff  went 
in  to  make  the  arrest.  He  met  the  polite 
stranger,  and  was  soon  fascinated  with  his 
brilliant  conversation.  For  some  hours  the 
company  conversed,  and  this  stranger  was  the 
life  of  the  party.  The  sheriff  had  not  a  doubt 

1  Parton's  "  Life  of  Aaron  Burr,"  Vol.  II.  p.  93. 


134     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

that  it  was  Burr,  but  his  heart  failed  him ; 
he  could  not  arrest  so  elegant  a  gentleman. 
He  remained  over  night,  and  next  morning 
actually  accompanied  Burr  some  distance  as 
guide. 

We  have  all  heard  of  Marshal  Ney,  the 
French  general  —  how  he  was  sent  to  capture 
Napoleon  returning  from  Elba ;  and  how  the 
wonderful  magnetism  of  his  old  commander 
fascinated,  won,  captured  him.  He  went  to 
arrest  the  fallen  Emperor ;  he  came  back  his 
friend  and  ally. 

Similarly  did  Colonel  Aaron  Burr  captivate 
the  sheriff  of  Washington  County,  Alabama. 

Perkins  waited  for  several  hours  with  the 
horses.  Suspecting  at  last  that  his  friend  had 
fallen  a  prey  to  the  blandishments  of  Burr,  he 
returned  home.  But  Perkins  was  not  to  be 
thwarted  so  easily.  He  immediately  went  to 
Fort  Stoddard  and  apprised  Captain  Gaines, 
and  in  less  than  twenty-four  hours  Burr  was  a 
prisoner  in  the  fort.  After  being  detained  here 
for  three  weeks,  the  distinguished  prisoner  was 
taken  northward  for  trial. 

The   distance   was   near   a    thousand    miles, 


CONSPIRACY   OF   AARON   BURR  135 

about  half  of  which  was  a  dense  forest.  The 
guard  consisted  of  nine  mounted  men,  com 
manded  by  the  plucky  Perkins,  who,  remember 
ing  his  experience  with  the  sheriff,  took  his 
men  aside  and  made  them  promise  to  steel  their 
souls  against  the  winning  arts  of  the  prisoner. 
The  long,  fatiguing  march  began,  the  party 
usually  spending  the  nights  in  the  open  air. 
They  spent  one  night  at  a  small  tavern  in 
northern  Georgia.  The  landlord,  not  knowing 
the  character  of  his  guests,  began  to  converse 
on  the  subject  that  absorbed  the  attention  in 
every  part  of  the  Union.  "  Had  they  heard 
anything  of  Aaron  Burr  the  traitor  ?  was  he 
captured  ?  was  he  not  a  very  bad  man  ?  "  Burr, 
who  was  sitting  in  the  corner,  raised  his  head, 
and,  fixing  his  blazing  eyes  on  the  landlord, 
said,  "I  am  Aaron  Burr  —  what  do  you  want 
with  me?" 

The  journey  was  very  monotonous,  but  for 
one  thrilling  incident.  As  they  were  passing 
through  Chester,  South  Carolina,  where  Burr 
knew  that  he  was  popular,  he  suddenly  leaped 
from  his  horse,  and,  appealing  to  .the  people 
along  the  streets,  shouted  in  a  loud  voice :  — 


136      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

"  I  am  Aaron  Burr  under  military  arrest,  and 
claim  the  protection  of  the  civil  authorities." 

The  next  instant  Perkins  stood  before  him 
with  two  drawn  pistols  and  ordered  him  to 
remount. 

Burr  answered  defiantly,  "  /  will  not." 

Perkins  was  unwilling  to  shed  blood.  He 
was  a  powerful  man.  He  threw  his  pistols  to 
the  ground,  seized  his  prisoner,  and  hurled 
him  into  the  saddle.  Before  the  spectators  had 
recovered  from  their  astonishment  the  party 
had  left  the  village  behind.1  Aaron  Burr  was  a 
man  of  wonderful  nerve,  but  for  once  he  lost  his 
self-control ;  he  was  unmanned  ;  he  wept  like 
a  child.  It  is  said  that  in  all  his  sufferings, 
and  they  were  great,  this  strange  man  did  not 
again  exhibit  weakness. 

The  party  was  directed  to  Richmond,  Vir 
ginia,  where  the  trial  was  to  take  place.  Here 
they  arrived  the  26th  of  March,  1807.  j  'It 
would  make  our  chapter  too  long  were  we 
to  give  a  history  of  this  trial.  Let  a  few 
general  statements  suffice. 

The  trial  of  this  ex-Vice-President  for  treason 

1  Part  on,  Vol.  II.  p.  101. 


CONSPIRACY  OF   AARON   BURR  137 

is  the  most  famous  trial  in  all  American  history 
save  one  —  that  of  Andrew  Johnson.  It  was 
presided  over  by  John  Marshal,  the  Chief-Justice 
of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  the  greatest  jurist 
this  country  has  produced.  Both  sides  enjoyed 
counsel  of  the  greatest  ability  ;  the  most  noted 
on  Burr's  side  was  Luther  Martin  of  Baltimore, 
a  framer  of  the  Constitution  ;  the  ablest  on  the 
opposite  side  was  William  Wirt,  afterward  for 
twelve  years  Attorney-General  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  Anti-Mason  candidate  for 
President  in  1832. 

The  trial  was  long  and  exciting,  the  jury 
finally  acquitting  the  prisoner  for  want  of 
evidence,  to  the  great  disappointment  of  Presi 
dent  Jefferson.  Burr  was  guilty  beyond  a 
doubt ;  but  the  Constitution  provides  that 
treason  "  shall  consist  only  in  levying  war 
against"  the  United  States,  or  in  "adhering  to 
their  enemies,"  and  that  "no  person  shall  be 
convicted  of  treason  unless  on  the  testimony 
of  two  witnesses  to  the  overt  act."  No  such 
thing  could  be  proved  against  Burr.  He  was  a 
great  lawyer,  and  he  had  covered  his  trail  and 
managed  his  plot  with  such  skill  that  the  law 


138      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

had  no  hold  on  him.  He  was  therefore  set  at 
liberty.  He  and  Blennerhassett  were  then 
indicted  for  misdemeanor,  to  be  tried  later  in 
Ohio,  but  the  trial  never  came  off. 

Theodosia 

In  the  history  of  Aaron  Burr  there  is  one 
chapter  that  presents  a  charm  of  more  than 
ordinary  attraction  —  that  which  tells  of  the 
relation  between  him  and  his  daughter.  Theo 
dosia  was  a  queenly  woman,  of  high  mental 
gifts,  and  beyond  all  doubt  of  the  purest  and  no 
blest  type.  She  believed  her  father  the  most 
perfect  of  men,  and  never  in  her  life  seemed 
to  doubt  that  his  motives  were  the  best. 

When  she  heard  of  her  father's  arrest,  she 
was  overcome  with  sorrow.  She  hastened  to 
Richmond,  and  remained  during  the  trial. 
Every  one  had  heard  of  Theodosia,  and  every 
one  was  charmed  who  came  within  her  in 
fluence.  She  followed  the  trial  with  the  keen 
ness  of  a  trained  lawyer.  When  the  acquittal 
was  announced,  her  joy  was  unbounded.  Little 
did  she  know  that  her  grief  had  just  begun  — 
that  one  burden  of  sorrow  would  bear  down 


CONSPIRACY   OF   AARON    BURR  139 

upon  another  until  the  weight  would  be  greater 
than  she  could  endure. 

Burr  was  acquitted  by  the  jury,  but  not  by 
the  American  people ;  he  was  detested  as  a 
traitor  on  every  side.  He  went  to  Baltimore 
and  spent  several  days  with  a  friend,  when 
it  was  discovered  that  a  mob  was  forming  to 
do  him  injury,  but  he  escaped  from  the  city 
by  night  He  spent  the  following  winter  in 
hiding  in  various  places,  hoping  that  popular 
clamor  would  subside,  but  it  did  not.  In  June, 
1808,  he  escaped  from  New  York  under  an 
assumed  name  and  took  ship  for  England. 
After  spending  several  months  in  England, 
he  was  banished  from  that  country  as  a 
dangerous  person.  He  next  went  to  Sweden, 
then  to  Germany,  and  finally  to  Paris.  The 
French  Government  was  suspicious  of  him, 
kept  him  under  surveillance,  and  refused  him 
his  passports  when  he  desired  to  leave  the 
country.  He  found  no  rest  wherever  he  went. 
Often  he  found  himself  penniless  and  wholly 
without  means  of  support.  His  dishonor  had 
followed  him  from  land  to  land,  and  he  had 
nowhere  to  lay  his  head  to  rest. 


140     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

But  Aaron  Burr  had  one  friend  whose  fidel 
ity  never  faltered.  It  was  Theodosia.  Her 
letters  to  him  breathe  a  spirit  of  tenderness 
and  devotion  that  is  at  once  pathetic  and 
beautiful.  The  greater  his  persecution,  as  she 
believed  it  to  be,  the  greater  her  adoration. 
Here  is  an  extract  from  one  of  her  letters 
written  him  while  in  Sweden. 

"  I  witness  your  extraordinary  fortitude  with 
new  wonder  at  every  new  misfortune.  Often 
you  appear  to  me  so  superior,  so  elevated 
above  all  other  men ;  I  contemplate  you  with 
such  strange  mixture  of  humility,  admiration, 
reverence,  love,  and  pride  that  very  little 
superstition  would  be  necessary  to  make  me 
worship  you  as  a  superior  being.  When  I 
afterward  revert  to  myself,  how  insignificant 
do  my  best  qualities  appear.  My  vanity  would 
be  greater,  if  I  had  not  been  placed  so  near 
you,  and  yet  my  pride  is  our  relationship." 

Such  devotion  from  such  a  woman  would 
buoy  up  the  spirits  of  any  man.  Burr  often 
said  that  his  only  object  in  life  was  to  serve 
his  daughter  and  her  little  boy.  The  con 
stancy  of  this  daughter,  whose  honesty  and 


CONSPIRACY  OF  AARON   BURR  141 

sincerity  cannot  be  questioned,  means  some 
thing —  it  means  that  Burr's  heart  was  not  all 
bad.  It  is  true,  she  saw  only  the  good,  but 
there  was  good  there,  or  he  could  never 
have  been  to  her  what  he  was.  He  seldom 
told  her  of  his  indigent  condition,  for  he  was 
aware  that  Jefferson's  embargo  had  rendered 
the  cotton  crop  unsalable,  and  that  her  hus 
band,  with  all  his  estates,  was  often  hard 
pressed  for  money. 

Burr  found  no  rest  in  Europe,  and  he  at 
last  decided  to  return  to  his  own  land,  be  the 
consequence  what  it  may.  He  had  been 
absent  four  years,  and,  after  seeking  his  pass 
ports  from  France  for  more  than  a  year,  he 
at  length  received  them,  and  embarked  for 
America  under  an  assumed  name,  reaching 
Boston  in  the  spring  of  1812.  He  made  his 
way  to  New  York,  but  his  presence  excited 
little  interest,  as  war  with  England  was  about 
to  be  waged  and  this  absorbed  public  attention. 

On  reaching  America,  the  returned  wanderer 
performed  the  one  delightful  task  in  which 
he  had  always  been  so  faithful  —  writing  to 
his  daughter.  Six  weeks  passed  when  he 


142      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

received  an  answer.  The  news  it  bore  was  sad 
indeed.  The  letter  was  a  wail  of  grief.  Theo- 
dosia  had  lost  her  little  boy,  her  only  child. 
The  boy  had  shown  signs  of  unusual  talent,  and 
he  was  the  hope  and  pride  of  his  parents  and 
his  grandfather.  Their  dreams  of  his  future 
greatness  thus  vanished  by  his  early  death,  and 
his  mother  was  inconsolable.  Her  father  wrote 
frequently,  offering  her  every  consolation  in 
his  power,  but  she  would  not  be  comforted. 
Burr  himself  had  doted  on  his  promising 
grandchild,  and  ceased  to  mourn  his  loss  only 
at  the  end  of  his  life.  The  mention  of  the 
subject  would  start  the  tear,  but  this  man  of 
iron  would  fold  his  arms  tightly  over  his 
breast,  as  if,  by  mere  physical  strength,  he 
would  repress  the  tide  of  emotion.1 

But  the  bitterest  sorrow  of  all  was  yet  to 
come  to  Aaron  Burr. 

Theodosia's  grief  for  her  lost  boy  did  not 
abate,  and  her  health  began  to  fail.  It  was 
decided  that  she  leave  her  Southern  home  and 
fly  to  her  father.  Her  husband  would  have 
accompanied  her,  but  being  now  governor  of 

1  Parton,  Vol.  II.  p.  247. 


CONSPIRACY  OF  AARON    BURR  143 

South  Carolina,  he  could  not  leave  his  official 
duties.  She  embarked  at  Charleston  in  a  small 
schooner  late  in  December,  1812,  occupying  the 
best  cabin  with  her  maid  and  her  physician. 
Fond  were  the  good-bys  to  her  loving  hus 
band  as  the  vessel  sailed  away;  fond  were  her 
anticipations  of  soon  embracing  a  father  whose 
devotion  to  her  had  been  as  constant  as  the 
northern  star. 

The  vessel  was  lost  upon  the  ocean.  It  was 
never  seen  nor  heard  of  again,  and  not  a  life 
was  saved ! 

The  agonized  suspense  of  Burr  can  only 
be  imagined.  The  eager  letters  exchanged 
between  him  and  his  son-in-law,  the  longing 
for  news  of  the  lost  one,  the  hope,  the  despair, 
and  at  last  the  settled  conviction  that  he  was 
alone  now,  that  he  would  see  his  daughter's 
face  no  more,  furnish  the  most  pathetic  chap 
ter  in  the  strange  history  of  Aaron  Burr. 

He  said  to  a  friend  that  when  he  realized 
the  truth  of  his  daughter's  death,  the  world 
became  to  him  a  blank,  and  life  lost  all  its 
value.  To  her  bereaved  husband  he  wrote 
that  he  felt  himself  severed  from  the  human 


144     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

race.  Governor  Alston  survived  his  wife  but 
a  few  years,  but  the  stormy  career  of  Burr 
was  yet  to  continue  for  nearly  a  quarter  of  a 
century. 

Later  Life  of  Aaron  Burr 

Very  briefly  let  us  notice  the  last  chapter 
in  this  strange  drama.  Of  the  conspicuous 
names  in  the  annals  of  America,  next  to  that 
of  Benedict  Arnold,  the  name  of  Aaron  Burr 
is  the  most  odious.  It  is  certain  that  he  did 
not  deserve  the  love  of  his  countrymen,  but  it 
is  equally  certain  that  he  has  been  unduly 
hated.  There  is  a  tendency  in  human  nature 
to  join  in  the  hue  and  cry  of  the  unthinking 
crowd,  and  our  subject  was  a  victim  of  that 
tendency. 

He  had  come  back  to  New  York  by  stealth, 
in  the  fear  that  his  creditors  would  prosecute 
and  imprison  him,  or  that  the  old  indictments 
against  him  would  be  pushed.  Finding,  how 
ever,  that  he  was  not  likely  to  be  molested, 
he  quietly  began  to  practise  his  profession. 
He  was  a  great  lawyer,  and,  it  is  said,  never 
lost  a  case  in  his  life,  though  he  was  very 


CONSPIRACY  OF  AARON  BURR  145 

careful  not  to  undertake  a  bad  cause.  In  a 
short  time  he  was  earning  a  good  income,  and 
soon  had  many  of  his  debts  paid  off.  But  he 
never  won  the  favor  of  the  public;  in  fact, 
he  lost  ground  in  this  direction  to  the  end  of 
his  life.  It  became  the  popular  thing  to  cut 
him  in  society,  and  to  circulate  in  the  news 
papers  malicious  and  wholly  false  statements 
concerning  him.  These  he  never  noticed,  nor 
did  he  ever  attempt  to  set  himself  right  with 
the  public.  His  old  age  was  similar  to  that 
of  other  men,  except  that  he  was  alone;  but 
he  became  hardened  to  his  lonely  life,  and 
lost  his  interest  in  public  opinion.  That  he 
was  a  man  of  the  grossest  habits  and  desires 
was  often  stated,  but  there  is  little  foundation 
for  such  statements. 

Aaron  Burr  was  a  very  kind-hearted  man, 
and  his  love  for  children,  especially  after  the 
death  of  his  grandson,  was  almost  a  passion. 
He  was  exceedingly  kind  to  the  poor,  and 
many  a  time  he  gave  away  his  last  dollar. 
Old  soldiers  of  the  Revolution  and  their  de 
scendants,  and  those  who  had  lost  money  in 
his  hapless  expedition  in  the  Mississippi  Valley, 


146     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

never  applied  to  him  for  aid  without  receiving 
it,  if  in  his  power  to  help  them.  He  often  had 
several  boys  and  girls  attending  school  at  his 
expense. 

Once,  when  driving  through  the  country,  he 
saw  a  rude  crayon  drawing  on  the  side  of  a 
stable  which  showed  some  signs  of  genius. 
Learning  that  a  little  ragged  boy  had  made 
it,  he  took  the  boy  to  the  city,  educated  him, 
sent  him  to  Europe,  and  had  the  gratification 
to  see  him  become  a  famous  artist. 

Perhaps  the  most  remarkable  trait  in  this 
remarkable  man  was  his  wonderful  self-poise. 
He  was  truly  a  philosopher.  Whatever  the 
public  thought  of  him,  it  did  not  change  his 
opinion  of  himself ;  however  the  people  de 
nounced  him,  he  never  for  a  moment  lost 
his  self-esteem.  He  never  weakened,  never 
complained,  never  exhibited  resentment  nor 
bitterness.  He  never  repented  having  killed 
Hamilton,  always  claiming  that  the  latter  had 
treated  him  shamefully,  and  deserved  his  fate. 

The  one  great  sorrow  of  his  later  life,  the 
death  of  Theodosia  and  her  little  boy,  rent 
his  heart,  and  left  a  wound  that  could  not 


CONSPIRACY  OF  AARON   BURR  147 

heal.  But  all  his  other  misfortunes,  great  as 
they  were,  never  seemed  seriously  to  disturb 
his  mind.  We  learn  by  his  diary  and  by  the 
testimony  of  others  that  he  was  always  the 
same  —  jovial,  full  of  flashing  wit,  self-confi 
dent,  and  unconquerable.  One  of  the  boys 
whom  he  had  educated  was  asked  in  later  life 
what  effect  Burr's  character  had  had  upon  his 
own. 

"  He  made  me  iron,"  was  the  emphatic  reply. 

Burr's  religious  views  are  scarcely  known. 
He  often  said  that  the  Bible  was  the  greatest 
and  best  of  books,  but  would  not  express  him 
self  further.  During  the  last  two  years  of  his 
life  he  was  a  hopeless  paralytic.  A  clergyman 
frequently  visited  him  and  prayed  with  him. 
Burr  was  very  reverent,  and  always  thanked 
the  clergyman  for  his  services,  but  would  not 
disclose  his  own  belief.  He  died  in  1836,  in 
his  eighty-first  year,  and  was  buried  by  the 
side  of  his  fathers  at  Princeton,  New  Jersey. 


CHAPTER   VIII 

THE  MISSOURI  COMPROMISE 

ONE  of  the  most  momentous  legislative  acts 
in  the  history  of  America  is  that  known  as  the 
Missouri  Compromise.  From  this  point,  it  may 
be  said,  the  great  agitation  between  the  North 
and  the  South  on  the  slavery  question  took 
its  rise ;  thenceforth  it  continued  to  be  the 
dominant  public  question  for  more  than  forty 
years,  culminating  at  last  in  the  great  Civil  War. 

This  volume  is  not  intended  to  be  a  history 
of  our  national  legislation ;  its  aim  is  to  present 
with  some  detail  a  few  of  the  strategic  points, 
the  pivots  on  which  the  ponderous  machinery 
of  our  history  has  turned.1  With  this  end  in 
view,  the  ordinary  doings  of  Congress  are 
omitted ;  but  here  and  there  we  find  an  act 
of  the  National  Legislature  of  such  importance 
that  to  omit  it  would  be  to  do  injustice  to  the 

1  See  Preface. 
148 


THE  MISSOURI   COMPROMISE  149 

object  of  the  book.  Among  these  must  be 
classed  the  Missouri  Compromise.  This  was 
purely  a  slavery  question ;  it  is  fitting,  there 
fore,  to  give,  as  an  introduction,  a  brief  account 
of  slavery  in  America  up  to  that  time. 

Slavery  during  the  Colonial  Period 

The  enslavement  of  man  by  his  fellow-man 
was  almost  universal  among  ancient  peoples. 
The  system  in  most  countries  gradually  merged 
into  the  serfdom  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and  eventu 
ally  disappeared,  after  being  greatly  ameliorated 
by  the  influence  of  Christianity.  In  ancient 
times  slavery  was  usually  the  result  of  con 
quest  in  war.  The  enslavement  of  the  African 
race  on  commercial  grounds  had  its  beginning 
in  comparatively  modern  times. 

Slavery  in  the  English  colonies  of  North 
America  dates  back  to  within  twelve  years  of 
the  founding  of  the  first  colony,  Virginia ;  but 
it  had  existed  in  Central  America  and  in  South 
America  for  more  than  a  century  before  that, 
and  in  southern  Europe  for  about  fifty  years 
before  the  discovery  of  the  New  World  by 
Columbus.  Not  long  after  the  introduction  of 


150     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

slavery  into  the  colonies,  the  traffic  in  slaves 
became  quite  profitable,  and  was  chiefly  carried 
on  by  English  traders.  England  was  respon 
sible,  above  all  other  countries,  for  slavery  in 
the  United  States.  At  different  times  the  colo 
nies  attempted  to  suppress  the  slave-trade,  but 
the  British  government  thwarted  them  at  every 
turn  —  simply  because  it  was  a  profitable  means 
of  commerce. 

As  early  as  1712  Pennsylvania  passed  an 
act  to  restrict  the  increase  of  slaves,  but  it 
was  annulled  by  the  Crown.1  Fourteen  years 
later  Virginia  attempted  to  check  the  trade 
by  laying  a  tax  on  imported  negroes,  but  the 
colony  was  soon  forced  to  repeal  the  law. 
South  Carolina  attempted  to  restrict  the  trade 
in  1761,  and  Massachusetts  made  a  similar 
attempt  ten  years  later.  In  each  case  the 
effort  was  summarily  crushed  by  the  British 
Crown.  The  traffic  was  a  source  of  much 
profit  to  England,  and  she  would  listen  to  no 
promptings  of  humanity  in  the  matter.  There 
had  been  founded  in  England,  more  than  a 
century  before  the  Revolution,  the  Royal 

1  Wilson's  "  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Slave  Power,"  Vol.  I.  p.  4. 


THE   MISSOURI   COMPROMISE  151 

African  Company,  a  great  monopoly,  which 
furnished  slaves  for  all  the  British  colonies 
throughout  the  world.  Queen  Anne  owned 
one-fourth  of  the  stock  in  this  company  during 
her  reign,  and  she  especially  enjoined  Parlia 
ment  to  surfer  no  interference  with  the  slave- 
trade. 

Thus  England,  while  not  permitting  slavery 
on  her  home  soil,  not  only  encouraged,  but 
enforced  it,  in  her  colonies.  But  the  mother 
country  was  not  alone  to  blame  for  the  in 
crease  of  the  traffic  in  North  America.  The 
colonists  purchased  the  slaves ;  if  they  had 
not,  the  traffic  would  have  died  out.  Vir 
ginians  made  the  first  settlement  in  North 
Carolina,  and  took  their  slaves  with  them. 
Sir  John  Yeamans  introduced  them  into  South 
Carolina  from  the  Barbadoes,  and  from  South 
Carolina  they  were  carried  into  Georgia. 

The  Society  of  Friends,  or  Quakers,  took 
the  lead  in  opposing  slavery,  beginning  about 
1688.  The  Pennsylvania  Germans  also  en 
tered  their  protest  against  the  evil  at  an 
early  date.  John  Wesley  called  slavery  the 
sum  of  all  villanies.  At  the  time  of  the 


152     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Revolution  all  the  colonies  but  one,  Massachu 
setts,  had  slaves.  The  Continental  Congress  of 
1774  pronounced  against  the  slave-trade.  This 
was  repeated  two  years  later,  only  three 
months  before  the  Declaration  of  Indepen 
dence.  The  people  were  so  jubilant  over  their 
own  prospects  of  freedom  that  they  were  dis 
posed  to  extend  the  blessings  of  liberty  to 
their  slaves  ;  but  this  feeling  was  temporary 
with  many,  and  subsided  after  the  war  was 
over.  Jefferson  in  writing  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  put  in  a  clause  condemning 
the  slave-trade,  but  South  Carolina  and  Georgia 
demanded  that  it  be  struck  out,  and  it  was 
done.  But  they  could  not  prevent  that  grand 
sentiment  in  the  Declaration  :  "  All  men  are 
created  equal "  -  not  equal  in  mental  gifts 
nor  in  worldly  station,  but  equal  in  their  right 
-to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness. 
If  the  colonists  had  followed  out  that  noble 
principle,  it  would  have  freed  every  slave  in 
America ;  and  indeed  it  did  furnish  a  power 
ful  weapon  in  the  hands  of  the  opponents  of 
slavery  down  to  its  overthrow  in  the  sixties. 
Soon  after  the  Revolution  the  northern 


THE  MISSOURI  COMPROMISE  153 

States  took  hold  of  the  matter  and  began  to 
emancipate,  Pennsylvania  leading  in  1780. 
Virginia  came  very  near  it  two  years  before. 
New  Hampshire  became  a  free  state  in  1784, 
New  York  in  1799,  and  so  on  until  all  the 
northern  States  had  abolished  slavery.  New 
Jersey  had  a  few  left  as  late  as  1840. 

In  1787  an  ordinance  was  framed  for  gov 
erning  the  territory  northwest  of  the  Ohio 
River,  afterward  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  and 
Michigan.  In  this  document,  known  as  "  The 
Ordinance  of  1787,"  slavery  was  forever  pro 
hibited  in  that  territory.  Had  it  not  been  for 
this  prohibition  Ohio,  Indiana,  and  Illinois 
would  no  doubt  have  become  slave  States,  as 
they  were  largely  settled  by  emigrants  from 
Virginia  and  Kentucky.1  Even  then  efforts 
were  made  by  Governor  William  Henry  Harri 
son  and  others  to  break  down  that  ordinance 
and  to  make  Indiana  and  Illinois  slave 
States ;  but  they  were  not  successful. 

In  1784  Jefferson  introduced  in  the  old 
Congress  a  similar  ordinance  to  prohibit  slavery 
in  the  new  States  south  of  the  Ohio,  afterward 

1  Wilson's  "Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Slave  Power,"  Vol.  I.  p.  163, 


154      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Mississippi,  etc.  Had 
this  motion  carried  and  been  effective,  how 
great  would  have  been  the  results ;  slavery 
would  have  been  confined  to  the  few  Atlantic 
States  in  the  South,  and  would  no  doubt  have 
died  a  natural  death.  This  would  have  pre 
vented  the  seventy  years  of  slavery  agitation 
and  the  great  Civil  War.  But  the  measure 
was  lost  by  one  vote.1  A  member  from  New 
Jersey  who  would  have  voted  for  it  was 
absent,  and  for  want  of  his  vote  the  measure 
was  lost.  Thus  the  entire  course  of  our 
history  was  changed  by  the  absence  of  one 
man  from  Congress  on  a  certain  day  in  1784! 
Here  let  me  say  a  word  about  the  slave- 
trade,  especially  the  smuggling  trade.  This 
was  certainly  one  of  the  most  nefarious  pieces 
of  business  ever  carried  on.  A  vessel  would 
go  to  the  African  coast  and  secure  a  cargo  of 
negroes.  These  were  packed  in  the  ship 
almost  like  sardines  in  a  box,  and  so  inhuman 
was  the  treatment  that  sometimes  thirty  per 
cent  of  them  died  before  reaching  America. 
A  smuggling  vessel,  pursued,  would  sometimes 

1  Greeley's  "American  Conflict,"  Vol.  I.  p.  163. 


THE   MISSOURI   COMPROMISE  155 

throw  its  entire  cargo  of  negroes  overboard ! 
This  occurred  on  various  occasions.  But  when 
a  smuggling  ship  was  caught,  it  seldom  brought 
relief  to  the  poor  blacks,  as  the  laws  were 
persistently  against  them,  and  often  a  whole 
cargo  of  negroes  was  sold  to  pay  the  cost  of 
investigation.  There  was  always  a  way  found 
to  enslave  the  black  man ;  sending  him  back 
to  his  home  in  Africa,  or  giving  him  his  free 
dom  in  this  country  was  almost  unheard  of. 
A  committee  of  Congress  recommended  that  a 
free  colored  man  on  trial  and  proving  him 
self  free,  must  pay  the  cost  of  the  trial,  and 
if  unable  to  do  so  must  be  sold  into  slavery 
to  defray  the  expenses !  But  fortunately  this 
did  not  become  a  law. 

Slavery  under  the  Constitution 

A  majority  of  the  makers  of  the  Constitution 
would  gladly  have  seen  slavery  abolished  in  all 
parts  of  the  country  where  it  still  existed ;  but 
this  was  not  possible,  for  some  of  the  southern 
States  had  come  to  believe  that  slavery  was 
necessary  to  their  prosperity.  It  was  plain  that 
no  Union  could  be  formed  if  the  Constitution 


156     SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

were  so  framed  as  to  interfere  with  the  right  to 
hold  property  in  slaves.  Not  only  did  the  Con 
stitution  recognize  the  right  of  property  in 
slaves ;  it  forbade  Congress  to  prohibit  the  for 
eign  slave-trade  before  the  year  iSoS.1  This 
prohibition  is  part  of  one  of  the  compromises 
of  that  instrument. 

In  1806  President  Jefferson  congratulated 
Congress  on  the  near  approach  of  the  time 
when  the  traffic  could  be  shut  off.  Accord 
ingly  when  the  time  came  Congress  prohibited 
the  African  trade  under  stringent  laws.  It  is 
fair  to  the  South  to  say  here  that  the  southern 
States  had  prohibited  the  trade,  each  in  its  own 
borders,  long  before.  South  Carolina,  however, 
had  reopened  it  in  1803,  and  in  the  five  remain 
ing  years  imported  forty  thousand  negroes. 

The  people  in  the  North  and  many  in  the 
South  now  fondly  believed  that  this  National 
prohibition  of  1808  had  severed  the  artery  of 
slavery  itself,  and  that  the  whole  system  would 
disappear  in  time  in  the  South  as  it  had  in  the 
North.  They  were  therefore  lulled  to  quiet 
on  the  subject,  and  there  was  little  slavery 

!See  Chapter  II. 


THE  MISSOURI   COMPROMISE  157 

agitation  for  ten  years.  But  their  hope  was  a 
delusion.  The  cotton-gin,  which  rendered  the 
laborious  work  of  separating  the  cotton  fibre 
from  the  seed  rapid  and  easy,  made  the  raising 
of  cotton  the  greatest  industry  in  America,  and 
slave-labor  was  thought  to  be  essential  to  its 
continuance.  More  slaves  were  needed,  but 
they  could  not  be  had  from  Africa  except  by 
smuggling.  The  new  cotton  States  opening  up 
along  the  Mississippi  were  greatly  in  need  of 
more  slaves,  while  Virginia  had  too  many. 
Hence  the  interstate  slave-trade  was  established. 
The  Louisiana  Purchase  added  a  vast  ter 
ritory  beyond  the  Mississippi  to  our  public 
domain.  Soon  after  the  War  of  1812,  this  terri 
tory  began  to  be  settled,  and  the  great  ques 
tion  now  arose  —  slavery  or  no  slavery  in 
the  Great  West  ?  Missouri  being  the  first 
of  the  trans-Mississippi  Territories  to  apply 
for  statehood,  became  the  battle-ground,  and 
upon  the  Missouri  question  the  slavery  ques 
tion  for  the  West  was  fought  out.  But  the 
slaveholders  stole  a  march  by  settling  the  Mis 
souri  Territory  and  taking  their  slaves  with 
them.  When  the  petition,  therefore,  came  to 


158     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

the  Fifteenth  Congress  that  Missouri  be  ad 
mitted  into  the  Union,  it  was  as  a  slave  State. 

It  was  believed  that  there  would  be  little 
objection,  but  the  majority  of  the  people  of  the 
North  were  becoming  alarmed  at  the  powerful 
hold  with  which  slavery  was  fastening  itself 
upon  the  country.  It  was  clearly  seen  that 
slavery  admitted  into  Missouri  without  protest 
meant  slavery  in  the  whole  Louisiana  Purchase. 
It  must  be  opposed.  Who  will  lead  the  oppo 
sition  ? 

There  was  a  young  man  in  Congress  from 
New  York  named  James  Talmadge.  This  was 
his  first  and  only  term  in  Congress.  He  it  was 
that  rose  and  moved  to  strike  out  the  slavery 
clause  from  the  Missouri  bill.  He  was  a  youth 
of  burning  eloquence,  and  in  the  speech  with 
which  he  supported  his  motion  he  electrified 
the  House  and  the  nation. l  Old  men  were 
reminded  of  the  marvellous  eloquence  of  Fisher 
Ames  in  1 796.  Talmadge  was  not  alone  ;  he 
had  a  powerful  fellow-worker  in  John  W.  Tay 
lor,  also  of  New  York,  and  afterward  speaker 
of  the  House.  The  whole  South  was  instantly 

iSchouler's  "  History  of  the  United  States,"  Vol.  III.  p.  134. 


THE   MISSOURI   COMPROMISE  159 

• 

arrayed  on  the  opposite  side.  During  this 
debate,  a  slave-driver  with  a  gang  of  negroes 
passed  the  open  windows  of  the  Capitol,  and 
the  clank  of  chains,  the  crack  of  the  whip,  and 
the  oaths  of  the  driver  gave  great  effect  to  the 
speeches  in  favor  of  freedom.  These  two,  Tal- 
madge  and  Taylor,  piloted  the  amendment 
through  the  House,  but  it  was  defeated  in  the 
Senate  and  left  over  to  the  next  Congress. 

The  question  was  thus  thrown  open  to  the 
public ;  but  the  people  were  not  in  a  position  to 
act  at  an  advantage,  as  the  election  of  the  new 
Congress  had  already  taken  place.  Neverthe 
less  they  made  themselves  heard.  The  people 
of  the  North  had  grown  listless  on  the  slavery 
subject  in  the  belief  that  the  status  of  the  in 
stitution  was  settled,  and  that  no  attempt  would 
be  made  to  increase  the  number  of  slave  States. 
But  the  Missouri  question  roused  them  from 
their  lethargy.  Great  meetings  were  held  in  the 
cities,  towns,  villages,  everywhere.  Resolutions 
were  passed  branding  slavery  as  a  moral  and 
political  evil,  avowing  that  it  should  encroach 
no  farther  on  free  soil,  and  calling  on  Congress 
to  prohibit  it  in  Missouri.  State  legislatures 


160     SIDE  LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

• 

passed  similar  resolutions ;  and  the  subject 
was  discussed  in  public  speeches,  sermons, 
pamphlets,  and  newspapers  on  all  sides. 

From  south  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line  we 
hear  a  different  voice.  The  people  of  the 
South  took  the  other  side  of  the  question,  and 
spoke  with  a  decision  equal  to  that  of  the 
North.  They  said  that  Congress  had  no 
right  to  prohibit  slavery  in  any  State,  that 
Missouri  would  not  stand  on  equal  footing 
with  the  other  States  if  not  allowed  to  man 
age  her  own  affairs.  They  argued  further 
that  if  slavery  was  an  evil,  why  not  thin  it 
out  by  spreading  it  over  more  territory  ? 

The  two  sections,  the  North  and  the  South, 
had  thus  begun  to  array  themselves  on  op 
posite  sides.  It  is  true  the  beginnings  of 
their  differences  date  back  to  Revolutionary 
times,  but  they  assumed  serious  proportions 
only  with  the  rise  of  the  Missouri  question ; 
yet  none  could  foretell  that  this  was  but  the 
preliminary  skirmish  of  a  long  and  dreadful 
conflict  that  must  eventually  drench  the  land 
in  blood. 


THE   MISSOURI   COMPROMISE  l6l 

The  Sixteenth  Congress 

The  Sixteenth  Congress  stands  out  as  a 
landmark  in  our  history  on  account  of  its 
one  great  measure  —  the  Missouri  Compro 
mise.,  The  first  session  of  this  Congress  be 
gan  in  December,  1819,  and  the  great  question 
at  once  came  up  for  a  final  solution.  The  pre 
ceding  Congress  had  grappled  with  the  sub 
ject,  as  we  have  noticed,  but  the  two  Houses 
had  failed  to  agree,  and  the  new  Congress 
was  also  divided.  Talmadge  was  not  now  a 
member,  and  Taylor  became  the  champion  for 
free  Missouri.  The  debates,  covering  several 
months,  were  very  able  in  both  House  and 
Senate.  With  much  ability  Taylor  piloted 
through  the  House  a  motion  to  prohibit  sla 
very  in  Missouri.  The  leaders  of  the  other 
side  were  Henry  Clay,  the  speaker,  Charles 
Pinckney,  a  framer  of  the  Constitution,  John 
Tyler,  a  future  President,  and  William  Lowndes, 
one  of  the  most  brilliant  men  of  the  South. 

Again  was  the  Missouri  Bill  sent  to  the  Sen 
ate,  with  the  clause  admitting  slavery  struck 
out.  Here  the  debates  even  surpassed  those 


1 62     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

of  the  House.  The  leader  on  the  slave  side 
was  William  Pinkney  of  Maryland,  said  to 
have  been  the  greatest  lawyer  in  America  —  a 
distinction  afterward  held  by  Daniel  Webster. 
Pinkney 's  speech  on  the  subject  was  one  of 
the  greatest  ever  made  in  the  Senate.  It  was 
answered  by  Rufus  King  of  New  York,  the 
venerable  statesman  whose  public  career  dated 
back  to  the  Revolution. 

Now  the  Senate  was  balanced  and. had  been 
from  the  beginning  of  the  Government,  half 
from  slave  States  and  half  from  free  States ; 
but  there  were  a  few  "  Northern  men  with 
Southern  principles,"  as  they  were  called,  who 
were  ever  ready  to  help  the  slaveholders.  At 
this  time  there  were  three,  one  from  Indiana 
and  the  two  from  Illinois,  who  could  be 
counted  on  to  aid  the  South  when  needed. 
When  the  bill,  therefore,  to  admit  Missouri 
passed  the  Senate,  the  amendment  to  prohibit 
slavery  was  again  struck  out ;  and  the  House 
again  voted  to  disagree.  Thus  the  two  Houses 
had  reached  a  deadlock,  and  it  seemed  that 
nothing  could  be  done. 

It  happened   at   this   time   that    Maine   was 


THE   MISSOURI   COMPROMISE  163 

also  seeking  admission  to  the  Union.  The 
territory  of  Maine  had  belonged  to  Massa 
chusetts  from  colonial  times.  After  many 
fruitless  efforts  to  obtain  a  separation  from 
Massachusetts,  the  latter  had  at  last  given 
her  consent,  on  the  condition,  however,  that 
Maine  be  admitted  to  the  Union  before  the 
fourth  of  March,  I82O.1  The  time  limit  was 
drawing  near,  and  the  people  of  Maine  were 
clamoring  for  admission ;  but  the  Missouri 
question  was  still  unsettled,  and  this  was  ab 
sorbing  the  whole  attention. 

The  Senate  now  adopted  a  new  plan ;  it 
united  the  Missouri  and  Maine  bills  into  one. 
It  is  a  principle  in  our  National  legislation 
that  a  bill,  however  incongruous  its  parts, 
cannot  be  separated  by  one  House  of  Con 
gress  after  it  leaves  the  other.  Thus  the 
House  could  not  admit  Maine  into  the  Union 
without  admitting  Missouri  also,  with  slavery. 
Before  this  twofold  measure  left  the  Senate, 
however,  Senator  Thomas  of  Illinois,  who  had 
steadily  voted  with  the  South,  moved  that  sla 
very  be  henceforth  prohibited  in  the  Louisi- 
1  MacMaster,  Vol.  IV.  p.  581. 


1 64     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

ana  Purchase  north  of  thirty-six  degrees  and 
thirty  minutes  north  latitude  —  except,  of 
course,  in  Missouri,  which  lies  north  of  that 
line.  This  was  the  famous  Missouri  Compro 
mise.  It  was  thrown  as  a  bait  to  the  North 
in  the  hope  that  the  House  would  thus  be  led 
to  pass  the  measure  and  admit  Missouri  with 
slavery. 

Late  in  February  this  Maine-Missouri  bill 
was  sent  to  the  House ;  but  that  body  refused 
to  consider  it.  The  Senate  then  asked  for  a 
conference,  and  a  joint  committee  of  the  two 
Houses  was  appointed.  Speaker  Clay  was 
careful  to  appoint  men  from  the  House  who 
favored  slavery  in  Missouri ;  and  this  com 
mittee  soon  agreed  to  report  the  measure  as 
it  had  passed  the  Senate,  including  the  thirty- 
six-thirty  amendment  of  Senator  Thomas. 

The  Lower  House  'had  been  gradually 
weakening,  but  it  was  still  hard  to  yield.  It 
did  so,  however,  and  the  bill  was  passed, 
signed  by  President  Monroe,  and  became  law 
on  March  3,  1820.  The  members  from  the 
North  who  voted  for  the  bill  were  called 
"Doughfaces"  by  John  Randolph,  and  this 


THE   MISSOURI   COMPROMISE  165 

term  was  used  for  many  years  thereafter  to 
designate  a  "  Northern  man  with  Southern 
principles." 

Missouri,  however,  was  not  finally  admitted 
to  the  Union  at  this  time,  owing  to  the  fact  that 
her  people  in  framing  a  constitution  forbade 
free  negroes  on  her  soil,  and  also  forbade  any 
future  legislature  to  pass  any  law  emancipating 
slaves  without  the  consent  of  the  owners.  To 
this  Congress  refused  to  agree,  the  old  strife 
was  renewed  and  kept  up  for  another  year, 
when  the  State  was  at  last  admitted  on  the  con 
dition  that  the  obnoxious  features  be  expunged 
from  her  constitution. 

The  Missouri  Compromise  was  a  victory  for 
the  South.  The  North  had  grown  weary  of 
the  long  strife  that  promised  no  victory,  and 
had  yielded,  partly  because  of  the  difficulty 
that  would  have  been  involved  in  removing 
the  slaves  already  in  Missouri.  This  compro 
mise  has  often  been  called  Clay's  Compromise ; 
but  there  is  no  warrant  for  this,  and  Clay  him 
self  often  wondered  why  he  should  be  considered 
its  author.  It  is  true  Clay  favored  settling  the 
matter  in  this  way,  and  he  appointed  the  House 


1 66     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

committee  that  made  the  report;  but  he  was 
not  more  instrumental  than  some  others  in 
bringing  about  the  final  result.  The  Missouri 
Compromise  was  born  with  great  tribulation ; 
but  it  brought  peace  to  the  land  on  the 
slavery  subject  for  several  years.  It  remained 
unbroken  for  thirty-four  years,  when  it  was  re 
pealed  by  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  of  Stephen 
A.  Douglas.  This  will  be  treated  in  a  later 
chapter. 


CHAPTER   IX 
THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE 

JAMES  MONROE  was  President  of  the  United 
States  from  1817  to  1825.  He  has  been  called 
the  last  and  least  of  the  great  Virginians.  His 
administration  is  remembered  in  our  history  as 
the  "era  of  good  feeling,"  as,  in  a  century  of 
political  storm,  the  one  period  of  calm  in  which 
party  lines  were  obliterated.  Monroe  also  holds 
the  distinction  of  having  been  the  only  Presi 
dent  except  Washington  whose  election  was 
practically  unanimous.1 

As  a  statesman,  President  Monroe  must  be 
ranked  below  all  his  predecessors  and  many  of 

1  In  the  election  of  1816  Monroe  received  one  hundred 
and  eighty-three  electoral  votes  to  thirty-four  for  Rufus  King. 
In  1820  all  the  electors  voted  for  Monroe  save  one,  a  Mr. 
Plumer  of  New  Hampshire,  who  voted  for  John  Quincy 
Adams  on  the  ground,  as  he  said,  that  Washington  alone 
should  bear  the  honor  of  a  unanimous  election. 
167 


1 68     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

his  successors  in  the  presidential  office ;  yet  it 
is  true  that  his  name  is  known  more  familiarly 
to-day  in  foreign  countries  than  that  of  any 
other  of  our  early  Presidents  except  the  name 
of  Washington.  This  is  because  of  the  fact  that 
his  name  is  inseparably  linked  with  the  famous 
principle  in  our  foreign  policy  known  as  the 
Monroe  Doctrine. 

How  this  Doctrine  Originated 

The  Monroe  Doctrine  has  its  root  in  Wash 
ington's  Farewell  Address  of  a  quarter  of  a 
century  before  the  declaration  by  Monroe ; 
and  indeed  the  germs  of  it  may  be  found  in 
his  Proclamation  of  Neutrality  of  a  still  earlier 
date.  In  the  Farewell  Address,  Washington 
urged  that  America  stand  aloof  from  the  politi 
cal  broils  of  Europe.  A  few  years  later,  Jef 
ferson,  in  his  first  inaugural  address,  warned 
against  "  entangling  alliances "  with  foreign 
nations.  This  attitude  of  non-interference  in 
matters  wholly  European  expanded  until  it 
included  a  determination  to  oppose  all  Euro 
pean  interference  in  affairs  wholly  American. 
This  doctrine  had  become  a  settled  policy  in 


THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE  169 

the  public  mind,  and  needed  only  an  occasion 
to  call  forth  a  declaration  of  it  from  the  high 
est  authority.  This  occasion  arose  in  1823, 
when,  in  his  annual  message  to  Congress 
(December  2),  President^  Monroe  gave  utter 
ance  to  the  "  doctrine "  that  has  since  been 
called  by  his  name. 

It  is  generally  asserted  that  the  "  Holy  Alli 
ance  "  was  formed  in  Europe  for  the  purpose 
of  assisting  Spain  to  reduce  her  rebellious 
South  American  colonies  to  submission ;  but 
the  fact  is,  this  alliance  was  simply  a  joint 
resolution  of  the  sovereigns  of  Russia,  Austria, 
and  Prussia  to  rule  their  respective  countries 
in  strict  accordance  with  the  principles  of  the 
Christian  religion.  It  was  an  outburst  of 
religious  enthusiasm  occasioned  by  the  fall  of 
Napoleon  at  Waterloo,  and  there  is  no  proof 
that  any  ulterior  motives  entered  into  the 
agreement.1 

It  was  these  same  three  powers,  however, 
that  met  in  conference  at  Verona  in  October, 
1822,  to  consider  plans  to  put  down  an  insur 
rection  in  Spain  and  to  aid  that  country  in 

!See  MacMaster's  "With  the  Fathers,"  p.  2. 


I/O     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

reducing  the  South  American  Republics.  They 
had  met  two  years  before  for  the  purpose  of 
crushing  out  the  spirit  of  freedom  in  Naples, 
and  an  Austrian  army  had  succeeded  in  do 
ing  this.  Now  they  turned  their  attention 
to  Spain.  England  was  represented  at  this 
Verona  conference,  and  she  catered  her  ear 
nest  protest  against  any  interference  in  South 
America.  Two  reasons  may  be  given  for  this 
stand  taken  by  England  —  first,  she  was  be 
yond  a  doubt  farther  advanced  in  her  ideas 
of  liberty  and  of  human  rights  than  were  the 
continental  countries,  and  second,  she  had  im 
portant  commercial  interests  with  the  South 
American  Republics  which  she  desired  should 
not  be  disturbed. 

The  power  of  Spain  had  been  greatly  re 
duced  by  Napoleon  I.,  and  she  was  no  longer 
able  to  govern  her  colonies.  These  colonies 
in  the  Western  World,  except  Cuba,  had  re 
volted  against  the  mother  country,  and  after 
a  revolutionary  war  of  more  than  ten  years 
were  in  1822  recognized  as  independent  repub 
lics  by  our  own  country.  Before  the  close  of 
that  year  the  Verona  Congress  met,  and  the 


THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE  I/I 

three  monarchs  who  had  entered  into  the 
Holy  Alliance,  ever  vigilant  to  uphold  abso 
lutism  as  against  natural  human  rights  and 
liberties,  proposed  to  aid  Spain -in  subjugating 
her  western  possessions. 

In  August,  1823,  Mr.  Canning,  the  English 
minister  of  foreign  affairs,  proposed  to  Mr. 
Richard  Rush,  our  minister  at  the  Court  of 
St.  James,  that  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States  issue  a  joint  declaration  in  opposition 
to  the  designs  of  the  allied  powers.  Mr.  Rush 
fully  agreed  with  Canning  that  something 
should  be  done  to  save  the  new  republics  from 
reenslavement,  but  he  had  no  instructions  to 
act.  He  wrote  a  full  account  of  the  whole 
matter  to  President  Monroe,  who,  after  care 
ful  deliberation,  and  after  asking  the  opinions 
and  receiving  the  written  approval  of  both 
Jefferson  and  Madison,  decided  to  embody 
the  general  public  sentiment  on  the  subject  in 
his  message  to  Congress,  which  was  soon  to 
meet.  In  his  annual  message,  therefore,  we 
find  these  words:  — 

"  In  the  wars  of  the  European  Powers  in 
matters  relating  to  themselves  we  have  never 


1/2      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

taken  any  part,  nor  does  it  comport  with  our 
policy  to  do  so.  ...  We  owe  it,  therefore,  to 
candor,  and  to  the  amicable  relations  existing 
between  the  United  States  and  those  Powers, 
to  declare  that  we  sJwiild  consider  any  attempt 
on  their  part  to  extend  their  system  to  any 
portion  of  this  hemisphere  as  dangerous  to  ouf 
peace  and  safety.  With  the  existing  colonies 
or  dependencies  of  any  European  Power  we 
have  not  interfered  and  shall  not  interfere ; 
but  with  the  Governments  who  have  declared 
their,  independence  and  maintained  it,  and 
whose  independence  we  have  acknowledged, 
we  could  not  view  any  interposition  for  the 
purpose  of  oppressing  them,  or  controlling  in 
any  other  manner  their  destiny,  by  any  Euro 
pean  Power,  in  any  other  light  than  as  the 
manifestation  of  an  unfriendly  disposition  to 
ward  the  United  States." 

This  is  the  famous  Monroe  Doctrine.  Its 
secondary  immediate  object  was  to  stop  the 
colonizing  of  the  Pacific  coast  by  Russia, 
which  had  been  going  on  for  some  time. 
John  Quincy  Adams  had  expressed  the  same 
thought  in  very  similar  language,  some  time 


THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE  173 

before,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Rush;  and  it  is  gen- 
erally  believed  that  Adams  wrote  this  part  of 
Monroe's  message.  But  be  that  as  it  may, 
the  "doctrine"  took  the  name  of  Monroe,  and 
so  it  will  ever  be  known  in  history. 

When  this  message  was  promulgated,  the 
English  people  rejoiced ;  but  their  joy  was 
mild  compared  with  that  in  South  America. 
No  more  was  heard  of  the  unholy  alliance  in 
Europe.  From  that  day  to  the  present  the 
free  republics  of  South  and  Central  America 
have  basked  in  the  favor,  and  lived  under  the 
protection  from  foreign  conquest,  of  the  Great 
Republic  of  the  North ;  and  but  for  that  pro 
tection  most  or  all  of  them  would  no  doubt 
ere  this  have  been  reduced  to  the  vassalage 
of  some  European  Power. 

The  Monroe  Doctrine  in  Operation 

Since  the  declaration  of  President  Monroe 
in  1823,  there  have  been  many  occasions  on 
which  this  American  policy  has  been  called  into 
service,  a  few  of  which  we  shall  briefly  notice. 

The  earliest  opportunity  for  an  international 
discussion  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  was  offered 


174     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

through  the  Panama  Congress,  which  met  in 
1826.  This  congress  was  arranged  by  Mexico 
and  the  countries  of  South  America,  and  one 
of  its  objects  was  to  form  an  alliance  to  carry 
the  new  doctrine  into  effect  when  any  occasion 
might  arise.  The  United  States  was  warmly 
invited  to  join  with  them.  John  Quincy  Adams, 
who  was  then  President,  and  Henry  Clay,  his 
secretary  of  state,  agreed  that  our  Government 
should  be  represented,  and  Mr.  Adams  sent  a 
message  to  the  Senate,  urging  that  ministers 
be  appointed  for  the  purpose.  But  there  was 
much  opposition  to  this  in  the  Senate,  not  be 
cause  the  members  disapproved  of  the  Monroe 
Doctrine,  but  rather  because  Mr.  Adams  was 
not  popular  in  that  body ;  and  besides,  the 
Panama  Congress  proposed  to  discuss  some 
things  (such  as  .  the  recognition  of  the  negro 
republic  of  Hayti  and  the  suppression  of  the 
slave-trade)  which  would  be  offensive  to  the 
southern  States.  The  Senate,  therefore,  dis- 
.  puted  about  the  matter  so  long  that  when  two 
ministers  were  finally  appointed,  it  was  so  late 
that  on  reaching  Panama  they  found  that  the 
Congress  had  adjourned. 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE  175 

Nearly  twenty  years  later  the  Monroe  Doc 
trine  was  prominently  called  into  service  in  set 
tling  the  Oregon  boundary.  In  1845  President 
Polk,  in  his  message  to  Congress  concerning 
this  disputed  boundary,  made  reference  to  the 
doctrine  in  these  words :  "  In  the  existing  cir 
cumstances  .  .  .  the  present  is  deemed  a  proper 
occasion  to  reiterate  and  reaffirm  the  principle 
avowed  by  Mr.  Monroe,  and  to  state  my  cordial 
concurrence  in  its  wisdom  and  sound  policy." 

Three  years  later  another  occasion  of  very 
different  character  arose.  The  peninsula  of 
Yucatan  had  been  greatly  disturbed  by  a  war 
between  the  white  people  and  the  Indians. 
The  white  population  at  length  appealed  to 
England,  Spain,  and  the  United  States  for 
protection,  and  offered  "  the  dominion  and  sov 
ereignty  "  of  the  peninsula  to  any  one  of  the 
three  that  would  grant  the  necessary  aid. 
President  Polk,  without  waiting  the  action  of 
either  of  the  European  nations,  made  a  direct 
application  of  the  Monroe.  Doctrine,  quoting 
Mr.  Monroe's  exact  words.  This  was  certainly 
applying  the  doctrine  in  the  broadest  possible 
sense.  No  European  nation  was  making  an 


1 76     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

effort  to  colonize  or  extend  its  political  sys 
tem  in  the  New  World.  On  the  other  hand, 
an  oppressed  people,  struggling  for  existence, 
had  called  on  two  of  them  for  help.1  Yet 
Polk  made  a  direct  application  of  the  declara 
tion  of  President  Monroe.  It  is  notable  that 
in  the  debate  in  the  Senate  which  followed, 
John  C.  Calhoun,  the  only  surviving  member 
of  Monroe's  cabinet,  took  strong  ground  against 
the  general  application  of  the  Monroe  Doc 
trine.  Before  any  action  was  taken  the  people 
of  Yucatan  settled  their  troubles,  and  the  whole 
matter  came  to  an  end. 

To  trace  the  application  of  the  Monroe  Doc 
trine  in  its  bearing  on  the  proposed  canal  across 
the  Isthmus  of  Panama  or  Nicaragua,  would 
require  far  more  space  than  can  be  given  it 
here.  We  can  only  make  a  few  general  state 
ments.  As  early  as  1846  the  United  States 
Government  made  a  treaty  with  New  Granada 
(now  the  United  States  of  Colombia),  in  which 
the  latter  granted  the  United  States  the  right 
of  way  across  the  Isthmus  of  Panama.  Three 
years  later  the  republic  of  Nicaragua  granted 

1  MacMaster's  "  With  the  Fathers,"  p.  32. 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE  177 

us  a  similar  right  to  construct  a  canal  across 
that  country.  Another  treaty  soon  followed, 
that  known  as  the  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty,  ar 
ranged  in  April,  1850,  by  Mr.  Clayton,  sec 
retary  of  state  under  President  Taylor,  and 
Sir  Henry  Bulwer,  representing  Great  Britain. 
The  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty  was  brought  about 
by  the  English  claims  to  the  Mosquito  Coast 
of  Nicaragua.  It  provided  that  neither  govern 
ment  "  will  ever  obtain  or  maintain  for  itself  any 
exclusive  control  over  the  proposed  ship  canal  " 
across  Nicaragua,  nor  colonize  nor  exercise  do 
minion  over  any  part  of  Central  America.  Soon 
after  the  treaty  was  ratified,  a  dispute  arose 
over  its  provisions,  and  this  delayed  for  sev 
eral  years  any  commencement  of  the  great 
project.  Then  came  the  American  Civil  War 
and  its  train  of  difficulties,  and  nearly  twenty 
years  more  elapsed  before  anything  was  done. 
In  1879  Ferdinand  de  Lesseps  of  France 
organized  a  company  for  the  construction  of 
a  canal  across  Panama ;  but  this  called  forth  a 
declaration  from  our  Congress  of  the  Monroe 
Doctrine.  This  was  repeated  in  substance  by 
President  Garfield,  in  his  inaugural  address, 


178      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

and  soon  after  by  Mr.  Blaine,  his  secretary 
of  state. 

Before  the  close  of  the  year  1881  the  Clay- 
ton-Bulwer  treaty  was  again  under  discussion ; 
and  Mr.  Blaine  plainly  informed  the  British 
Government  that  this  country  could  no  longer 
be  bound  by  the  provisions  of  that  treaty, 
because  the  conditions  that  called  it  forth 
were  temporary  in  their  nature,  and  because 
the  development  of  the  Pacific  coast  had  vastly 
increased  the  interest  of  the  United  States,  and 
greatly  changed  the  relative  interest  between 
this  country  and  Great  Britain. 

Without  pursuing  this  subject  further,  let  it 
suffice  to  state  that  President  McKinley,  in 
1897,  appointed  a  Nicaragua  Canal  Commis 
sion  to  survey  a  route  across  Nicaragua  by 
way  of  the  San  Juan  River,  beginning  at  Grey- 
town.  This  commission,  with  a  company  of 
engineers  and  surveyors,  began  its  work  in 
December  of  the  same  year. 

A  ship  canal  across  the  isthmus  at  Panama 
or  through  Nicaragua  is  a  certainty  for  the 
future.  It  will  cost  many  millions  of  dollars 
and  a  vast  amount  of  labor,  but  the  great 


THE   MONROE  DOCTRINE  179 

advantage  it  would  be  to  commerce  would 
repay  all  the  cost.  The  present  settled  con 
viction  of-  the  American  people  is  that  any 
such  canal  between  the  two  Americas  should 
be  and  must  be  controlled  by  the  United  States ; 
and  this  conviction  is  an  outgrowth  of  the  gen 
eral  acceptance  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine. 

Cuba  and  Mexico 

Cuba,  the  "Gem  of  the  Antilles,"  is  an  island 
of  exceedingly  fertile  soil,  and  is  about  the  size 
of  the  State  of  Tennessee.  When  the  other 
Spanish-American  colonies  rebelled  against  the 
mother  country  and  won  their  independence, 
Cuba  remained  faithful,  and  has  ever  since 
been  considered  the  most  valuable  colonial 
possession  of  Spain.  But  Spain  has  been 
wofully  deficient  in  her  government  of  the 
island,  and  its  history  for  many  years  has 
been  the  history  of  disorder  and  rebellion. 

Within  two  years  after  the  first  promulga 
tion  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  it  was  applied 
in  the  case  of  Cuba.  In  1825  a  French  fleet 
appeared  among  the  West  India  Islands,  and 
it  was  believed  that  France  had  designs  on 


ISO     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Cuba ;  whereupon  Henry  Clay,  the  secretary 
of  state,  immediately  wrote  our  minister  at 
Paris  that,  while  the  United  States  was  not 
disposed  to  interfere  with  the  Spanish  pos 
session  of  the  island,  under  no  consideration 
could  we  permit  any  other  nation  to  gain  con 
trol  of  it.  The  French  government  disavowed 
any  intention  of  such  an  object,  and  practically 
concurred  with  Mr.  Clay's  views  concerning  the 
possession  of  the  island. 

President  Polk  in  1848  directed  our  minister 
at  Madrid  to  ascertain  if  Spain  would  sell 
the  island;  but  the  reply  received  was  that 
the  people  of  Spain,  rather  than  see  the 
island  transferred  to  any  other  nation,  would 
prefer  to  see  it  sunk  into  the  ocean. 

In  1850  an  adventurer  named  Narcisco 
Lopez  fitted  out  an  expedition  in  the  United 
States  for  the  purpose  of  attacking  Cuba.  He 
landed  on  the  island,  but  was  disappointed  in 
his  belief  that  the  Cubans  would  join  his 
standard  and  make  an  effort  to  wrest  the 
island  from  Spanish  dominion.  Lopez  was 
soon  driven  off,  and  the  next  year,  when 
engaged  in  a  similar  expedition  with  a  follow- 


THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE  l8l 

ing  of  about  five  hundred  men,  he  was  over 
powered  and  captured  with  his  entire  force. 
Most  of  the  leaders  were  put  to  death,  Lopez 
himself  being  garroted  in  the  public  square  of 
Havana.  It  was  afterward  found  that  Lopez 
had  been  abetted  and  furnished  money  by 
some  of  the  leading  men  of  the  South,  the 
object  being  to  annex  Cuba  to  this  country 
for  the  purpose  of  increasing  slave  territory. 
This  brought  forth  the  proposal  by  England  and 
France  of  a  tripartite  agreement  that  neither  of 
those  countries  nor  the  United  States  should 
ever  take  possession  of  Cuba.  But  this  was 
declined  by  the  United  States  on  the  ground 
that  Cuba  lies  right  at  our  doors,  commands 
the  approach  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  that 
the  United  States  in  signing  such  an  agreement 
would  be  sacrificing  a  great  deal  more  than 
either  of  the  other  countries ;  and  besides,  such 
an  agreement  would  be  entering  into  a  political 
alliance  contrary  to  American  practice. 

Next  followed  a  declaration  known  as  the 
Ostend  Manifesto.  This  was  made  by  our 
three  ministers1  at  London,  Paris,  and  Madrid 

1  James  Buchanan,  John  Y.  Mason,  and  Pierre  Soule. 


1 82      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

respectively.  They  met  at  Ostend,  Belgium, 
and  in  the  declaration  put  forth  they  stated 
that  Cuba  should  by  all  means  come  into  the 
possession  of  the  United  States.  The  ten 
years'  war  in  Cuba,  1868-1878,  and  the  later 
revolt  against  the  mother  country,  beginning 
in  February,  1895,  and  resulting  in  the  inter 
vention  by  the  United  States  and  our  conse 
quent  war  with  Spain,  do  not  come  under  a 
discussion  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine. 

The  political  turmoil  in  Mexico  during  the 
present  century  has  been  greater  even  than 
that  of  Cuba,  if  such  a  thing  is  possible. 
The  continual  strife  between  the  Liberal  party 
and  the  Church  party  actually  gave  rise  to 
thirty-six  forms  of  government  within  thirty- 
three  years!1  In  1860  three  European  coun 
tries,  Great  Britain,  France,  and  Spain,  decided 
on  armed  intervention  in  Mexico.  President 
Buchanan  in  his  last  annual  message  protested 
against  this,  and  recommended  the  employ 
ment  of  a  military  force  to  prevent  it.  But 
the  Civil  War  broke  out,  and  America  had 
enough  to  engage  its  full  attention  for  several 

1  Tucker's  "  Monroe  Doctrine,"  p.  92, 


THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE  183 

years.  Meantime  the  three  powers  proceeded 
to  land  an  army  in  Mexico ;  but  first  they 
signed  an  agreement  not  to  acquire  any  terri 
tory  for  themselves,  nor  to  dictate  any  form 
of  government  for  Mexico ;  their  only  object, 
they  said,  was  to  enforce  payment  of  their 
just  claims  upon  that  country.  Scarcely,  how 
ever,  had  the  armies  landed  when  it  was  dis 
covered  that  the  object  of  Napoleon  III., 
Emperor  of  France,  was,  in  violation  of  the 
agreement,  to  establish  an  empire  in  Mexico 
and  to  seat  the  Austrian  Prince  Maximilian 
on  the  throne.  England  and  Spain  instantly 
withdrew,  and  France  was  left  to  make  the 
conquest  alone.  As  this  progressed  Europe 
rejoiced  at  what  was  supposed  to  be  the  down 
fall  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  The  English 
Government,  which  had  now  come  to  hate  that 
doctrine,  joined  in  the  rejoicing.  Napoleon 
was  congratulated  for  doing  a  great  service 
for  the  world.  The  Westminster  Review  said; 
"  The  occupation  of  Mexico  is  the  extinction 
of  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  That  doctrine,  it 
must  be  owned,  is  both  absurd  and  arrogant 
in  theory  and  practice." 


1 84      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

But  they  reckoned  without  their  host.  The 
American  Civil  War  came  to  an  end ;  and  the 
United  States  Government  had  no  thought  of 
abandoning  the  principle  laid  down  by  Monroe. 
During  the  war  Napoleon  had  sought  to  have 
his  new  empire  recognized  by  this  country, 
but  Secretary  Seward  informed  him  in  the 
name  of  President  Lincoln  that  this  country 
favored  a  republican  form  of  government  in 
Mexico,  and  that  if  France  ignored  that 
American  sentiment,  she  would  but  prepare 
the  way  for  a  collision  between  that  country 
and  the  United  States.  Still  Napoleon  re 
fused  to  understand,  and  in  the  summer  of 
1865,  soon  after  the  surrender  of  Lee  at 
Appomattox,  the  President  sent  General  Sheri 
dan  to  the  banks  of  the  Rio  Grande  with  fifty 
thousand  veteran  troops.  Thus  for  the  first 
time  the  Monroe  Doctrine  was  backed  up  with 
an  army.  This  kind  of  argument  was  quite 
convincing  to  Napoleon,  and  the  result  was 
the  French  troops  were  all  withdrawn  within 
a  year. 

But  the  foolish  Maximilian  still  clung  to 
his  newly  acquired  throne.  He  was  ndw  with- 


THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE  185 

out  an  army,  without  protection,  and  he  had 
not  won  the  hearts  of  his  new  subjects.  The 
Mexicans  soon  rose  against  him,  overpowered, 
and  took  him  captive.  He  was  condemned  by 
a  court-martial,  and  was  shot  to  death  in  1867. 
It  is  needless  to  say  that  since  then  no 
European  power  has  attempted  the  conquest 
of  Mexico. 

Venezuela 

The  application  a  few  years  ago  of  the 
Monroe  Doctrine  to  the  Venezuelan  boundary 
dispute  is  still  fresh  in  the  memory  of  all. 
Never  before  in  our  history  had  its  applica 
tion  caused  such  a  profound  sensation  through 
out  the  world.  Never  before  were  the  Powers 
of  Europe  so  thoroughly,  so  suddenly,  convinced 
that  the  old  doctrine  is  a  living  thing,  and 
that  the  determination  of  the  American  people 
is  to  stand  by  it  at  all  hazards. 

The  boundary  dispute  between  Venezuela 
and  British  Guiana  had  been  pending  for 
more  than  half  a  century.  In  1840  a  botanist 
and  surveyor  named  Schomburgk,  in  the  ser 
vice  of  the  British  Government,  made  a  survey 


1 86     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

of  the  valley  of  the  Essequibo  River,  and 
claimed  the  entire  basin  of  the  river  for  Eng 
land.  Against  this  Schomburgk  line,  as  it 
was  called,  Venezuela  made  an  earnest  pro 
test.  A  few  years  later  Lord  Aberdeen  con 
sented  to  a  new  boundary  line  less  pretentious 
than  the  former;  and  in  1850  the  two  coun 
tries  agreed  not  to  occupy  nor  encroach  upon 
the  disputed  territory.  For  many  years  after 
this  agreement  'had  been  made  the  boundary 
dispute  was  left  to  slumber.  In  1876  the 
subject  was  again  brought  up,  and  Venezuela 
offered  to  accept  a  compromise  line ;  but  the 
British  Government  now  took  the  ground  that 
the  disputed  territory  belonged  to  that  country 
alone  "  by  virtue  of  ancient  treaties  with  the 
native  races."  These  "  native  races "  are 
supposed  to  have  been  Indian  tribes  which  had 
no  right  to  make  any  such  treaties ;  and  fur 
ther,  England  had  not  owned  the  colony  pre 
vious  to  1814,  when  it  was  received  from 
Holland.  How  then  could  there  be  "ancient 
treaties "  brought  forth  to  settle  the  dispute  ? 
Venezuela  now  offered  to  accept  the  line 
offered  by  Lord  Aberdeen  in  1844,  but  Eng- 


THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE  187 

land  claimed  that  so  many  British  subjects 
had  settled  in  the  disputed  territory  that  it 
was  impossible  to  deprive  them  of  the  benefits 
of  British  rule.  Great  Britain  betrayed  the 
weakness  of  her  claim  by  refusing  Venez 
uela's  offer  to  leave  the  whole  H  matter  to 
arbitration.  All  diplomatic  relations  were 
broken  off  between  the  two  countries  in  1887, 
and  this  was  the  state  of  affairs  when  in 
1895  the  United  States  decided  to  interfere. 

Nothing  was  plainer  than  that  the  English 
Government,  regarding  Venezuela  too  weak  to 
successfully  resist,  had  decided  to  seize  part  of 
the  latter's  territory.  This  was  a  palpable 
infraction  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  The  terri 
tory  in  dispute  comprised  one  hundred  and  nine 
thousand  square  miles  —  a  tract  larger  than  all 
the  New  England  States  combined.  Thus 
matters  stood  when  in  1895  Mr.  Olney,  secre 
tary  of  state  under  Cleveland,  wrote  Lord 
Salisbury  through  our  minister  at  London  that 
the  American  Government  was  unwilling  to 
stand  by  and  see  Venezuela  despoiled  of  her 
territory,  that  in  accordance  with  the  Monroe 
Doctrine  we  must  insist  on  arbitration.  The 


1 88      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

reply  of  Salisbury  was  a  stunning  one.  He 
boldly  asserted  that  he  did  not  accept  the 
Monroe  Doctrine,  that  "no  statesman,  however 
eminent,  and  no  nation,  however  powerful,  are 
competent  to  insert  so  novel  a  principle  into 
the  code  of  international  law." 

This  could  not  be  misunderstood.  A  crisis  was 
at  hand,  a  supreme  test  of  the  Monroe  Doc 
trine.  America  must  back  down  and  abandon 
its  time-honored  doctrine,  its  championship  of 
republican  government,  of  human  rights,  or 
make  a  defiant  stand  against  the  British 
Empire. 

Would  the  two  great  Anglo-Saxon  nations  of 
the  world  go  to  war  over  so  trifling  a  matter 
as  a  little  boundary  dispute  in  South  America  ? 
How  could  the  United  States  justify  itself  for 
the  vast  sacrifice  of  men  and  treasure  that  a 
war  with  so  great  a  nation  would  occasion  ? 
And,  further,  the  Venezuelans  are  scarcely 
capable  of  self-government,  nor  are  we  so 
nearly  related  to  them  as  to  the  English.  Why 
should  we  take  any  such  stand  in  the  matter  ? 

The  fact  is  there  was  a  principle  at  stake. 
Had  we  yielded  in  that  crisis,  we  would  have 


THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE  189 

thereby  abandoned  our  time-honored  Monroe 
Doctrine.  The  New  World  would  have  thus 
been  reopened  to  European  colonization,  and 
no  one  could  foretell  what  might  have  been  the 
final  result.  It  would  probably  have  been  the 
beginning  of  the  end  of  popular  self-government 
in  Central  and  South  America.  Our  people 
were  almost  unanimous  in  their  determination 
to  maintain  our  cherished  doctrine  at  any  cost, 
and  our  President  was  equal  to  the  occasion. 
It  was  on  December  17,  1895,  that  President 
Cleveland  startled  the  world  with  his  famous 
message  to  Congress.  In  that  message  the 
President  speaks  thus  of  the  Monroe  Doc 
trine  :  "  It  was  intended  to  apply  to  every 
stage  of  our  national  life,  and  cannot  become 
obsolete  while  our  Republic  endures."  This 
was  investing  the  doctrine  with  a  permanence 
by  an  authority  equal  to  that  which  first 
proclaimed  it.  A  European  power  was  plainly 
trying  to  extend  her  system  of  government  on 
this  continent,  and  this  Monroe  had  pronounced 
"dangerous  to  our  peace  and  safety."  Cleve 
land's  message  continues  :  "  Having  labored 
faithfully  for  many  years  to  induce  Great 


IQO     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Britain  to  submit  this  dispute  to  impartial 
arbitration,  and  having  been  now  finally  ap 
prised  of  her  refusal  to  do  so,  nothing  remains 
but  to  accept  the  situation."  The  President 
then  proposes  that  a  commission  be  appointed 
to  ascertain  the  rightful  boundary  between 
British  Guiana  and  Venezuela,  and  to  report 
the  same  to  Congress.  He  then  continues : 
"When  such  report  is  made  and  accepted,  it 
will,  in  my  opinion,  be  the  duty  of  the  United 
States  to  resist  by  every  means  in  its  power  " 
the  wilful  aggression  and  appropriation  of  lands 
by  Great  Britain,  which  we  have  determined  of 
right  belong  to  Venezuela. 

This  message  was  unequivocal ;  none  could 
mistake  its  meaning.  England  was  startled  at 
its  suddenness,  its  positive  tone,  and  still 
more  at  the  unanimity  of  the  support  given 
it  by  the  people.  It  was  said  in  Europe  that 
Great  Britain  had  not  received  such  a  back 
setting  in  a  hundred  years.  Congress  forgot  its 
party  differences  and  voted  without  debate  and 
without  division  one  hundred  thousand  dollars 
to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  commission  to  be 
appointed.  But  to  the  joy  of  all,  the  British 


THE   MONROE   DOCTRINE  191 

Government  receded  from  its  position,  left  the 
disputed  boundary  to  arbitration,  and  all  danger 
of  hostilities  soon  passed  away.  It  is  safe  to 
say  -that  the  Monroe  Doctrine  is  now  more 
deeply  imbedded  in  the  American  heart  than 
ever  before,  and  there  is  little  donbt  that  it 
will  be  a  long  time  before  any  European  power 
will  again  attempt  to  trample  it  under  foot. 

Remarks  on  the  Monroe  Doctrine 

The  Monroe  Doctrine  has  a  twofold  object : 
first,  it  guards  against  that  which  may  be 
"  dangerous  to  our  peace  and  safety"  namely, 
European  encroachment  on  American  soil ;  and 
second,  it  protects  democratic  government  in  the 
Western  Hemisphere.  Both  find  a  ready  re 
sponse  in  the  liberty-loving  hearts  of  the 
American  people.  What  the  Balance  of  Power 
is  to  the  Old  World  the  Monroe  Doctrine  is  to 
the  New.  This  doctrine  is  not  a  part  of  inter 
national  law,  nor  has  it  even  been  placed 
upon  the  statutes  in  our  own  country.  Three 
times  was  the  attempt  made  to  have  Congress 
give  it  legal  sanction.  In  1824,  Henry  Clay 
sought  to  have  Congress  sanction  what  Monroe 


SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

had  said  the  year  before.  Again  in  1879, 
still  again  in  1880,  similar  attempts  were  made; 
but  in  each  case,  for  partisan  or  other  reason, 
it  failed  of  passage. 

An  act  of  Congress,  however,  would  give 
little  additional  value  to  the  doctrine.  It  is 
the  business  of  Congress  to  carry  out  the 
policies  of  the  people,  not  to  shape  them. 
President  Monroe  was  not  the  author  of  the 
doctrine  that  bears  his  name ;  he  simply 
voiced  the  sentiment  of  the  people,  and  the 
people  are  supreme  in  this  Government.  The 
Monroe  Doctrine  is,  therefore,  not  a  law;  it  is 
a  fact,  it  is  a  declaration  of  an  attitude  taken 
by  this  Government  with  reference  to  the  re 
lations  of  European  Powers  to  the  republics 
of  this  hemisphere. 

The  question  is  sometimes  asked :  What  right 
have  we  to  take  such  a  stand  in  this  matter  ? 
Surely  as  much  right  as  Europe  has  to  maintain 
the  Balance  of  Power — -as  much  right  as  the 
European  nations  had  to  interfere  in  the  recent 
Grseco-Turkish  War.  The  Monroe  Doctrine 
will  stand  as  long  as  the  American  people  have 
the  power  and  the  inclination  to  maintain  it. 


CHAPTER  X 

LAFAYETTE'S  VISIT 

THE  visit  of  General  Lafayette  to  the 
United  States  in  1824,  nearly  half  a  century 
after  he  had  so  generously  aided  the  strug 
gling  colonies  to  win  their  freedom,  was  a 
memorable  event,  and  has  scarcely  a  parallel 
in  history.  During  the  darkest  hours  of  the 
Revolution,  when  the  patriot  cause  seemed 
waning,  and  only  the  most  sanguine  could 
discern  the  coming  dawn,  this  young  noble^ 
man  had  left  his  home  of  luxury  and  royal 
favor  to  offer  his  life  and  his  fortunes  to  the 
holy  cause  of  liberty.  The  chief  motive  of 
the  French  Government  in  rendering  assist 
ance  to  America  in  that  struggle  was  not  the 
noblest  of  motives  —  it  was  largely  a  dislike 
of  England.  But  this  cannot  be  said  of  La 
fayette.  However  he  may  have  disliked  Eng 
land,  his  true  motive  in  coming  arose  from  his 
o  193 


194     SIDE  LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

inborn  love  of  liberty.  After  suffering  the 
hardships  of  colonial  warfare  for  several 
years,  commanding  armies  as  a  major-gen 
eral,  living  in  the  closest  intimacy  with  Wash 
ington,  whom  he  loved  as  a  father,  and  being 
present  at  last  when  Cornwallis  surrendered 
his  army,  this  doughty  Frenchman,  still  in  the 
ardor  of  youth,  returned  to  his  native  land 
feeling  that  he  had  struck  an  effective  blow 
in  the  cause  of  freedom.  He  soon  became 
one  of  the  most  prominent  national  figures  in 
his  native  land,  and  spent  most  of  his  long 
life  in  the  turmoils  of  French  politics.  He 
was  in  the  midst  of  the  storm  when  the  Rev 
olution  swept  the  French  dynasty  from  the 
throne ;  five  years  he  spent  in  an  Austrian 
prison.  He  often  said  that  he  was  not  only  a 
Frenchman,  but  also  an  American  citizen.  He 
has  been  called  the  man  of  two  worlds,  and 
he  deserved  above  all  men  to  be  so  called. 

Vast  changes  had  taken  place  in  America 
since  the  close  of  the  war  for  independence. 
The  Republic  was  no  longer  an  experiment; 
it  had  now  taken  its  place  among  the  great 
nations  of  the  world.  The  tide  of  emigration 


LAFAYETTE'S  VISIT  19$ 

had  swept  over  the  Appalachian  Mountains 
and  taken  possession  of  the  Mississippi  Val 
ley;  and  beyond  the  Father  of  Waters,  a  ter 
ritory  of  unknown  bounds  had  been  added 
to  the  public  domain  and  awaited  the  com 
ing  of  the  pioneer.  It  was  upon  this  new 
America  that  the  eyes  of  the  aged  Lafayette 
rested  when  he  made  this  final  visit  to  the 
land  which  he  had  so  loved  in  his  youth. 
But  he  came  not  as  a  stranger  to  a  land  of 
strangers ;  he  came  as  a  friend,  as  a  brother, 
to  revisit  a  people  whom,  in  his  long  absence, 
he  had  never  ceased  to  love. 

A  Nation's   Welcome 

The  joyful  welcome,  the  universal  homage, 
with  which  General  Lafayette  was  received 
by  the  American  people  have  never  been 
equalled  before  nor  since  in  our  history.  The 
few  remaining  soldiers  of  the  Revolution,  now 
tottering  with  age,  gathered  around  him,  and 
their  eyes  were  bathed  in  tears  as  they  beheld 
his  benignant  face  and  recalled  the  memories 
of  the  past.  Men  and  women,  youths  and 
maidens,  left  their  homes  and  hastened  to  the 


1 96     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

cities  which  he  visited  to  look  upon  the  coun 
tenance  of  this  hero  of  a  past  generation,  and 
to  join  in  the  universal  shout  of  welcome. 

Lafayette  had  been  cordially  invited  to 
visit  our  country,  and  he  expected  a  warm 
welcome ;  but  he  had  not  counted  on  such 
an  unreserved  outburst  of  joyful  acclamation 
from  the  whole  people.  He  had  expected  to 
land  quietly  and  engage  private  lodgings ;  but 
when  he  found  that  he  was  to  be  a  public 
guest,  that  the  people  had  made  the  most 
elaborate  preparations  to  do  him  honor,  he 
was  overcome  with  emotion.  His  eyes  flowed 
with  tears,  and,  pressing  both  hands  upon  his 
heart,  he  exclaimed,  "It  will  burst"1 

Declining  a  public  ship,  he  came  as  a  pas 
senger  on  the  Cadmus,  accompanied  by  his 
son,  George  Washington  Lafayette,  and  by 
his  private  secretary.  He  landed  at  Staten 
Island  in  New  York  harbor  on  August  15, 
1824,  and  repaired  to  the  residence  of  Vice- 
President  Tompkins,  where  he  spent  the 
night.2  Next  day  a  company  of  ships,  gayly 

'!  Schouler's  "  History  of  the  United  States,"  Vol.  III.  p.  320. 
2  Nile? 's  Register,  August,  1824. 


LAFAYETTE'S  VISIT  197 

decked  with-  flags  and  streamers,  and  bearing 
six  thousand  citizens,  came  to  escort  him  to 
the  city.  His  arrival  was  announced  by  the 
boom  of  cannon  and  by  the  wildest  acclama 
tions  of  joy  that  a  grateful  people  could  be 
stow.  The  most  interesting  occurrence  was 
the  meeting  of  Lafayette  with  his  old  com 
panions  in  arms.  The  main  ceremonies  over, 
he  sat  down  with  Colonel  Willet,  a  veteran, 
now  in  his  eighty-fifth  year,  with  whom  he 
had  spent  many  a  day  in  camp  and  on  the 
battle-field.  The  two  venerable  heroes  talked 
over  Revolutionary  scenes,  recalling  many  in 
cidents  that  both  remembered.  In  the  even 
ing  Lafayette  went  outside  his  hotel  and 
shook  hands  with  about  seven  hundred  boys 
and  girls,  who  had  gathered  around  hoping 
to  get  a  glimpse  of  him. 

After  a  few  days  of  festivity  in  New  York, 
the  nation's  guest  proceeded  to  Boston,  where 
he  found  the  same  enthusiastic  spirit  of  wel 
come.  He  reached  Boston  on  August  the  24th, 
and  was  driven  in  an  open  barouche  drawn 
by  four  white  horses  through  the  principal 
streets.  The  city  was  crowded  with  a  vast 


198     SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

throng  of  people,  and  their  shouts,  mingled 
with  the  sound  of  the  cannon  and  the  ringing 
of  bells,  welcomed  the  hero  of  the  hour.  An 
arch  across  Washington  Street  was  inscribed 
with  the  following  stanza,  written  by  Charles 
Sprague : — 

"  Our  fathers  in  glory  shall  sleep 

That  gathered  with  thee  to  the  fight ; 
But  their  sons  will  eternally  keep 
The  tablet  of  gratitude  bright. 
We  bow  not  the  neck  and  we  bow  not  the  knee, 
But  our  hearts,  Lafayette,  we  surrender  to  thee."  1 

Next  day  Lafayette  attended  the  commence 
ment  exercises  at  Harvard,  where  he  occupied 
the  seat  of  honor.  Here  it  was  that  Edward 
Everett  pronounced  one  of  his  matchless  eulo 
gies,  and  at  its  close  "  every  one  in  the  assem 
bly  was  in  tears."  2 

By  the  middle  of  September  we  find  our 
national  guest  again  in  New  York.  In  Castle 
Garden  a  magnificent  banquet  was  given  in 
his  honor,  and  of  the  thousands  present,  every 
one  wore  a.  badge  or  likeness  of  Lafayette. 

1  Quincy's  "  Figures  of  the  Past,"  p.  104. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  107. 


LAFAYETTE'S   VISIT  1 99 

made  for  the  occasion.  Here  are  a  few  de 
scriptive  words  from  the  New  York  Evening 
Post'.  "We  hazard  nothing  in  saying  that  it 
was  the  most  magnificent  fete  given  under 
cover  in  the  world.  It  was  a  festival  that 
realizes  all  that  we  read  of  in  the  Persian 
tales  or  'Arabian  Nights,'  which  dazzle  the 
eye  and  bewilder  the  imagination,  and  it  pro 
duced  so  many  powerful  combinations  by 
magnificent  preparations  as  to  set  descrip 
tions  almost  at  defiance." 1 

Lafayette's  reception  in  Philadelphia  was 
almost  if  not  fully  equal  to  that  accorded  him 
in  New  York  and  Boston.  It  is  needless  to 
recount  his  experiences  as  he  travelled  through 
the  land.  They  were  everywhere  similar  to 
those  described.  Great  crowds  gathered  to 
greet  him  in  every  city.  The  mayor  or  some 
other  noted  personage  would  receive  him  with 
an  address  of  welcome.  To  this  he  always 
made  a  short,  unstudied  reply,  and  never  failed 
to  say  just  the  right  thing.  The  weight  of 
years  sat  lightly  on  his  shoulders.  He  was 
a  fine  specimen  of  manhood,  six  feet  in  height, 

1  Quoted  by  Magazine  of  American  History,  December,  1887. 


2OO     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

muscular  and  graceful.  It  is  true  his  almost 
seventy  years  had  left  their  mark;  his  hair, 
once  a  deep  red,  was  now  silvered,  and  the 
blithe  step  of  his  youth  was  gone ;  but  his 
heart  was  ever  young,  his  vivacity,  his  good 
nature,  never  forsook  him. 

He  travelled  in  every  State  in  the  Union 
and  visited  all  the  larger  cities.  He  visited 
Albert  Gallatin  at  Prospect  Hill  near  Union- 
town,  Pennsylvania,  General  Jackson  at  the 
Hermitage  in  Tennessee,  and  the  aged  Jef 
ferson  at  Monticello.  His  progress  through 
the  States,  though  one  unbroken  ovation,  did 
not  in  the  least  turn  his  head ;  every  honor 
was  received  with  unfeigned  modesty  and  true 
democratic  simplicity.  Nothing  perhaps  in 
the  life  of  Lafayette  displayed  better  his 
true  character  than  the  way  in  which  he  re 
ceived  the  homage  of  the  Nation. 

At  the  Capitol 

General  Lafayette  spent^  most  of  the  fol 
lowing  winter  in  Washington.  On  his  enter 
ing  the  House  of  Representatives  the  members 
arose,  and  one  of  his  escort  introduced  him, 


LAFAYETTE'S   VISIT  2OI 

after  which  he  was  escorted  to  a  sofa  placed 
in  the  centre  of  the  hall  for  his  reception. 
Speaker  Henry  Clay  then  pronounced  an 
appropriate  welcome,  in  which  he  feelingly 
referred  to  the  Revolutionary  experience  of 
their  distinguished  guest,  and  especially  to 
his  intimate  relations  with  the  illustrious 
Washington.  Lafayette  replied  in  an  equally 
appropriate  speech,  after  which  the  House 
adjourned,  and  Mr.  Clay  introduced  to  him 
the  members  individually. 

Frequently  during  the  winter  the  general 
visited  the  House  and  listened  to  the  debates. 
It  was  a  famous  session  of  Congress.  The 
electoral  college  had  failed  to  choose  a  Presi 
dent,1  and  for  the  second  time  in  our  history, 
and  last  thus  far,  that  duty  devolved  upon 
the  House.  Party  passion  ran  so  high  among 
the  followers  of  the  four  candidates  that  there 
might  have  been  disgraceful  scenes  but  for 
the  presence  of  Lafayette.  No  member  could 
forget  his  decorum  in  the  presence  of  their 
honored  guest  from  abroad. 

1  In  the  electoral  college,  Jackson  had  received  99  votes, 
Adams  84,  Crawford  41,  and  Clay  37. 


202      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Our  Congress  did  one  thing  that  winter 
that  the  whole  Nation  applauded.  It  voted 
Lafayette  two  hundred  thousand  dollars  and 
a  township  of  land  in  Florida,  not  as  a  gift, 
but  as  a  partial  payment  for  his  Revolutionary 
services.  The  general  was  taken  wholly  by 
surprise.  He  could  not,  however,  refuse  so 
generous  a  gift ;  and  it  came  good  indeed  in 
the  remaining  nine  years  of  his  life,  for  he  had 
lost  his  fortune  during  the  various  changes 
of  the  French  Government. 

One  day,  when  driving  in  the  carriage  with 
President  Adams,  Lafayette  was  amused  at 
the  following  incident :  As  they  were  crossing 
the  bridge  over  the  Potomac  River,  the  toll- 
gatherer,  after  counting  the  horses  and  per 
sons  in  the  party,  informed  the  President  how 
much  the  toll  was,  and  the  latter  handed  him 
the  amount.  As  the  party  started  the  toll- 
gatherer  recognized  General  Lafayette,  and 
called  to  the  President,  offering  to  return  the 
amount  of  the  toll,  saying,  "All  bridges  and 
all  gates  are  free  to  the  guest  of  the  Nation." 
Lafayette  thought  this  a  remarkable  illustra 
tion  of  the  equality  and  the  democratic  sim- 


LAFAYETTE'S   VISIT  2O3 

plicity  of  the  people.  In  Europe  the  head  of 
the  nation  finds  all  gates  and  bridges  free, 
while  here  only  the  guest  has  a  free  pass; 
the  President  pays  his  toll  among  the  rest. 

Mount  Vernon  and  Bunker  Hill 

The  most  touching  scene  in  this  memorable 
tour  of  Lafayette  was  his  visit  to  the  tomb 
of  Washington.  This  we  can  best  describe 
in  the  words  of  his  private  secretary,  M.  Le- 
vasseur :  — 

"  Leaving  Washington  and  descending  the 
Potomac,  after  a  voyage  of  two  hours,  the 
guns  of  Fort  Washington  announced  that  we 
were  approaching  the  last  abode  of  the  Father 
of  his  Country.  At  this  solemn  signal,  to 
which  the  military  band  accompanying  us 
responded  by  plaintive  strains,  we  went  on 
deck,  and  the  venerable  soil  of  Mount  Vernon 
was  before  us :  at  this  view,  an  involuntary 
and  spontaneous  movement  made  us  kneel. 
We  landed  in  boats  and  trod  upon  the  ground 
so  often  worn  by  the  feet  of  Washington.  A 
carriage  received  Lafayette,  and  the  other 
visitors  silently  ascended  the  precipitous  path 


2O4     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

which  conducted  to  the  solitary  habitation  of 
Mount  Vernon. 

"  Three  nephews  of  General  Washington 
took  Lafayette,  his  son,  and  myself,  to  conduct 
us  to  the  tomb  of  their  uncle ;  ...  in  a  few 
minutes  the  cannon  of  the  fort,  thundering 
anew,  announced  that  Lafayette  rendered 
homage  to  the  ashes  of  Washington.  .  .  .  As 
we  approached,  the  door  was  opened,  Lafay 
ette  descended  alone  into  the  vault,  and  a  few 
minutes  after  reappeared  with  his  eyes  over 
flowing  with  tears.  He  took  his  son  and  me 
by  the  hand,  and  led  us  into  the  tomb,  where 
by  a  sign  he  indicated  the  coffin  of  his  paternal 
friend.  .  .  .  We  knelt  reverently  near  the 
coffin,  which  we  respectfully  saluted  with  our 
lips,  and  rising,  threw  ourselves  into  the  arms 
of  Lafayette,  and  mingled  our  tears  with  his." 

Next  to  the  visit  of  Lafayette  to  Washing 
ton's  tomb  the  most  interesting  incident  of 
his  sojourn  was  his  attendance  on  the  cere 
monies  of  laying  the  corner-stone  of  the 
Bunker  Hill  monument.  His  second  visit  to 
Boston  took  place  in  midsummer,  1825,  and 
the  corner-stone  of  the  monument  was  laid 


LAFAYETTE'S   VISIT  2O5 

on  the  seventeenth  of  June  —  exactly  fifty 
years  after  the  famous  battle  had  occurred. 
Lafayette  had  arrived  a  few  days  before,  and 
was  the  chief  guest  of  the  occasion.  He  had 
said  that  Bunker  Hill  was  the  pole  star  on 
which  his  eyes  had  been  fixed,  and  he  rejoiced 
in  the  prospect  of  assisting  at  the  jubilee.  It 
was  a  gala  day  for  Boston.  Never  before  had 
so  many  people  been  packed  into  the  city. 
"  Everything  that  had  wheels  and  everything 
that  had  legs  used  them  to  get  to  Boston."  l 

The  roar  of  cannon  announced  the  dawn 
of  that  beautiful  day  in  June ;  long  before 
the  procession  of  notables  arrived,  the  hill  was 
covered  with  a  solid  mass  of  people.  From 
this  mass  arose  cheer  on  cheer  as  the  pro 
cession  moved  through  the  crowd.  Then 
followed  the  introduction  severally  of  the  sur 
vivors  of  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill  to  the 
distinguished  visitor  from  France.  This  pleas 
ant  duty  fell  upon  young  Josiah  Quincy,  chief 
of  Governor  Lincoln's  staff.  But  there  were 
only  a  few  of  the  venerable  survivors  of  the 
battle  remaining.  All  the  officers  had  been 

1  Quincy's  "Figures  of  the  Past,"   130. 


2O6     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

called  to  their  silent  home  save  one,  a  cap 
tain  named  Clark,  now  bending  beneath  his 
ninety-five  years. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  most  impressive  ser 
vice  of  the  day  was  the  prayer  offered  by  the 
aged  Reverend  Joseph  Thaxter.  Fifty  years 
before,  in  the  morning  before  the  battle,  this 
same  man,  then  Prescott's  chaplain,  had  stood 
on  this  same  spot  and  invoked  the  blessing  of 
God  upon  the  patriot  cause.  Now,  in  his  old 
age,  he  is  again  permitted  to  stand  in  the  midst 
of  this  joyous  throng,  and  to  render  the  same 
sacred  service  in  behalf  of  a  great  and  growing 
nation. 

After  laying  the  corner-stone  with  his  own 
hands,  Lafayette  positively  refused  to  take  the 
seat  prepared  for  him  under  the  pavilion. 
"  No,"  said  he,  "  I  belong  there,  among  the  sur 
vivors  of  the  Revolution,  and  there  I  must  sit."  1 
And  so  he  sat  among  the  veterans,  with  noth 
ing  to  shelter  him  from  the  scorching  sun.  The 
address  of  the  day  was  made  by  Daniel  Web 
ster,  then  in  the  prime  of  his  young  manhood. 
He  has  been  described  as  "  the  front  of  Jove 

1  "Figures  of  the  Past,"  p.  131. 


LAFAYETTE'S  VISIT  2O? 

himself ;  an  eye  like  Mars,  ready  to  command," 
when  he  stepped  forth  to  deliver  his  oration. 
Webster  is  considered  the  greatest  of  Ameri 
can  orators,  and  his  oration  on  this  day  is 
numbered  among  the  best  of  his  life. 

Lafayette  returned  from  Boston  to  Washing 
ton,  and,  thence,  on  September  the  8th,  took 
his  final  departure  in  the  Brandywine  for  his 
native  land.  The  farewell  address,  pronounced 
by  President  Adams,  is  one  of  the  most  felici 
tous  and  appropriate  of  its  kind  in  the  English 
language.  Lafayette  had  spent  almost  thirteen 
months  in  America,  and  the  royal  welcome  he 
had  received  did  much  to  disprove  the  saying 
that  republics  are  ungrateful.  At  various  times 
have  noted  foreigners,  coming  to  our  shores, 
received  the  hearty  plaudits  of  the  people,  but 
no  other  has  received  such  a  welcome  as  that 
given  Lafayette.  And  can 'such  a  thing  occur 
again  ?  Have  not  the  conditions  that  produced 
it  passed  away  ?  Perhaps  the  time  may  never 
come  again  when  a  foreigner  coming  to  our 
country  will  be  welcomed  with  the  homage 
of  the  whole  Nation,  as  was  this  hero  of  the 
Revolution,  this  friend  of  liberty,  Lafayette. 


CHAPTER  XI 

THE  CAROLINE  AFFAIR1 

To  show  how  an  apparently  trifling  matter 
may  disturb  the  friendly  relations  between  two 
great  nations,  and  bring  them  to  the  verge  of 
war ;  to  reveal  a  feature  of  weakness  in  our 
dual  system  of  government,  State  and  National, 
as  regards  our  foreign  relations  ;  and  to  illus 
trate  that  the  public  mind  may  be  thoroughly 
agitated  over  a  subject  and  forget  all  about  it 
within  a  few  years,  — no  better  example  can  be 
found  than  that  known  in  our  history  as  "  The 
Caroline  Affair."  Few  of  our  citizens  to-day, 
if  asked  about  the  Caroline  Affair,  could  give 
any  intelligent  account  of  it,  and  the  majority 
could  not  even  tell  what  it  was  ;  while  during 
the  year  of  1838,  and  for  several  years  follow 
ing,  it  was  one  of  the  most  prominent  subjects 

1  For  the  facts  related  in  this  chapter  I  am  largely  indebted 
to  Benton's  "  Thirty  Years*  View." 

208 


THE  CAROLINE  AFFAIR 

before  the  American  public.  It  was  brought 
about  by  an  insurrection  in  Canada,  and  the 
dispute  it  occasioned  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain  became  quite  serious,  and 
extended  over  several  years. 

The  Canadian   Rebellion 

There  had  been  for  many  years  previous  to 
1837  serious  differences  in  both  Upper  and 
Lower  Canada,  between  the  popular  and  loyal 
ist  parties.  In  the  latter  part  of  that  year  an 
open  insurrection  broke  out  against  the  Gov 
ernment,  then  in  the  hands  of  the  loyalists,  or 
British  party,  as  they  were  called.  The  discon 
tent  had  its  origin  in  the  concentration  of  the 
Government  into  the  hands  of  a  few  great 
families,  the  misuse  of  public  funds,  and  the 
setting  apart  of  certain  tracts  of  land  for  the 
benefit  of  the  clergy.  The  immediate  cause  of 
the  uprising  was  the  refusal  of  the  Assembly  to 
appropriate  money  to  pay  the  public  officials, 
and  the  carrying  through  the  English  House  of 
Commons,  by  Lord  John  Russell,  a  series  of 
resolutions,  rejecting  the  demand  for  an  elective 
legislative  council. 


210     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

The  leader  of  the  revolt  in  Upper  Canada 
was  William  Lyon  MacKenzie,  a  Scotchman, 
an  editor  of  Toronto,  and  first  mayor  of  that 
city  after  its  name  was  changed  from  York. 
He  was  a  man  of  much  ability,  but  rash,  and 
wanting  in  tact;  he  was  an  intense  hater  of 
toryism  in  every  form.  The  leader  in  Lower 
Canada  was  Louis  J.  Papinau,  a  member  of 
the  Assembly  from  Montreal.  Papinau  was 
a  man  of  energy  and  courage,  nor  could  any 
one  question  his  honesty.  Neither  of  these 
men  could  be  accused  of  sinister  motives  nor 
of  selfish  ambition.  They  fully  believed  that 
the  only  remedy  for  the  evils  in  the  Govern 
ment  was  an  appeal  to  arms.  The  insurgents 
called  themselves  "patriots,"  and  their  avowed 
object  was  to  break  away  from  English  rule 
and  to  set  up  a  republic  in  Canada. 

The  rebellion  found  many  sympathizers  in 
the  United  States.  All  along  our  northern 
border  from  Vermont  to  Michigan  there  was 
great  excitement.  Men  assembled  and  formed 
themselves  into  companies  and  battalions,  and 
chose  officers,  intending  to  march  into  Canada 
to  aid  the  patriots. 


THE  CAROLINE  AFFAIR  211 

When  President  Van  Buren  became  aware 
of  these  proceedings,  he  issued  a  proclama 
tion  commanding  all  citizens  to  abstain  from 
taking  part  in  such  illegal  acts,  and  threaten 
ing  the  guilty  with  the  utmost  penalty  of  the 
law%  He  stated  that,  as  the  United  States 
enjoyed  the  most  friendly  relations  with  Great 
Britain,  our  citizens  must  not  disturb  those 
relations  by  abetting  or  aiding  an  insurrection 
in  her  colony.  The  President  did  still  more ; 
he  called  upon  the  governors  of  the  border 
States  to  assist  in  suppressing  all  illegal 
movements,  which  they  did;  he  sent  General 
Winfield  Scott  with  a  body  of  troops  to  the 
frontier,  and  he  chartered  several  steamboats 
on  Lake  Erie,  manned  them  with  soldiers, 
and  set  them  to  guard  against  all  offenders. 
Nevertheless,  a  considerable  number  of  Ameri 
cans  succeeded  in  crossing  into  Canada  and 
joining  the  insurgents. 

The  rebellion  was  not  a  great  one,  and 
in  a  few  weeks  after  the  first  outbreak  it 
was  suppressed.  Sir  John  Colborne  with  an 
army  of  regulars  appeared  against  the  rebels, 
and  after  a  few  sharp  skirmishes  in  which 


212     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

something  over  a  hundred  were  killed,  suc 
ceeded  in  dispersing  them.  Many  laid  down 
their  arms  and  gave  up  the  struggle;  others 
fled  across  the  border  into  New  York.  The  dis 
content  in  Canada  was  widespread,  it  is  true, 
but  the  revolt  failed  for  want  of  leadership, 
neither  MacKenzie  nor  Papinau  proving  suc 
cessful  as  military  leaders.  The  movement 
would  scarcely  be  remembered  in  history  but 
for  an  occurrence  that  immediately  gave  it 
international  importance,  and  was  henceforth 
known  as  the  Caroline  Affair. 

Destruction  of  the  Caroline 

The  Caroline  was  a  small  steamboat  on 
Lake  Erie,  and  was  owned  by  a  citizen  of  the 
United  States.  She  was  employed  in  illegal 
traffic  with  the  Canadian  insurgents  on  Navy 
Island.  This  island,  situated  in  the  Niagara 
River  above  the  falls,  had  become  the  rendez 
vous  of  a  body  of  rebels  to  the  number  of 
about  five  hundred  under  the  leadership  of 
MacKenzie.  They  had  been  beaten  and 
driven  from  the  mainland  by  the  regular 
troops,  and  had  here  taken  refuge  with  a 


THE   CAROLINE  AFFAIR  213 

view  of  collecting  materials  for  another  attack 
upon  the  enemy.  Opposite  Navy  Island,  near 
Chippewa,  Ontario,  several  thousand  Canadian 
troops  were  stationed  under  the  command  of 
Colonel  MacNab.  When  it  became  known  to 
MacNab  and  his  soldiers  that  the  Caroline 
was  carrying  men  and  supplies  to  the  rebels 
on  the  island,  they  determined  to  destroy  the 
vessel. 

The  night  of  December  29,  1837,  was  chosen 
for  the  exploit.  Colonel  MacNab  sent  Captain 
Drew  with  a  flotilla  of  five  boats  to  destroy  her. 
They  approached  silently  under  cover  of  dark 
ness  to  the  shore  of  Navy  Island,  where  the 
Caroline  had  been  seen  during  the  afternoon ; 
but  the  boat  was  not  there.  Captain  Drew 
was  unwilling  to  give  up  the  project  so 
readily,  and  without  authority  from  his  chief 
proceeded  to  cross  into  American  waters  in 
search  of  the  offending  steamer.  About  the 
hour  of  midnight  the  searching  party  found 
the  little  steamer  moored  to  the  shore  at  Fort 
Schlosser,  Grand  Island,  which  is  a  part  of 
the  territory  of  New  York.  The  officers  and 
crew  of  the  Caroline  consisted  of  but  ten  men, 


214     SIDE  LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

but  on  that  night  twenty-three  other  men,  who 
could  not  be  accommodated  at  the  neighboring 
inn,  had  found  lodging  on  board  the  vessel. 
Nearly  all  these  were  American  citizens. 

About  fifty  of  the  British  party,  well  armed, 
boarded  her  without  warning  to  the  occupants, 
most  of  whom  were  asleep  at  the  time.  The 
Americans  sprung  from  their  berths  and  grap 
pled  with  the  foe ;  but  the  contest  was  an 
unequal  one,  and  in  a  very  few  minutes  the 
British  party  had  possession  of  the  boat,  after 
having  killed  one  man  and  wounding  several 
others.  The  victors  now  put  the  Americans 
ashore,  cut  the  vessel  from  her  moorings,  set 
her  on  fire  and  sent  her  burning  over  the  Falls 
of  Niagara.  Several  of  the  men  who  had 
gone  aboard  to  spend  the  night  were  after 
ward  missing,  and  it  was  believed  that  they 
were  still  on  board  the  burning  steamer  when 
she  leaped  over  the  cataract,  and  that  they 
found  a  watery  grave  in  the  depths  of  the 
dashing  river. 

The  news  of  the  destruction  of  the  Caroline, 
an  American  boat  in  American  waters  manned 
by  American  sailors,  spread  with  great  rapid- 


THE  CAROLINE   AFFAIR  21 5 

ity.  The  feelings  of  the  people  in  the  border 
States  were  inflamed  to  the  highest  degree.  Re 
taliatory  expeditions  were  immediately  planned, 
but  the  President  took  measures  to  repress 
them.  At  the  same  time  he  sent  a  message 
to  Congress  stating  that  a  hostile  invasion  had 
been  made  into  our  territory,  and  an  outrage 
of  the  most  aggravated  character  had  been 
committed  against  our  citizens.  He  also  in 
formed  them  that  an  immediate  demand  for 
reparation  would  be  made  upon  the  Govern 
ment  of  Great  Britain. 

The  feeling  in  Congress  was  scarcely  less 
intense  than  along  the  northern  border.  An 
act  was  immediately  passed  placing  large  mili 
tary  supplies  in  the  hands  of  the  President,  for 
the  protection  of  the  frontier;  while  his  deci 
sion  to  demand  redress  was  unanimously 
approved. 

Scarcely  a  week  had  passed  after  the  unfor 
tunate  occurrence,  when  Mr.  John  Forsyth, 
the  secretary  of  state,  addressed  a  letter  to 
Mr.  Fox,  the  English  minister  at  Washington, 
in  which  he  referred  to  the  invasion  of  our 
territory,  destruction  of  our  property  and  the 


216     SIDE  LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

assassination  of  American  citizens  at  a  time 
when  it  was  well  known  that  the  President 
was  doing  all  in  his  power  to  prevent  our 
people  from  giving  aid  and  comfort  to  the 
insurgents.  The  British  Government  made 
no  reply  to  President  Van  Buren's  demand. 

The  destroyers  of  the  Caroline  disclaimed 
all  intention  to  invade  American  soil ;  they 
fully  expected  to  find  the  vessel  at  Navy 
Island,  which  belonged  to  Canadian  territory, 
where  she  had  been  seen  a  few  hours  before. 
The  boat  being  engaged  in  furnishing  sup 
plies  to  the  rebels,  was,  according  to  the  rules 
of  war,  subject  to  seizure  by  the  British.  It 
was,  therefore,  not  the  act  itself,  but  the  place 
in  which  it  was  done,  that  caused  all  the  trou 
ble.  On  this  ground  the  English  ministry 
justified  the  act  without  assuming  the  respon 
sibility.  Every  effort  of  our  minister  at  Lon 
don  to  bring  about  a  settlement  was  treated, 
not  perhaps  with  contempt,  but  with  a  dignified 
silence.  So  matters  continued  for  three  years, 
when,  near  the  close  of  Van  Buren's  adminis 
tration,  another  event  occurred  that  changed 
the  relative  position  of  the  two  countries  — 


THE  CAROLINE  AFFAIR  217. 

the  United    States  was  put   on   the  defensive, 
and  Great  Britain  became  the  aggressor. 

Arrest  and  Trial  of  McLeod 

Alexander  McLeod  was  a  British  subject, 
a  resident  of  Ontario,  a  blustering  braggart 
of  no  importance  in  his  own  neighborhood 
nor  elsewhere ;  yet  this  man  became  the 
cause  of  the  most  serious  disturbance  between 
two  great  nations  —  the  United  States  of 
America  and  the  British  Empire. 

Three  years  had  passed  since  the  burning 
of  the  Caroline.  The  British  Government 
had  made  no  reparation  for  the  offence  and 
it  was  still  a  subject  of  general  discussion 
among  the  people ;  but  no  one  believed  that 
war  was  likely  to  result,  however  the  ministry 
might  decide.  Alexander  McLeod  had  boasted 
that  he  was  of  the  party  that  had  destroyed 
the  Caroline •,  and  that  he  had  himself  killed 
one  of  the  "Yankees."  He  appeared  on  the 
American  side,  and  repeated  his  foolish  boast, 
whereupon  he  was  instantly  arrested  and 
clapped  into  prison  on  a  charge  of  murder 
and  arson. 


.2  1 8      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

The  excitement  again  rose  to  the  highest 
pitch.  The  English  minister  at  Washington 
addressed  a  letter  to  the  President,  calling 
upon  him  to  take  steps  for  the  immediate 
release  of  McLeod,  taking  the  ground  that 
the  latter  ii  guilty  was  only  acting  under 
authority,  and  was  not  personally  responsible 
for  what  had  been  done.  Mr.  Forsyth  in  a 
very  able  paper  stated  that  the  crime  had 
been  committed  on  the  soil  of  New  York  in 
time  of  peace  between  the  two  countries,  that 
the  whole  matter  of  personal  responsibility  of 
the  perpetrators  came  under  the  jurisdiction 
of  that  State,  nor  had  our  National  Govern 
ment,  under  our  dual  system,  any  power  to 
interfere  in  the  matter.  He  further  stated 
that  if  the  British  Government  had  assumed 
the  responsibility  of  destroying  the  Caroline, 
the  United  States  had  not  been  officially  in 
formed  of  the  fact. 

This  answer  of  Forsyth  plainly  exhibits  the 
weak  point  in  our  system.  Here  was  a  sub 
ject  of  a  foreign  power  indicted  for  violating 
the  laws  of  a  State  in  the  American  Union, 
and  the  State  has  no  foreign  relations  what- 


THE  CAROLINE  AFFAIR  2IQ 

ever.1  Great  Britain  could  not,  therefore, 
treat  with  the  State  of  New  York;  she  must 
deal  with  the  United  States  Government 
alone.  But  the  United  States  Government 
has  no  power,  under  our  Constitution,  to  take 
a  case  at  common  law  out  of  the  hands  "of  a 
State,  nor  to  interfere  in  any  way  with  con 
stitutional  State  laws. 

The  affair  had  assumed  a  serious  aspect, 
and  thus  it  remained  in  an  unsettled  condi 
tion  during  the  winter  of  1840-1841.  The 
official  term  of  Martin  Van  Buren  now  drew 
to  a  close,  and  William  Henry  Harrison  be 
came  President. 

No  sooner  had  the  United  States  Govern 
ment  changed  hands,  than  the  English  min 
istry  assumed  a  bolder  and  more  menacing 
tone.  The  followers  of  Van  Buren  were 
prompt  to  assert  that  England  had  avoided 
showing  her  true  colors  until  the  party  she 
feared  had  gone  out  of  power;  but  she  felt 
that  she  could  bully  the  new  administration 
as  she  chose.  Whether  the  change  of  admin 
istration  had  anything  to  do  with  the  matter 

1  See  Chapter  XVIII. 


220     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

we  are  unable  to  say,  but  it  is  a  fact  that  the 
change  of  attitude  in  the  British  ministry 
began  at  about  the  same  time. 

On  the  day  of  Mr.  Harrison's  inauguration 
a  rumor  gained  currency  through  the  capital 
city  that  the  British  Government  had  assumed 
the  destruction  of  the  Caroline.  One  week 
later  the  English  minister  addressed  a  com 
munication  to  Daniel  Webster,  the  new  sec 
retary  of  state,  demanding  in  the  name  of 
her  Majesty's  Government,  and  in  a  threaten 
ing  manner,  the  immediate  release  of  McLeod. 
It  was  learned  soon  after  that  English  ships 
were  being  sent  to  Halifax,  troops  were  land 
ing  in  Canada,  and  that  Lord  Palmerston  had 
openly  stated  in  Parliament  that  the  ministry 
had  assumed  the  act  of  destroying  the  Caro 
line.  The  London  newspapers  were  aflame 
with  threats  of  war. 

The  wisdom  of  the  British  ministry  in  wait 
ing  for  the  new  administration  to  come  in  be 
fore  assuming  its  threatening  attitude  seemed 
now  to  be  confirmed ;  for  Mr.  Webster,  in 
answering  Mr.  Fox,  stated  that  "  the  Govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  entertains  no  doubt 


THE    CAROLINE  AFFAIR  221 

of  the  asserted  British  principle,"  but  that 
McLeod,-  being  in  the  hands  of  the  State  of 
New  York,  was  beyond  the  authority  of  the 
General  Government.  This  was  practically 
conceding  the  whole  matter.  After  such  a 
concession  from  such  an  authority,  the  only 
logical  thing  for  the  administration  to  do  was 
to  take  the  British  side,  and  to  use  its  efforts 
to  effect  the  release  of  the  prisoner  —  and  that 
is  precisely  what  it  did. 

Meantime  the  trial  of  McLeod  approached. 
The  administration  requested  the  New  York 
authorities  to  release  him  without  a  trial,  for 
the  sake  of  national  peace ;  but  this  they  re 
fused  to  do.  Every  means  was  now  employed 
by  the  Washington  Government  to  secure  the 
release  of  the  now  famous  prisoner.  It  is 
said  that  Mr.  Webster  exacted  a  secret  prom 
ise  from  Mr.  Seward,  New  York's  governor, 
to  pardon  McLeod  if  convicted.  Mr.  Critten- 
den,  the  attorney-general  of  the  United  States, 
was  sent  by  the  President  to  the  scene  of  the 
trial  at  Lockport  to  use  his  efforts  for  acquittal. 

The  trial  was  conducted  with  the  utmost  fair 
ness  before  an  impartial  judge  and  jury, — and 


222     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

how  ludicrous  it  all  turned  out !  It  was  proved 
at  the  trial  that  McLeod  had  no  part  in  the 
destruction  of  the  Caroline.  His  boast  was 
an  idle  and  false  one.  It  was  shown  that 
he  had  slept  that  night  at  Chippewa ;  that, 
on  hearing  of  the  exploit  next  morning,  he 
expressed  the  wish  that  he  had  been  with 
the  party.  This  wish  had  been  changed  to 
the  assertion  that  he  had  been  one  of  them, 
and  had  killed  one  of  the  Yankees !  Thus  the 
idle  boast  of  a  brainless  braggart  brought  about 
international  disturbance  of  the  most  serious 
nature.  Of  course  McLeod  was  acquitted,  and 
the  war  attitude  of  Great  Britain  soon  sub 
sided.  The  claims  of  the  United  States  against 
the  English  Government  for  indemnity  on  ac 
count  of  the  destruction  of  the  little  steamboat 
were  eventually  abandoned,  and  the  Caroline 
Affair,  which  fills  a  curious  page  in  American 
history,  was  soon  dropped  from  the  public 
mind. 


CHAPTER   XII 
THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1840 

WE  have  all  witnessed  the  torchlight  proces 
sions  and  the  great  mass-meetings  that  precede 
a  presidential  election.  Every  National  political 
contest  is  characterized  by  excitement  and  com 
motion  among  the  people ;  but  no  other  in  our 
history  can  be  compared  in  unrestrained  enthu 
siasm  with  that  of  1840,  when  William  Henry 
Harrison  was  elected  to  the  presidency.  This 
remarkable  outburst  of  feeling  was  a  reaction 
against  the  prevailing  "  hard  times "  of  the 
years  just  preceding  it. 

During  the  administration  of  Martin  Van 
Buren,  which  was  but  a  continuation  of  the 
administration  of  Jackson,  the  country  had 
suffered  severely  from  the  great%  industrial 
depression,  known  as  the  "Panic  of  1837," 
which  left  in  its  trail  the  wrecks  of  many 
fortunes.  The  Whigs  were  prompt  to  blame 
223 


224     SIDE  LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

the  whole  trouble  on  the  Democrats.  This 
is  a  custom  in  American  politics  —  for  the 
party  out  of  power  to  blame  the  party  in 
power  with  everything  that  goes  wrong.  Few 
statesmen  have  risen  above  this  practice,  espe 
cially  when  their  own  advancement  depended 
on  it.  In  that  degree  a  statesman  becomes 
a  demagogue. 

We  cannot  enter  on  a  general  discussion  of 
this  panic  of  1837,  but  a  few  words  about  it 
will  not  be  out  of  place.  There  was  no  doubt 
some  truth  in  the  claim  of  the  Whigs  that  the 
Democrats  had  brought  about  the  panic.  Jack 
son's  stern  dealing  with  the  United  States 
Bank,  and  his  subsequent  Specie  Circular, 
probably  hastened,  though  they  did  not  pro 
duce,  the  distressed  condition  that  followed. 

But  the  chief  cause  of  the  panic  was  the 
spirit  of  wild  speculation  that  had  taken 
possession  of  the  people.  The  National  debt 
was  paid  in  1835,  and  for  the  first  and  only 
time  in  American  history  there  was  no  public 
National  debt.  The  people  seemed  to  think 
that  they  could  roll  in  wealth  without  limit,  and 
the  country  was  flooded  with  paper  money. 


THE   CAMPAIGN   OF   1840  225 

Almost  every  bank  in  the  country  issued  paper 
money  far  beyond  its  ability  to  redeem  in  coin. 
Prices  rose  and  work  was  plentiful  at  high 
wages.  Great  manufactories  were  begun  and 
never  finished.  The  sale  of  public  lands  was 
increased  about  sevenfold.  Towns  were  laid 
out  in  the  West  that  have  not  been  built  up 
to  this  day.  All  this  was  done  on  a  basis  of 
paper  money,  far  below  the  value  of  gold  and 
silver.  But  the  crash  came,  as  it  always  will 
under  such  circumstances. 

The  Whigs  made  much  political  capital  out  of 
this  panic.  During  Van  Buren's  term  of  office 
they  had  gained  steadily  on  the  Democrats, 
as  shown  by  the  State  elections,  and  it  was 
generally  believed  that,  if  they  made  no  serious 
blunder,  they  would  win  in  the  approaching 
National  contest. 

The  Whig  Convention 

The  National  convention  of  the  Whigs  was 
held  in  a  newly  erected  Lutheran  church  at  Har- 
risburg,  Pennsylvania,  in  December,  1839,  nearly 
a  year  before  the  time  of  the  election.  Before 
this  convention  were  the  names  of  three  candi- 
Q  X^"^ 

/  OF  TH€ 

I     UKHVFR.QITV 


226      SIDE  LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

dates  —  Henry  Clay,  the  great  Whig  leader  and 
founder  of  the  party ;  William  Henry  Harrison, 
the  Ohio  farmer  and  hero  of  Tippecanoe ; 
Winfield  Scott,  the  leading  general  of  the  army 
and  hero  of  Lundy's  Lane.  They  had  all  been 
born  in  Virginia,  but  were  now  of  different 
States. 

Scott,  whose  greatest  achievement  —  his 
great  march  upon  Mexico  —  was  still  in  the 
future,  was  not  very  seriously  considered  by 
the  delegates,  and  the  real  contest  lay  between 
Clay  and  Harrison.  The  majority  of  the 
delegates  preferred  Clay  for  President ;  but  a 
few  of  the  ablest  men  in  the  party,  among 
whom  were  Thurlow  Weed  and  Horace  Greeley 
of  New  York,  were  using  their  utmost  efforts 
to  make  Harrison  the  candidate. 

The  leader  of  the  party  was  Henry  Clay,  as 
all  acknowledged,  but  there  were  serious  objec 
tions  to  his  nomination.  He  had  been  a  leader 
in  National  affairs  for  thirty  years,  and,  owing 
to  his  positive  outspoken  manner,  had  made 
many  enemies.  He  had  been  a  conspicuous 
advocate  of  the  American  System,  or  protective 
tariff,  which  was  not  popular  in  the  South.  To 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF   1840  22/ 

these  objections  was  added  that  of  the  Anti- 
Masons.  The  Anti-Mason  party,  which  had 
been  a  strong  factor  in  the  presidential  contest 
eight  years  before,  had  now  dissolved,  and  most 
of  its  members  had  joined  the  Whigs ;  but  Clay 
could  not  have  commanded  their  votes,  as  he 
was  himself  a  Freemason. 

These  forces,  working  against  Clay,  were  too 
great  to  be  overcome.  Clay  had  authorized  the 
withdrawal  of  his  name  from  the  convention,  if, 
in  the  judgment  of  his  friends,  it  seemed  best 
for  party  harmony.  It  was  about  this  time  that 
he  had  made  use  of  the  now  famous  expression, 
"  I  would  rather  be  right  than  be  President." 

Harrison  was  nominated  on  the  fourth  day  of 
the  convention  by  a  plan  resembling  the  so- 
called  "unit  rule."  By  this  plan  the  delegates 
from  each  State  put  the  power  of  voting  into 
the  hands  of  a  committee  of  three,  chosen  from 
their  own  number.  These  several  committees 
then  met  and  chose  Harrison  for  President,  and 
this  choice  was  ratified  by  the  convention,  as 
previously  arranged.  This  was  certainly  an 
unfair  way  of  dealing  with  Mr.  Clay.  In  open 
convention  Clay  would  undoubtedly  have  been 


228      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON.  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

the  first  choice ;  but  the  committees,  being 
smaller,  were  so  managed  by  the  politicians  as 
to  substitute  the  name  of  Harrison  for  that 
of  Clay. 

Clay's  friends  were  deeply  disappointed  when 
their  chief  was  set  aside,  and  the  Harrison  men 
feared  that  they  might  "  bolt "  the  ticket.  One 
of  the  most  ardent  followers  of  Clay,  John  Tyler 
of  Virginia,  is  said  to  have  wept  when  his  chief 
was  .defeated  in  convention.  To  shed  tears  will 
not  usually  prove  a  means  of  gaining  the  presi 
dency  of  the  United  States,  but  in  this  case  it 
did  that  very  thing.  The  Harrison  followers, 
to  make  sure  of  winning  the  support  of  the 
Clay  followers,  decided  to  choose  one  of  the 
latter  for  second  place,  and  as  they  were  cast 
ing  about  for  a  suitable  choice — behold,  John 
Tyler  in  tears !  And  he  was  straightway 
nominated  for  the  vice-presidency. 

Tyler  was  a  man  of  some  importance.  He 
was  a  United  States  senator  from  Virginia, 
and  had  been  governor  of  that  State.  He  was 
formerly  a  Democrat,  but,  being  opposed  to 
Jackson's  self-willed  policy,  he  had  left  his 
party  and  joined  himself  to  the  Whigs.  The 


THE  CAMPAIGN   OF    1840  22Q 

Whigs  hoped,  by  placing  him  on  the  ticket,  to 

win  a  certain  floating  vote  from  the  South  which 

•  they  could  not  otherwise  have  counted  on,  as 

well  as  to  appease  the  followers  of  Henry  Clay. 

William  Henry  Harrison 

Let  us  take  a  brief  view  of  the  chosen 
standard-bearer  of  the  Whigs  in  this  presidential 
contest.  From  the  standpoint  of  availability  no 
better  choice  than  Harrison  could  have  been 
made.  It  is  the  custom  of  our  great  political 
parties  to  nominate  for  President,  not  the  great 
est  statesman  in  the  party,  but  the  one  who 
is  best  fitted  to  win  votes.  Harrison  had  many 
points  in  his  favor,  not  the  least  of  which  was 
that  he  had  been  out  of  public  life  for  many 
years,  had  few  political  enemies,  and  his  views 
on  the  great  questions  of  the  day  were  scarcely 
known.  In  addition  to  this  he  had  a  very 
creditable  military  record,  and  was  the  son  of 
one  of  the  Revolutionary  fathers,  a  signer  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence.  Going  be 
fore  the  people  with  this  record,  he  was  in 
position  to  make  a  strong  race. 

In    1791,  when  the  country  was  shocked  by 


23O     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

the  news  of  the  great  defeat  of  St.  Clair  by  the 
Indians  of  the  West,  William  Henry  Harrison, 
then  nineteen  years  of  age,  was  a  medical 
student  in  Philadelphia.  He  at  once  deter 
mined  to  abandon  his  studies,  go  to  the  West, 
and  lend  his  aid  to  retrieve  the  honor  of  his 
country.  Washington,  who  had  been  an  inti 
mate  friend  of  his  father,  made  him  an  ensign, 
and  the  young  man  set  out  with  a  brave  heart 
to  win  glory  for  himself  and  honor  for  his 
country.  He  proceeded  on  foot  across  the 
Alleghany  Mountains  to  Pittsburg,  where  he 
took  a  boat  and  floated  down  the  Ohio  River  to 
Cincinnati,  then  called  Fort  Washington. 

A  little  later  we  find  our  young  hero  serving 
under  General  Wayne  in  the  Indian  wars  in 
northwestern  Ohio.  In  1801  he  was  appointed 
governor  of  the  Indiana  Territory,  a  post 
which  he  held  for  twelve  years.  In  November, 
1811,  he  defeated  the  Prophet,  twin  brother 
of  the  great  Indian  chief  Tecumseh,  in  the 
famous  battle  of  Tippecanoe ;  and  from  this 
battle  Harrison  received  his  popular  military 
name. 

At  the  outbreak  of  the  War  of   1812,  Harri- 


THE   CAMPAIGN   OF    1840  231 

son  became  commander  of  the  army  of  the 
Northwest,  and  he  did  valiant  service  for  his 
country  in  several  hard-fought  engagements, 
the  most  important  of  which  was  the  battle 
of  the  Thames,  in  which  the  English  and  Ind 
ians  suffered  a  terrible  defeat,  and  the  famous 
Tecumseh  was  numbered  among  the  slain. 

The  war  over,  Harrison  settled  down  to  a  life 
of  peace,  and  a  few  years  later  he  became  a 
member  of  the  Lower  House  of  Congress,  and 
still  later  a  United  States  senator  from  Ohio. 
John  Quincy  Adams,  when  President,  appointed 
Harrison  minister  to  the  republic  of  Colom 
bia,  South  America  ;  but  Jackson,  succeeding 
Adams,  recalled  him.  He  then  retired  to 
North  Bend,  a  village  near  Cincinnati,  and 
became  a  farmer.  In  1836  he  was  the  leading 
candidate  of  the  Whigs  for  President,  against 
Van  Buren. 

Harrison  did  not  rank  with  the  greatest 
statesmen  of  his  time.  His  ability  was  far 
below  that  of  his  rival  Clay,  or  of  Webster ; 
but  he  was  a  man  of  the  purest  of  motives,  had 
a  kind  and  generous  heart,  and  was  above  any 
imputation  of  political  corruption. 


232      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

The  Democrats  held  their  convention  in 
Baltimore  and  renominated  Van  Buren  without 
division  ;  but  for  second  place  they  made  no 
nomination.  The  Vice-President,  Richard  M. 
Johnson  of  Kentucky,  had  been  chosen  four 
years  before  by  the  Senate,  and  he  now  ex 
pected  to  be  placed  on  the  ticket  for  reelec 
tion  with  Van  Buren,  but  there  was  such 
opposition  to  him  in  the  convention  that  it 
was  decided  to  again  leave  the  election  to 
the  Senate,  in  case  Van  Buren  was  chosen 
President  by  the  electoral  college.  The  Demo 
crats  put  forth  a  strong  declaration  of  princi 
ples,  pronouncing  against  a  United  States 
Bank,  a  high  protective  tariff,  and  paternalism 
in  general ;  while  the  Whigs  had  no  platform 
at  all. 

The  Log  Cabin  and  Hard  Cider  Campaign 

The  campaign  of  1840  was  the  most  re 
markable  in  the  experience  of  the  American 
people.  It  started  out  with  a  whoop  and  a 
hurrah,  and  so  continued,  gaining  in  enthu 
siasm,  to  the  time  of  the  election.  The  Whigs 
had  made  "  Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  too "  their 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF   1840  233 

battle-cry.  Their  meetings  were  vast  beyond 
comparison.  These  mass-meetings,  held  in  all 
parts  of  the  Union,  were  addressed  by  Webster, 
Clay,  Corwin,  and  a  multitude  of  lesser  lights. 
Harrison  himself  spoke  about  half  a  dozen 
times.  Men  would  take  their  wives,  sons,  and 
daughters  to  these  great  gatherings  and  re 
main  all  day  and  often  all  night.  At  first  it 
was  attempted  to  count  the  people  in  attend 
ance,  but  this  was  abandoned,  and  the  crowds 
were  measured  by  the  acre.  The  greatest  of 
these  meetings  was  held  at  Dayton,  Ohio, 
where  the  number  was  estimated  at  one  hun 
dred  thousand. 

A  Democratic  newspaper  in  Baltimore  made 
the  statement  that  Harrison  was  only  a  back 
woodsman,  and  would  be  more  in  his  element 
in  a  log  cabin  with  a  barrel  of  hard  cider 
than  in  the  White  House  at  Washington. 
The  Whigs  took  up  the  cry,  and  made  the 
log  cabin  and  the  barrel  of  cider  the  symbols 
of  the  campaign.  These  they  always  had  at 
their  meetings,  with  a  live  coon  chained  on 
top  of  the  cabin.  Horace  Greeley  started  a 
paper  in  New  York  which  he  called  The 


234     SIDE  LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Log  Cabin,  It  sprang  into  great  popularity 
with  a  single  bound,  reaching  an  enormous 
circulation  during  the  summer. 

Then  the  songs !  The  campaign  songs  of 
1840  were  the  most  notable  feature  of  the 
canvass.  They  were  written  for  the  occasion, 
printed  in  the  papers,  and  sung  at  the  meet 
ings,  rolling  forth  from  fifty  thousand  throats 
and  reverberating  from  hill  to  hill !  The 
poetic  merit  of  these  songs  is  not  of  a  high 
order,  and  none  of  them  has  lived  in  our 
literature.  Their  number  was  legion ;  we  sub- 
join  a  few  specimens. 

CAMPAIGN  SONGS  OF   1840.! 

Now  join  the  throng  and  swell  the  song, 
Extend  the  circle  wider; 
And  let  us  on  for  Harrison, 
Log  cabin  and  hard  cider. 

And  let  Calhoun  change  with  the  moon,2 
And  every  such  backslider ; 
We'll  go  as  one  for  Harrison  — 
Log  cabin  and  hard  cider. 

1  These  were  selected  from  Greeley's  Log  Cabin.     This  papef 
was  merged  into  the  Tribune  in  September,  1841. 

2  Calhoun,  who  had  been  acting  with  the  Whigs  several  years 
had  now  returned  to  the  Democratic  fold. 


THE   CAMPAIGN   OF    1840  235 

His  cabin's  fit  and  snug  and  neat, 
And  full  and  free  his  larder ; 
And  though  his  cider  may  be  hard, 
The  times  are  vastly  harder. 

This  one  refers  to  the  currency  :  — 

A  man  there  is  in  Washington 

Yclept  the  arch  magician  ; 

He  holds  the  post  of  president, 

The  people's  high  commission. 

He  pledged  himself  to  follow  sure, 

Although,  it  led  to  ruin, 

His  'lustrious  predecessor's  path. 

His  name  is  Mat  Van  Buren. 

Oh,  Van  Buren.  the  mighty  President  Van  Buren  ! 

That  monster  the  Sub  Treasury 

He  thrusts  upon  the  nation. 

Determined  on  his  reckless  course  ir/jTV, 

In  spite  of  lamentation. 

Two  currencies  we  now  shall  have 

To  add  to  our  disasters ; 

The  officers  will  have  the  gold, 

The  people  the  shinplasters. 

Oh,  Oh,  Van  Buren, 

You're  an  old  humbug,  Van  Buren. 

In  imitation  of  Moore  :  — 

There  is  not  in  this  wide  world  a  veteran  so  true 
As  he  in  the  West,  the  brave  Tippecanoe. 

Oh,  the  last  ray  of  feeling  and  life  shall  depart 

Ere  the  deeds  of  his  valor  shall  fade  from  my  heart. 


236     SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 
This  was  written  for  the  sailors  :  — 

See  yon  seaman  approach  with  his  face  full  of  ire, 

His  long  torn  well  loaded  and  ready  to  fire. 

Just  give  him  the  wink  and  he'll  soon  take  the  cue 

And  tip  up  his  glass  for  Old  Tippecanoe, 

And  swear  that  he1!!  join  with  the  rest  of  the  crew, 

To  haul  down  the  flag  of  Van  Buren 

And  run  up  Old  Tippecanoe. 

Here's   one   that   seems  to  aspire   to   poetic 
fancy :  — 

Away  in  the  West  the  fair  river  beside, 
That  waters  North  Bend  in  its  beauty  and  pride, 
And  shows  in  its  mirror  the  summer  sky  blue, 
Oh,  there  dwells  the  farmer  of  Tippecanoe. 

When  the  clear  eastern  sky  in  the  morning's  light  beams, 
And  the  hills  of  Ohio  grow  warm  in  its  gleams. 
When  the  fresh  springing  grass  is  bent  low  with  the  dew, 
With  his  plough  in  the  furrow  stands  Tippecanoe. 

Hurrah  for  the  farmer  of  Tippecanoe, 

The  honest  old  farmer  of  Tippecanoe. 

With  an  arm  that  is  strong  and  a  heart  that  is  true 

The  man  of  the  people  is  Tippecanoe. 

The   following  short  one  was  used  perhaps 
more  than  any  other :  — 

Farewell,  old  Van ; 
You're  a  used  up  man. 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF   1840  237 

To  guard  our  ship 
We'll  try  old  Tip, 
With  Tip  and  Tyler 
Well  burst  Van's  biler. 

Where  were  the  Democrats  all  this  time? 
They  were  limping  behind  and  doing  the  best 
they  could.  They  had  meetings,  too,  but  not 
so  large  as  those  of  the  Whigs.  They  appealed 
to  reason  and  argument;  but  the  people  re 
fused  to  argue  ;  they  would  not  reason ;  they 
preferred  to  sing  and  shout.  Old  General 
Jackson  came  forth  from  his  Hermitage  and 
attempted  to  stay  the  rushing  tide ;  but  noth 
ing  could  check  the  wild  enthusiasm  for 
Harrison.  The  Democrats  were  left  far  be 
hind.  When  the  election  came  Harrison  swept 
the  country,  carrying  two-thirds  of  the  south 
ern  States  and  every  northern  State  except 
New  Hampshire  and  Illinois. 

Last  Days  of  President  Harrison 

The  joy  of  the  Whigs  at  their  victory  was 
unbounded ;  and  they  little  dreamed  of  the 
disasters  that  awaited  them  in  the  near  future. 
The  winter  following  the  election  was  one 

•        •«   •V-I  •"•>      ?3luoJ;xi  * 


238      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

prolonged  jollification.  The  newly  elected 
President,  after  a  triumphal  progress  from 
his  western  home,  reached  Washington  in 
February,  on  the  sixty-eighth  anniversary  of 
his  birthday.1  He  found  the  city  swarming  with 
office-seekers.  He  was  courted  and  caressed 
from  all  sides,  and  little  time  was  left  him 
for  rest. 

Inauguration  day  was  dark  and  foreboding. 
The  new  President  rode  on  horseback  in  a 
two-hour  procession  through  the  streets  of  the 
city,  after  which  he  stood  for  another  hour 
exposed,  without  cloak  or  overcoat,  to  a  keen, 
chilling  wind  while  delivering  his  inaugural 
address.  When  night  came  he  was  very  much 
exhausted ;  but  he  seemed  to  recover  from  the 
effect  of  his  exposure,  and  the  new  adminis 
tration  was  launched  on  a  promising  voyage, 
with  Daniel  Webster  at  the  helm  as  secretary 
of  state. 

The  President  was  besieged  with  office- 
seekers,  who  gave  him  no  rest  day  nor  night. 
So  kindly  was  his  disposition  that  he  could 
turn  away  none  unheard.  He  rose  at  an  early 

1  Schouler,  Vol.  IV.  p.  359. 


THE  CAMPAIGN   OF    1846  2 39 

hour  in  the  morning,  and  took  a  long  walk 
before  breakfast,  after  which  he  was  busy 
with  his  new  duties  till  late  at  night.  But 
his  strength  was  failing,  and  one  morning  dur 
ing  his  walk  he  took  a  chill  which  speedily 
developed  into  pneumonia.  On  the  4th  of 
April,  half  an  hour  after  midnight,  Harrison 
was  dead,  his  last  words  being,  "  May  the 
principles  of  government  be  carried  out." 

The  exultant  joy  of  the  Whigs  was  now 
changed  to  mourning.  No  President  had  be 
fore  died  in  office,  and  they  had  not  taken 
such  a  possibility  into  account.  Tyler  would 
become  President,  it  is  true,  but  they  were 
not  sure  of  Tyler.  He  had  been  a  Democrat 
until  recent  years,  and  their  fears  that  he  was 
not  in  sympathy  with  the  party  that  elected 
him  were  soon  realized. 

The  whole  people,  regardless  of  party  fealty, 
mourned  the  departed  President.  The  funeral 
can  best  be  described  in  the  words  of  one  of 
our  leading  historians:  — 

"The  /th  of  April  was  the  day  of  the 
funeral.  The  north  portico  of  the  mansion 
was  hung  with  unaccustomed  black.  They 


240     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

who  had  hustled  in  its  walls  with  headlong 
zeal  a  few  days  before,  trod  gently  and  spoke 
in  whispers.  The  body,  in  its  leaden  casket, 
was  taken  from  the  East  Room,  where  it  had 
lain  in  state  on  a  bier  heaped  with  flowers ;  it 
was  placed  on  an  open  funeral  car,  which 
stood  at  the  north  portico,  covered  with  black 
velvet  and  drawn  by  six  white  horses,  each 
with  its  colored  groom.  A  wailing  of  trum 
pets  arose,  inexpressibly  mournful,  and  a  beat 
ing  of  muffled  drums,  as  the  military  escort 
began  its  march  down  the  avenue  with  arms 
reversed.  The  sky  was  overcast,  and  only  a 
stray  sunbeam  from  the  clouds  would  shine 
upon  the  sable  car  with  its  nodding  plumes, 
as  the  procession  moved  eastward  in  slow 
array."  1 

The  body  of  the  dead  President  was  finally 
carried  to  his  western  home,  where  it  was 
laid  to  rest  in  a  beautiful  spot  among  the 
trees,  on  the  banks  of  the  Ohio  River.  4  j:r 

1  Schouler,  Vol.  IV.  p.  365. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

DISCOVERY  OF  GOLD  IN  CALIFORNIA 

THE  event  that  furnishes  the  subject  of  this 
chapter  was  but  one  of  a  train  of  events  that 
rendered  the  middle  years  of  the  nineteenth 
century  memorable  in  the  history  of  America. 
The  discovery  of  the  precious  metal  on  the 
Pacific  slope  was  in  itself  a  great  event,  and 
it  became  the  chief  factor  in  determining  the 
early  social  conditions  of  the  Great  West,  and 
in  peopling  that  region  with  a  rapidity  unpar 
alleled  in  the  history  of  colonization.  But  this 
discovery  did  more ;  it  became  a  powerful 
weight  in  the  political  balance  in  which  was 
suspended  the  destiny  of  the  American  people. 

At  this  time  there  was. but  one  great  political 
issue  before  the  American  public  —  the  one 
that  had  disturbed  the  harmony  between  the 
North  and  the  South  for  many  years  —  the 
slavery  question.  The  South  was  anxious 
R  241 


242      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

about  the  welfare  of  her  peculiar  institution, 
and  as  a  safeguard  against  unfavorable  legis 
lation  had  managed,  from  early  in  the  century, 
to  admit  the  new  States  in  pairs,  one  in  the 
North  and  one  in  the  South,  so  as  to  preserve 
the  balance  of  power  in  the  United  States 
Senate. 

The  South  began  to  view  with  alarm  the 
exhaustion  of  her  territory,  while  that  of  the 
North  seemed  inexhaustible.  The  Louisiana 
Purchase  was  wedge-shaped,  the  larger  end 
being  north  of  thirty-six-thirty,  and  the  South 
had  used  up  her  smaller  end,  beginning  with 
the  admission  of  Louisiana  in  1812,  and  ending 
with  the  admission  of  Arkansas  in  1836.  No 
more  territory  remained  to  the  South,  except 
Florida  and  the  Indian  Territory  until  the  ad 
mission  of  Texas ;  and  these  were  no  match  in 
extent  to  the  vast  region  of  the  Northwest 
after  the  settlement  of  the  Oregon  boundary. 
Hence  came  the  Mexican  War. 

The  Mexican  War  was  ostensibly  waged  on 
account  of  Texas ;  but  there  was  a  deeper 
cause.  It  was  the  South  that  furnished  the 
majority  of  the  soldiers ;  it  was  the  spirit  of  the 


DISCOVERY  OF  GOLD   IN  CALIFORNIA      243 

South  that  pushed  the  war  to  a  finish,  resulting 
in  the  dismemberment  of  Mexico,  and  the  add 
ing  to  our  public  domain  the  boundless  wilder 
ness  of  the  Southwest.  The  object  was  to 
carve  the  California  country  into  slave  States, 
and  thus  balance  the  future  free  States  of  the 
North.  Thus  we  see  the  great  political  signifi 
cance  of  California. 

The  treaty  of  Gaudaloupe  Hidalgo,  con 
cluded  February  2,  1848,  resulted,  as  every  one 
foresaw,  in  the  cession  by  Mexico  to  the  United 
States  of  the  unsettled  wilderness  in  the  South 
west.  The  Mexicans  did  not  dream  perhaps 
of  the  fabulous  wealth  that  lay  hidden,  so  near 
the  surface  throughout  a  large  portion  of  the 
ceded  territory  ;  and  even  if  they  had,  the  con 
ditions  would  not  have  been  changed,*for  their 
country  lay  helpless  at  the  feet  of  the  con 
querors  from  the  North. 

Suttees  Sawmill 

California  was  a  wild  country  in  1848.  The 
inhabitants,  who  numbered  but  a  few  thousand, 
were  a  strange  mixture  of  Yankees  from  the 
East,  Mormons,  Mexicans  and  wild  Indians 


244     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

with  a  sprinkling  of  Hawaiians,  negroes, 
and  Europeans.  They  lived  for  the  most  part 
in  rude  log  huts  or  adobe  houses,  scattered 
through  the  wilderness  near  the  cattle  ranches 
or  missions,  or  clustered  here  and  there  into 
groups  that  promised  to  grow  into  towns  and 
cities  whenever  civilization  should  penetrate 
into  that  remote  region. 

Northeast  from  the  rude  village  of  San 
Francisco  lay  the  beautiful  valley  of  the  Sacra 
mento  River.  The  most  important  personage 
in  this  valley  was  the  enterprising  Swiss,  John 
A.  Sutter.  He  had  come  into  that  country 
nine  years  before,  possessed  himself  of  some 
thousands  of  acres  of  land,  and  on  the  .north 
bank  of  the  American  River,  near  its  junction 
with  the*  Sacramento,  had  built  a  fort,  known 
far  and  near  as  Slitter's  Fort,  and  this  became 
the  radiating  point  of  all  the  settlements  in  the 
Sacramento  Valley.1 

Sutter  had  several  hundred  men  in  his  em 
ploy  ;  he  owned  twelve  thousand  cattle,  fifteen 
thousand  sheep,  and  other  property  in  like  pro 
portion.  He  was  truly  a  prince  in  the  western 

!H.  H.  Bancroft's  Works,  Vol.  23,  p.  12. 


DISCOVERY  OF   GOLD   IN   CALIFORNIA      245 

wilds,  and  was  monarch  of  all  he  surveyed.  In 
the  employ  of  Sutter  was  a  man  named  James 
W.  Marshall,  a  carpenter  from  New  Jersey. 
Sutter  decided  to  build  a  sawmill,  chose  Mar 
shall  to  manage  its  construction,  and  made  him 
a  partner  in  its  ownership.  Owing  to  its  prox 
imity  to  the  best  timber  land,  a  site  was  chosen 
on  the  south  fork  of  the  American  River,  about 
forty  miles  eastward  from  Sutler's  Fort,  and 
near  the  base  of  the  Sierra  Nevada  Mountains. 
The  place  was  called  Coloma. 

Here  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  1848  Mar 
shall,  with  a  few  Mormons  and  Indians,  was 
engaged  in  building  the  sawmill  when  he  made 
the  discovery  that  was  destined  to  move  the 
world.  They  had  been  digging  a  mill-race,  and 
to  wash  out  the  loose  earth  a  current  of  water 
was  occasionally  turned  into  it.  On  the  after 
noon  of  the  24th  of  January  as  Marshall  was 
walking  leisurely  along  the  newly  washed  out 
mill-race,  he  noticed  in  the  sand  numerous 
yellow  glittering  particles  that  proved  to  be 
gold! 

Marshall,  a  few  days  later,  after  convincing 
himself  of  the  nature  of  his  find,  mounted  a 


246     SIDE    LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

horse  and  hastened  to  Slitter's  Fort.  Finding 
Mr.  Sutter  alone,  he  exhibited  his  nuggets,  and 
the  two  men,  applying  every  test  within  their 
reach,  were  fully  convinced  that  the  shining 
metal  was  gold.  They  then  decided  not  to 
reveal  the  secret  at  that  time ;  but  such  secrets 
are  hard  to  keep.  In  a  very  few  weeks  all  the 
settlers  in  the  valley  had  heard  of  Marshall's 
discovery,  but  the  majority  were  slow  to  believe 
that  anything  would  come  of  it.1 

More  than  three  months  passed  before  the 
people  throughout  California  were  fully  con 
vinced  that  a  great  discovery  had  been  made. 
But  when,  early  in  May,  some  of  the  miners 
came  to  San  Francisco  laden  with  bottles,  tin 
cans,  and  buckskin  bags  filled  with  the  precious 
metal  —  when  one  Samuel  Brannan,  holding  up 
a  bottle  of  the  dust  in  one  hand,  and  swinging 

1  It  is  not  true,  as  many  believe,  that  a  furor  of  excitement 
was  created  at  the  first  news  of  the  discovery.  The  fact  is,  most 
of  the  people  beyond  Butter's  community  dismissed  the  subject 
from  their  minds  as  of  little  importance,  many  refusing  to  be 
lieve  the  report.  The  two  San  Francisco  weekly  newspapers 
scarcely  mentioned  the  subject  during  the  winter.  Men  wish 
ing  to  visit  the  alleged  gold-fields,  would  pretend  they  had  other 
business  in  that  part  of  the  country. 


DISCOVERY   OF   GOLD   IN   CALIFORNIA      247 

his  hat  in  the  other,  passed  through  the  streets 
shouting,  "  Gold !  gold !  gold  from  the  Ameri 
can  River!  "  —  they  could  doubt  no  longer. 

The  conversion  of  San  Francisco  was  com 
plete.  The  people  were  now  ready  to  believe 
every  report  from  the  mines,  however  exagger 
ated  ;  and  immediately  the  rush  began.  Many 
sold  all  their  possessions  and  hastened  to  the 
gold-fields.  All  other  business  came  to  a  stand 
still.  The  two  newspapers  suspended  publica 
tion  for  want  of  workmen.  By  the  middle  of 
May  three-fourths  of  the  male  population  of 
the  town  had  gone  to  the  mines.  The  prices 
of  shovels,  pickaxes,  blankets,  and  the  like  rose 
in  a  few  days  to  six  times  their  former  value. 
The  town  council  abandoned  its  sittings ;  the 
little  church  on  the  plaza  was  closed ;  farms 
were  left  tenantless,  and  waving  fields  of  grain 
let  run  to  waste.  The  judge  abandoned  the 
bench,  and  the  doctor  his  patients.1  The  ex 
citement  spread  down  the  coast  to  Monterey, 
to  Santa  Barbara,  to  Los  Angeles,  and  to  San 
Diego,  and  the  result  was  the  same.  The 
people  were  seized  with  a  delirium,  and  the  one 

1  H.  H.  Bancroft,  Vol.  23,  p.  62. 


248     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

universal  cry  along  the  coast,  from  the  seashore 
to  the  mountains,  was  gold  !  gold  ! 

The  "Forty-Niners  " 

As  the  telegraph  and  the  railway  had  not  yet 
penetrated  the  western  wilderness,  the  news  of 
the  wonderful  discovery  was  slow  to  reach  the 
East.  It  was  estimated  that  by  midsummer 
four  thousand  men  were  scattered  through  the 
Sacramento  Valley  searching  for  the  golden 
treasure,  and  this  number  was  considerably 
augmented  before  the  end  of  the  year;  but  it 
was  not  until  the  next  year  that  the  emigrants 
from  abroad  began  to  arrive.  Then  they  came 
in  crowds.  Before  the  close  of  the  year  1849, 
seventy-five  thousand  had  reached  the  golden 
shores  to  seek  for  the  hidden  wealth.  These 
were  called  "Forty-Niners";  and  this  name 
was  also  applied  to  others  who  came  later. 

The  sea  was  dotted  with  ships  from  every 
clime  headed  for  the  Pacific  coast.  Great  cara 
vans  wound  their  way  across  the  western  plains 
toward  the  setting  sun.  Men  from  every 
corner  of  the  Union,  men  of  every  religion, 
every  nationality,  as  if  led  by  an  unseen  siren, 


DISCOVERY  OF  GOLD   IN  CALIFORNIA      249 

hastened  to  join  the  moving  trains  to  the  land 
of  gold. 

But,  lo  !  a  terrible  visitor  came  that  year  —  a 
visitor  that  stalks  from  land  to  land,  and  leaves 
desolation  frightful  and  irreparable  in  his  trail. 
It  was  the  cholera !  The  cholera  seized  these 
west-bound  trains,  and  many  a  weary  traveller 
never  reached  his  Eldorado,  but  found  a  name 
less  grave  far  from  friends  and  home,  upon  the 
vast  and  trackless  regions  West!  Other  foes 
there  were  — famine  and  exposure,  the  snows  of 
the  Sierras,  the  wild  beast,  and  the  wild  Indian. 
Against  these  the  hardy  pilgrim  could,  in  some 
measure,  -fortify  himself;  but  that  dreadful 
enemy,  the  cholera,  found  him  unarmed  —  and 
thousands  yielded  to  its  deadly  embrace. 

A  long  and  wearisome  journey  it  was,  but 
a  great  number  braved  its  perils.  Sometimes 
the  line  of  wagons  was  unbroken  for  miles, 
and  at  night  the  gleaming  camp-fires  looked 
like  the  lights  of  a  distant  city.1  Some  took 
their  families  with  them ;  but  the  great  ma 
jority  were  unmarried,  or  left  their  families  in 
the  East,  intending  to  return.  It  was  near 
1  H.  H.  Bancroft,  Vol.  23,  p.  146. 


250     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

midsummer  when  this  stream  of  humanity  be 
gan  to  pour  into  the  Sacramento  Valley  — 
some  to  realize  the  dream  of  fortune  that 
had  lured  them  from  their  homes ;  but  more 
to  be  disappointed,  to  return  broken  in  spirit 
and  in  health,  or  to  find  an  unknown  grave 
in  the  wilderness. 

Not  only  from  beyond  the  mountains,  but 
also  from  the  sea,  the  treasure  seekers  were 
pouring  into  the  land  of  promise.  They  came 
from  every  corner  of  the  globe  —  from  the 
far-off  Orient,  from  the  frozen  North,  and 
from  the  sunny  South.  The  news  of  the 
golden  discovery  had  been  published  in  all 
the  leading  newspapers  throughout  the  world, 
and  the  excitement  created  in  foreign  coun 
tries  was  scarcely  less  than  in  our  own  coun 
try.  Ships  were  diverted  from  the  channels 
of  commerce  and  headed  for  California,  where 
they  began  to  arrive  in  the  early  spring  of 
1 849 ;  and  during  that  year  and  the  next 
hundreds  of  vessels  were  left  helpless  at  San 
Francisco,  their  crews  having  caught  the  gold 
fever  and  deserted  them.1 

1  W.  T.  Sherman's  Memoirs,  Vol.  I.  p.  96. 


DISCOVERY  OF  GOLD   IN   CALIFORNIA      251 

The  voyage  around  Cape  Horn  was  long 
and  perilous,  and  many  a  weary  voyager  wept 
for  joy  on  coming  in  sight  of  the  Golden 
Gate.  But  a  large  number  went  by  way  of 
Panama ;  and,  owing  to  the  false  promises  of 
the  fraudulent  agents  of  whom  they  had  pur 
chased  their  tickets,  and  to  the  inability  of 
the  vessels  to  return  from  San  Francisco  for 
want  of  crews,  thousands  were  forced  to  re 
main  for  weeks  and  even  months  on  the 
isthmus,  where  the  deadly  climate  and  the 
cholera  swept  many  into  the  grave. 

A   View  of  the  Miners  and  the  Mines 

Within  three  years  after  the  first  discov 
ery  by  Marshall  it  was  estimated  that  one 
hundred  thousand  men  were  at  work  in  the 
California  gold  mines.  This  number  was  in 
creased  but  little  in  the  years  following,  as 
the  new  arrivals  scarcely  exceeded  in  number 
the  losses  by  death  and  the  numbers  leaving 
for  their  homes. 

Coloma,  the  site  of  the  original  discovery, 
was  for  a  time  the  centre  of  all  mining  opera 
tions  ;  but,  as  the  crowds  came  in,  the  field 


252      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

was  widened  until  it  covered  most  of  the  Sac 
ramento  Valley  and  the  western  slope  of  the 
Sierra  Nevada  Mountains ;  it  was  later  ex 
tended  southward  through  the  San  Joaquin 
Valley.  The  mines  in  various  places  were 
exceedingly  rich  in  gold  deposits,  as  much  as 
ten  thousand  dollars'  worth  of  the  metal  being 
frequently  taken  from  a  claim  ten  feet  square. 
Gold  was  found  in  grains,  pellets,  scales,  and 
in  seams  through  quartz.  Nuggets  weighing 
a  pound  or  more  were  frequently  found.  The 
largest  nugget  ever  found  in  the  California 
mines  was  unearthed  by  five  poor  men  in 
November,  1854.  It  weighed  one  hundred 
and  sixty-one  pounds,  was  about  seven-eighths 
pure,  and  yielded  thirty-five  thousand  dollars. 

The  yield  of  gold  throughout  California 
reached  the  sum  of  sixty-five  million  dollars 
in  one  year  (1853);  and  the  entire  output  in 
the  first  eight  years  was  about  five  hundred 
million  dollars. 

Such  figures  would  seem  to  indicate  that 
every  miner  must  have  made  a  fortune ;  but 
this  is  far  from  the  truth.  Some,  it  is  true, 
were  wise  enough,  after  a  rich  find,  to  aban- 


DISCOVERY  OF  GOLD   IN  CALIFORNIA      253 

don  the  field  before  spending  or  wasting  what 
they  had  gained ;  others,  honest,  well-meaning 
men  who  had  left  families  in  the  East,  worked 
steadily  with  fair  returns,  until  they  had  laid 
by  a  competence,  after  which  they  returned 
to  their  homes.  But  the  majority  of  the 
miners  were  as  poor  after  several  years'  toil 
as  when  they  began. 

Some  of  these  were  of  the  unlucky,  ne'er- 
do-well  sort  who  fail  at  everything  they  at 
tempt  ; 1  but  a  greater  number  were  of  the 

1  Among  these  may  be  named  Marshall,  the  original  discov 
erer.  He  lacked  the  ability  to  compete  with  other  miners. 
In  religion  he  was  a  spiritualist,  and  he  flitted  here  and  there 
among  the  mines  searching  for  some  rich  treasure  in  obedi 
ence  to  his  supposed  supernatural  guides.  Ill  luck  followed 
him  constantly,  and  he  became  petulant,  morbid,  and  misan 
thropic.  He  died  in  poverty  and  obscurity,  alone  in  his 
cabin,  in  1885.  Two  years  later  the  California  legislature  ap 
propriated  five  thousand  dollars  for  the  erection  of  a  monument 
to  the  memory  of  Marshall.  The  monument  was  erected  on 
a  hill  near  the  place  of  the  first  discovery  of  gold.  On  the 
monument  stands  the  figure  of  a  man  with  outstretched  hand, 
the  finger  pointing  to  the  exact  spot  where  Marshall  picked  up 
the  first  shining  nugget  of  gold. 

Sutter  was  also  among  the  unsuccessful.  The  discovery  of 
gold  proved  his  ruin.  It  led  to  the  destruction  of  his  land  and 
cattle,  and  scattered  his  laborers  far  and  wide.  His  vast  pos 
sessions  soon  dwindled  to  nothing,  and  for  sustenance  he 


254     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

profligate  class,  who,  at  the  end  of  each  week, 
would  hie  to  the  drinking  and  gambling  dens, 
and  there  carouse  till  the  week's  earnings 
were  gone.  And  even  the  honest  man  was 
often  lured  to  his  ruin  by  these  glittering 
dens. 

The  gambling  shark  was  early  on  the 
ground.  He  came  not  to  work,  but  to  lie  in 
wait  for  the  sturdy  miner  returning  to  camp 
with  the  fruit  of  his  toil ;  and  too  often  the 
silly  fly  allowed  himself  to  be  entrapped  in 
the  spider's  web.  One  man,  after  some  weeks 
of  fruitless  search,  found  a  pocket  of  gold  in 
a  river  bank  from  which  he  gathered  several 
thousand  dollars'  worth  in  a  few  hours.  But 
prosperity  was  too  much  for  him ;  the  gam 
blers  had  him  in  their  power  before  night, 
and  by  midnight  he  was  drunk  and  penniless. 

The  dress  of  the  miner  consisted  of  a  coarse 
woollen  or  checked  shirt,  loose  trousers  tucked 
into  high,  wrinkled  boots,  a  broad-brimmed 
slouch  hat,  and  a  belt  round  the  waist,  from 

accepted  donations  from  the  State.  He  lacked  the  ability  to 
profit  by  the  vast  opportunities  that  had  been  thrown  in  his 
way.  —  BANCROFT,  Vol.  23,  p.  103. 


DISCOVERY  OF  GOLD   IN  CALIFORNIA      255 

which  bristled  his  knife  and  pistols.  The 
average  miner  was  honest,  faithful  to  a  friend, 
quick  to  resent  an  injury,  but  forgiving,  and 
generous  to  a  fault.  He  cultivated  an  air  of 
reckless  daring,  and  looked  with  contempt  on 
all  things  effeminate.  When  too  far  from 
camp  to  reach  it  at  night,  he  slept  in  the 
open  air  on  a  bed  of  leaves  or  wrapped  in  his 
blanket.  He  lived  so  near  to  Nature's  heart 
that  in  a  few  years,  if  he  remained,  he  lost 
his  hold  on  the  refinements  of  civilization,  and 
became  almost  as  much  a  child  of  the  forest 
as  was  the  untamed  Indian.  The  long  hair 
falling  over  his  shoulders  and  the  untrimmed 
beard  gave  him  a  wild  and  shaggy  appear 
ance,  but  the  twinkle  of  good  humor  in  his 
eye  soon  dispelled  any  fears  that  his  appear 
ance  might  awaken  in  the  timid. 

Camp-life  among  the  miners  had  its  joys 
as  well  as  its  hardships.  There  was  an  air 
of  social  freedom  unknown  in  the  other  set 
tlements.  Democracy  reigned  supreme,  and 
social  caste  was  nowhere  tolerated.  A  man 
might  vie  with  his  neighbor  in  hunting  gold, 
or  in  feats  of  strength;  but  if  he  attempted 


256     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN  HISTORY 

to  outdo  him  in  dress,  personal  appearance, 
or  refinement  of  manner,  he  was  instantly 
marked  as  an  object  of  ridicule. 

Family  life  among  the  miners  there  was  al 
most  none.  Here  and  there  was  a  man  whose 
wife  had  accompanied  him  and  shared  his 
wild  life  in  the  wilderness,  but  the  vast  major 
ity  were  unmarried,  or  had  broken  home  ties, 
and  left  their  families  in -the  East. 

Many  of  the  camps  were  entirely  without 
women,  and  here  was  illustrated  most  vividly 
how  Nature  has  made  the  sexes  each  indis 
pensable  to  the  other.  These  horny-handed 
pioneers  would  often  walk  ten  miles  and  more 
simply  to  see  a  woman,  without  expecting  to 
form  her  acquaintance.  It  often  happened 
in  the  towns,  that  a  miner,  meeting  a  little 
girl  in  the  street,  would  catch  her  up  in  his 
arms,  shower  her  face  with  kisses,  and  release 
her  only  after  dropping  an  ounce  or  more  of 
gold  dust  into  her  hand.  Wild  life  in  the 
forest  seemed  to  increase  rather  than  dimin 
ish  in  these  men's  hearts  the  feeling  of  ten 
derness  toward  women  and  children.  The 
dearth  of  women  on  the  Pacific  coast  was 


DISCOVERY  OF  GOLD   IN   CALIFORNIA      257 

felt  for  several  years,  and  it  left  a  lasting  im 
pression  on  the  community.  For  many  years 
afterward  it  was  difficult  to  find  a  jury  in 
all  California  that  would  convict  a  woman  for 
any  crime. 

During  the  first  few  years  following  the 
gold  discovery,  great  numbers  of  people  came 
to  California,  not  with  the  intention  of  return 
ing,  but  to  make  the  Gqlden  State  their  homes. 
Towns  sprang  up  in  many  places;  law  and 
order  gradually  took  the  place  of  rowdyism 
and  disorder.  The  time  was  at  hand  for  Cali 
fornia  to  enter  the  glorious  galaxy  of  States 
in  which  she  was  destined  to  become  one  of 
the  brightest  stars. 

E b  rjjsl  1*^0  r f i  3/;ii  1  • :  ijg?$  >:  -*-*  v?.-u&3  & ; koqq o  \n  y/ 
California  in  National  Politics 

A  presidential  election  following  close  upon 
the  Mexican  War,  one  of  the  successful  gene 
rals,  Zachary  Taylor,  the  hero  of  Buena  Vista, 
was  chosen  to  the  high  office.  General  Win- 
field  Scott  had  won  victories  equal  to  those  of 
Taylor,  but  he  did  not  receive  equal  honor  to 
that  accorded  Taylor;  and  the  reason  was 
that  his  laurels  were  won  at  a  later  period, 


2$8      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

when  the  American  people  had,  in  some  meas 
ure,  lost  their  interest  in  the  struggle. 

A  great  movement  usually  wins  in  popu 
larity  as  it  shows  its  ability  to  succeed,  but 
the  opposite  was  true  in  the  case  of  the  Mexi 
can  War,  notwithstanding  the  unbroken  suc 
cess  of  the  Americans.  The  reason  for  this 
change  of  sentiments  was,  first,  the  people 
began  to  feel  a  little  ashamed  of  dealing  so 
harshly  with  a  weak  sister  republic ;  and, 
second,  the  enthusiasm  in  the  North  was  les 
sened  by  the  fear  that  the  lands  about  to  be 
acquired  from  Mexico  would  become  slave 
territory,  while  the  people  of  the  South  expe 
rienced  a  similar  change  of  heart  from  the 
very  opposite  cause  —  a  fear  that  those  lands 
would  not  become  slave  territory. 

During  the  brief  presidential  term  of  Zachary 
Taylor,  the  North  and  the  South  were  at  vari 
ance  on  this  great  question.  The  strife  was 
deep-seated,  and  the  peace  of  the  Union  was 
seriously  threatened,  when  suddenly  a  new 
and  unforeseen  element  entered  into  the  con 
test.  This  new  element  was  furnished  by  the 
application  of  California  for  statehood.  Call- 


DISCOVERY  OF  GOLD   IN   CALIFORNIA 

fornia  had  been  settled  far  more  rapidly  than 
any  other  portion  of  our  country,  and  before 
the  close  of  the  year  1849  a  convention  met 
at  Monterey,  framed  a  State  constitution,  and 
made  application  for  admission  into  the  Union. 
This  constitution  expressly  forbade  slavery 
within  the  State.  The  miners  were,  with  few 
exceptions,  men  who  did  not  own  slaves, 
though  many  had  come  from  the  South.  The 
slaveholders  had,  as  a  rule,  found  it  inexpe 
dient  to  leave  their  homes,  and  go  to  the  dis 
tant  mines,  and  impossible  to  remove  thither 
with  their  slaves  and  be  successful.  It  was, 
therefore,  the  non-slaveholding  class  that  made 
up  the  population  of  the  Pacific  coast,  and, 
when  the  constitution  was  framed,  the  vote 
was  unanimous  to  exclude  slavery  forever 
from  the  bounds  of  the  new  State. 

This  was  a  severe  blow  to  the  South.  Cali 
fornia  was  the  garden  of  the  Pacific  slope,  the 
very  best  portion  of  the  newly  acquired  terri 
tory,  and  to  see  their  darling  institution  forever 
prohibited  from  it  was  more  than  the  slave 
holders  could  bear.  Moreover,  if  California 
became  a  free  State,  the  balance  in  the  Senate 


260     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

would  be  broken,  and  the  preponderance  of 
political  power  would  henceforth  rest  with  the 
North.  The  South,  therefore,  sternly  resisted 
the  admission  of  the  new  State  in  that  form, 
and  demanded  that  it  be  divided  in  the  middle 
and  the  southern  half  made  a  slave  State. 

A  convention  of  leading  southern  statesmen 
met  at  Nashville,  Tennessee,  and  declared  that 
any  State  had  a  right  to  secede  from  the 
Union.  The  whole  South  was  threatening  to 
break  up  the  Union  if  the  North  did  not  yield. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  affairs  when  that 
memorable  year,  1850,  was  ushered  in — memo 
rable  not  so  much  for  the  death  of  the  Presi 
dent  and  of  the  great  Calhoun,  as  for  the 
excessive  commotion  of  the  people  and  for 
the  extraordinary  working  of  Congress.  Cali 
fornia  was  knocking  loudly  for  admission ;  the 
South  was  hostile  and  threatening  to  destroy 
the  Union,  while  the  people  of  the  North  were 
in  equal  turmoil  —  about  half  preferring  to  yield 
for  the  sake  of  peace,  the  other  half  declaring 
frantically  that  slavery  should  encroach  no  far 
ther  on  free  soil. 

While  this   unrest   of   the  people  was  at  its 


DISCOVERY  OF  GOLD   IN   CALIFORNIA      261 

height,  the  Thirty-First  Congress  met.  The 
United  States  Senate  was  the  ablest  that  ever 
met  in  the  nation's  capital.  There  we  find 
for  the  last  time  the  great  triumvirate,  Clay, 
Webster,  and  Calhoun,  and  these  were  ably 
seconded  by  William  H.  Seward,  Stephen  A. 
Douglas.  Jefferson  Davis,  Thomas  H.  Benton, 
Salmon  P.  Chase,  and  many  lesser  lights. 

Early  in  the  session  Clay,  the  great  com 
promiser,  came  forward  with  his  last  and 
greatest  compromise,  known  in  history  as  the 
Omnibus  Bill,  or  the  Compromise  Measures 
of  1850.  This  bill  consisted  of  five  meas 
ures,  one  of  which  was  the  admission  of  Cali 
fornia  as  a  free  State.  It  was  debated  for 
several  months,  torn  to  pieces,  and  finally 
passed  piecemeal.  Clay  announced  that  on  a 
certain  day  in  February  he  would  speak  on 
the  bill,  and  thousands  of  his  admirers  came  to 
Washington  from  various  sections  of  the  Union 
to  hear  this  last  and  greatest  speech  of  his 
life.  Three  historic  speeches  by  Calhoun,  Web 
ster,  and  Seward  followed  in  March.  Thus  the 
battle  of  the  giants  continued  during  the  spring 
and  summer ;  but  before  any  of  the  measures 


262      SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

of  this  famous  bill  became  law,  the  country 
was  shocked  by  the  death  of  President  Taylor, 
which  occurred  on  the  Qth  of  July,  1850.  Tay 
lor  was  a  southern  man  and  a  slaveholder,  but 
his  patriotism  rose  high  above  his  partisanship ; 
his  feelings  were  national  and  not  sectional. 
After  the  brief  interruption  occasioned  by  the 
obsequies  of  the  dead  President  and  by  the  in 
stallation  of  his  successor,  Millard  Fillmore  of 
New  York,  the  discussion  of  the  great  meas 
ures  was  resumed,  and  early  in  September  the 
one  with  which  we  are  dealing  in  this  chapter, 
the  admission  of  California  as  a  free  State, 
became  a  law.  Thus  the  political  balance  in 
the  United  States  Senate  was  broken,  never 
to  be  restored.  The  South  had  long  been  in 
the  minority  in  the  Lower  House,  and  now  the 
loss  of  equal  power  in  the  Senate  produced 
the  general  belief  throughout  that  section  that, 
as  regards  National  legislation,  the  institution 
of  slavery  would  henceforth  be  at  the  mercy  of 
the  North. 


CHAPTER  XIV 
THE  UNDERGROUND  RAILROAD 

THE  expression  "  Underground  Railroad " 
was  used  to  designate  the  system  of  giving 
aid  to  slaves  escaping  from  their  masters. 
The  historic  interest  in  the  subject  rests,  not 
so  much  on  what  was  done  by  its  operation, 
as  on  the  index  it  furnishes  to  popular  feel 
ing  at  the  North  on  the  slavery  question. 
Under  this  heading  we  shall  also  notice  the 
famous  Fugitive  Slave  Law  and  its  working. 

It  is  difficult  for  us  to  realize  in  this  genera 
tion  how  great  was  the  agitation  of  the  peo 
ple  throughout  the  country  on  the  slavery 
question,  during  the  decade  immediately  pre 
ceding  the  Civil  War.  The  abolition  senti 
ment  at  the  North,  led  by  Benjamin  Lundy, 
William  Lloyd  Garrison,  E.  P.  Lovejoy,  Joshua 
R.  Giddings,  and  others,  had  begun  to  make 
itself  felt  away  back  in  the  thirties.  The 
263 


264     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Liberty  party  made  its  appearance  in  national 
politics  in  1840.  It  cast  but  seven  thousand 
votes  that  year,  but  four  years  later  its  vote 
exceeded  sixty  thousand ;  and  while  the  party, 
as  such,  never  played  a  great  part  in  the 
Nation's  affairs,  its  steady  growth  and  the  prin 
ciples  it  infused  in  the  greater  political  organ 
izations  showed  plainly  the  direction  in  which 
the  political  wind  was  blowing.  The  South 
became  alarmed  at  the  spread  of  abolition 
feeling  at  the  North.  Calhoun,  the  great 
champion  of  the  slave  power,  foresaw  the 
threatened  dangers,  and  he  solemnly  called 
upon  the  North  to  suppress  the  spreading  evil, 
predicting  the  gravest  consequences  if  this  was 
not  done.  But,  with  all  his  prophetic  vision, 
the  great  slavery  champion  made  one  serious 
miscalculation.  He  was  right  when  he  said 
that  if  the  moral  consciousness  of  a  majority 
of  the  people  opposed  slavery,  slavery  must 
fall ;  but  he  was  wrong  in  believing  that  human 
legislation  can  govern  the  conscience  of  the 
people. 

As  stated  in  the  last  chapter  the  admission 
of    California    as   a   free    State    offended    the 


THE  UNDERGROUND   RAILROAD  265 

South ;  but  there  was  another  measure  in  that 
famous  mid-century  legislation  that  met  with 
still  greater  opposition,  and  became  a  more 
potent  factor  in  bringing  about  a  final  crisis 
that  followed  ten  years  later.  This  time  it  was 
the  North  that  was  offended,  and  the  law  that 
caused  the  offence  is  known  as 

The  Fugitive  Slave  Law. 

The  first  Fugitive  Slave  Law  was  passed  in 
1793.  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
had,  in  Article  IV.,  Section  II.,  provided  for 
the  delivering  up  of  persons  bound  to  service, 
escaping  from  one  State  into  another.  The  law 
of  1793  was  therefore  constitutional,  and  it 
remained  in  force  and  unchanged  for  more 
than  half  a  century,  when  it  was  supplanted 
by  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  of  1850.  This  law 
of  1850  was,  to  say  the  least,  a  vicious  meas 
ure  ;  the  old  law,  hard  as  it  was  upon  the 
black  man,  was  now  changed  for  the  worse. 
The  South  as  a  whole  cannot  be  said  to  have 
been  responsible  for  this  inhuman  law.  It  was 
forced  upon  the  country  by  a  class  of  slave 
holders  who  were  exasperated  at  the  loss  of 


266     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN    HISTORY 

California,  and  who  now  demanded,  as  a  par 
tial  compensation,  that  the  Fugitive  Slave 
Law  be  enacted  and  accepted  by  the  North. 
It  was  supported  also  by  many  of  the  milder 
type  of  southern  men,  such  as  Henry  Clay, 
and  by  some  from  the  North,  not  because 
they  believed  it  a  good  thing  in  itself,  but 
because  they  believed  it  necessary  to  yield 
thus  far  to  the  demands  of  the  South  for  the 
sake  of  peace  between  the  two  great  sections 
of  the  country. 

President  Millard  Fillmore,  on  September  18, 
1850,  signed  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  and  by 
this  act,  more  than  by  any  other,  he  is  remem 
bered  in  American  history.  By  this  act  he 
covered  his  name  with  dishonor,  and  no  sub 
sequent  show  of  patriotism  could  efface  it. 
The  storm  of  protest  that  came  from  his  own 
section  was  fierce  and  uncontrollable,  and  the 
name  of  Fillmore  was  inseparably  linked  with 
the  offensive  law.  In  signing  that  bill,  it  has 
been  said,  the  President  signed  his  own  death- 
warrant  as  a  national  statesman ;  and  yet  it 
is  difficult  to  see  how  he  could  have  avoided 
doing  what  he  did,  without  bringing  on  the 


THE  UNDERGROUND   RAILROAD  267 

country  a  greater  disaster,  for  the  temper  of 
the  South  was  such  that  a  rejection  of  the 
law  would  no  doubt  have  resulted  in  the  imme 
diate  secession  of  some  or  all  of  the  slave 
States.  And  secession  at  that  time  would  cer 
tainly  have  resulted  in  a  dissolution  of  the 
Union,  as  there  was  then  no  great  political 
party  pledged  to  the  maintenance  of  its 
integrity. 

The  Fugitive  Slave  Law  was  inhuman  and 
unjust.  This  we  say  in  all  candor  and  without 
partisan  bias ;  and  there  is  every  reason  to 
believe  that  any  intelligent  American  citizen 
of  to-day,  whether  from  the  North  or  from 
the  South,  will  subscribe  to  the  same  thing. 
The  old  Roman  law  gave  the  benefit  of  the 
doubt  to  the  slave,1  but  our  own  law  in  this 
nineteenth  century  took  a  step  backward  from 
pagan  Rome,  and  so  arranged  its  provisions 
that  the  ignorant  black  man  had  no  means  of 
defending  his  own  cause. 

The  act  had  scarcely  become  a  law  when 
some  parts  of  the  North  were  overrun  by  man- 
hunters.  These  were  not  usually  the  owners 

1  Rhodes,  Vol.  I.  p.  186. 


268      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

of  the  alleged  runaway  slaves,  but  their  agents, 
often  coarse,  brutal  men  whose  better  instincts 
had  been  smothered  by  years  of  slave-driving. 
The  law  empowered  these  men,  not  only  to 
capture  and  bring  to  trial  any  negro  they 
might  suspect  of  being  the  fugitive  sought, 
but  also  to  call,  through  the  aid  of  officers, 
on  any  bystanders  to  assist  in  making  the 
capture,  and  imposed  a  penalty  for  refusing. 

The  trial  of  the  negro  was  little  more  than 
a  farce.  The  agent  took  him  before  a  com 
missioner,  appointed  for  the  purpose,  and 
made  oath  that  he  was  the  one  sought.  No 
jury  was  required.  The  black  man  could  not 
testify  in  his  own  behalf.  The  law  was  against 
him  in  every  way ;  even  the  commissioner 
was  bribed  by  it,  for  if  he  decided  in  favor 
of  the  agent  he  received  ten  dollars  as  his 
fee,  and  but  half  that  sum  if  he  discharged 
the  negro. 

It  was  evident  that  such  a  law  could  do 
little  but  irritate  all  true  lovers  of  justice. 
At  the  North  it  was  received  by  the  great 
majority  of  the  people  with  every  demonstra 
tion  of  disapproval.  Great  meetings  were  held 


THE   UNDERGROUND   RAILROAD  269 

in  the  cities  throughout  the  North,  and  the 
Fugitive  Slave  Law  was  denounced  in  un 
measured  terms  as  a  violation  of  the  Consti 
tution  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  laws 
of  God.  From  thousands  of  pulpits  the  law 
was  denounced  as  an  unjust  and  wicked 
measure.1 

On  two  grounds  it  was  claimed  that  this 
law  was  unconstitutional.  First,  it  denied 
trial  by  jury,  while  the  seventh  amendment 
to  the  Constitution  guarantees  the  right  of 
trial  by  jury  "when  the  value  in  controversy 
shall  exceed  twenty  dollars."  The  slaveholder 
evaded  this  by  claiming  that  there  was  no 
controversy  between  persons,  since  the  slave 
was  only  a  piece  of  property,  and  had  no 
rights  before  the  law.  Second,  it  was  an 
ex  post  facto  law,  as  applied  to  slaves  who  had 
escaped  before  its  passage,  and  all  ex  post  facto 
laws  are  forbidden  by  the  Constitution. 

There  were  some  twenty  thousand  negroes  in 
the  North  who  had  escaped  from  bondage  before 
the  law  was  passed,  many  of  whom  had  lived 
in  the  North  for  many  years,  had  married  and 

1  Wilson's  "  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Slave  Power,"  Vol.  II.  p.  305. 


2/0      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

settled  down  to  a  quiet,  industrious  life.  Al\ 
of  these  were  subject  to  the  Fugitive  Slave 
Law  of  1850;  if  found  by  the  owner  or  his 
agent  they  could  be  seized,  torn  from  their 
families,  and  carried  back  to  the  South. 

The  most  objectionable  feature  of  this  law 
to  the  Northern  mind  was  found  in  the  clause 
that  made  it  compulsory  on  a  citizen  to  aid 
the  slave-hunter  in  capturing  his  prey.  Thou 
sands  of  people  in  the  North  believed  that  a 
man  held  in  bondage  for  no  crime  —  simply 
on  account  of  the  color  of  his  skin  and  the 
accident  of  his  birth  —  had  a  right  to  escape, 
if  he  could,  and  their  impulse  was  to  aid 
him  if  in  their  power;  but  the  command  of 
the  law  was  that  they  must  aid  his  pursuer, 
regardless  of  feeling  and  conscience  in  the 
matter.  The  burning  question  then  arose  in 
the  minds  of  many :  Shall  we  obey  the  laws 
of  our  country  or  the  higher  law  of  conscience  ? 
With  a  large  number  the  decision  was  for  the 
latter ;  they  determined  to  resist  the  law  with 
out  regard  to  results.  Any  one  can  readily 
see  with  what  extreme  difficulty  a  law  can  be 
enforced  when  opposed  by  the  moral  conscious- 


THE   UNDERGROUND    RAILROAD  2/1 

ness  of  a  large    portion  of   the    people  in   the 
midst  of  whom  it  is  expected  to  operate. 

The  Fugitive  Slave  Law  in  Operation 

There  can  be  no  better  way  of  showing  the 
reader  how  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  worked 
than  to  cite  a  few  examples  of  its  practical 
application. 

One  of  the  first  instances  to  attract  atten 
tion  was  the  case  of  William  Smith  of  Colum 
bia,  Lancaster  County,  Pennsylvania.  Smith 
was  a  colored  man  who  had  escaped  from 
slavery  long  before,  and  had  lived  quietly  at 
Columbia  for  several  years  with  his  wife  and 
children.  One  day,  while  working  on  the 
street,  he  saw  a  slave-catcher  approaching 
him,  and,  attempting  to  escape,  he  was  shot 
dead. 

Another  instance,  occurring  in  the  same 
county  in  1851,  turned  out  differently  and  at 
tracted  far  wider  attention.  A  man  named 
Gorsuch,  from  Baltimore  County,  Maryland, 
with  his  son  and  several  friends,  came  into 
the  county  in  search  of  two  fugitives  who  had 
escaped  three  years  previously.  The  party, 


2/2     SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

all  well  armed,  found  their  prey  near  the  little 
town  of  Christiana.  The  negroes  had  taken 
refuge  in  an  old  house,  where,  with  several 
friends  of  their  own  color,  they  determined 
to  fight  for  their  freedom,  the  fugitives  de 
claring  that  they  would  rather  die  than  go 
back  into  slavery.  A  horn  was  blown  as  a 
signal  to  the  colored  people  of  the  neighbor 
hood,  and  in  a  short  time  a  large  number, 
armed  with  guns,  axes,  and  clubs,  had  col 
lected.  Two  white  men  also  appeared,  and 
were  called  on  by  the  officer  in  charge  to 
assist  in  making  the  arrest.  This  they  indig 
nantly  refused  to  do.  They  belonged  to  the 
Society  of  Friends,  and  the  Friends  were  ever 
vigilant  in  assisting  the  slave  when  possible. 
The  Gorsuch  party  demanded  the  surrender 
of  the  fugitives,  and,  on  being  refused,  they 
opened  fire.  The  fire  was  returned  ;  Gorsuch 
was  killed  and  his  son  severely  wounded. 
President  Fillmore  soon  afterward  sent  a  large 
body  of  officers  to  the  scene  to  arrest  the 
offenders.  Several  men  were  brought  to  trial 
for  resisting  the  law,  but  the  moral  sentiment 
in  Pennsylvania  rendered  conviction  extremely 


THE  UNDERGROUND    RAILROAD  273 

difficult,   and  no  punishments    followed.      The 
two  fugitives  were  never  captured. 

On  numerous  occasions  fugitives  were  caught 
and  carried  back  to  the  South ;  but  the  temper 
of  the  northern  people  was  such  that  it  was 
no  easy  task  to  enforce  the  law,  and  the  fugi 
tive  was  usually  able  to  evade  the  slave-hunter ; 
this  was  sometimes  accomplished  by  the  aid 
of  men  who  defied  the  law  and  forcibly  res 
cued  the  negro.  This  is  well  illustrated  in 
the  case  of  the  "  Jerry  rescue  "  at  Syracuse, 
New  York.  In  October,  1851,  a  mulatto  named 
Jerry  McHenry,  an  industrious  mechanic  of 
Syracuse,  being  claimed  by  a  man  from  Mis 
souri  as  his  former  slave,  was  captured  and 
imprisoned  to  await  trial.  Early  in  the  even 
ing  twenty  or  thirty  men,  led  by  Gerrit  Smith, 
a  wealthy,  great-hearted  man,  and  the  Rev. 
Samuel  May,  a  man  of  unwonted  courage,  de 
termined  on  the  rescue  of  Jerry.  With  the 
utmost  coolness  they  proceeded  to  the  police- 
office,  overpowered  the  officer,  battered  down 
the  door,  rescued  the  prisoner,  and  placed 
him  in  a  carriage.  After  some  days'  conceal 
ment  in  the  city,  Jerry  was  sent  to  Canada, 
T 


274     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN    HISTORY 

where  the  laws  of  England  made  him  a  free 
man. 

The  case  of  Anthony  Burns  of  Boston  at 
tracted  national  attention  and  became  the  most 
famous  of  all  the  captures  under  the  detested 
law.  Burns  was  a  colored  waiter  in  a  Boston 
hotel.  He  was  a  runaway  from  Virginia,  and 
was  captured  by  the  slave-hunters  in  May, 
1854.  In  a  short  time  the  city  was  in  an 
uproar  concerning  Burns,  who  was  confined 
in  the  court-house,  the  laws  of  the  State  pro 
hibiting  the  use  of  the  jail  for  such  a  pur 
pose.  The  New  England  sense  of  justice  was 
deeply  offended,  and  the  people  acted  on  the 
principle  laid  down  by  Sumner  that  they 
would  not  permit  a  man  who  had  lived  peace 
ably  among  them  for  several  years  to  be 
dragged  back  into  slavery. 

An  excited  meeting  was  held  at  Faneuil  Hall 
and  was  addressed  by  Wendell  Phillips  and 
Theodore  Parker.  Late  at  night  this  meeting 
resolved  itself  into  a  mob,  and  the  men  that 
composed  it  proceeded  to  the  court-house  deter 
mined  to  rescue  Burns  if  in  their  power.  Here 
they  found  a  crowd  of  colored  men  already 


THE  UNDERGROUND   RAILROAD  2/5 

battering  at  the  court-house  doors.  The  militia 
was  called  out  and  the  mob  driven  back.  One 
man  was  killed.  The  prisoner  was  not  rescued, 
and  the  city  remained  like  a  seething  ocean  all 
night.  When  Burns's  trial  came  off,  he  was 
awarded  to  the  claimant.  He  was  marched 
through  the  streets  of  the  city  guarded  by  sev 
eral  hundred  armed  soldiers.  No  further 
attempt  at  his  rescue  was  made,  but  the  streets 
were  lined  with  an  excited  multitude,  hissing 
and  jeering  and  threatening.  The  prisoner  was 
landed  in  a  vessel  waiting  at  the  wharf,  and  it 
was  soon  steaming  away  bearing  him  back  to 
the  land  of  bondage. 

Anthony  Burns's  experience  had  so  pro 
foundly  stirred  public  feeling  in  Massachusetts 
that  it  was  not  difficult  to  raise  a  purse  for  his 
purchase.  This  was  done,  and  his  owner  being 
induced  to  sell  him,  he  was  purchased,  brought 
back  to  the  North,  and  sent  to  Oberlin  College 
in  Ohio,  where  a  few  years  later  he  died. 

Working  of  the   Underground  Railroad 

The  system  of  giving  aid  and  comfort  to 
runaway  slaves  had  its  origin  in  the  early  part 


2/6     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

of  the  century,  and  later  came  to  be  known  as 
the  Underground  Railroad.  The  term  was 
first  used  in  this  sense  at  Columbia,  Pennsyl 
vania.  Most  of  the  people  of  this  town  were 
in  sympathy  with  the  slave,  and  when  a  fugitive 
arrived  here,  he  was  hidden  or  spirited  away 
by  them.  The  slave-hunters  would  track  their 
property  as  far  as  Columbia,  when  they  lost  all 
trace  or  sign,  and  they  declared  that  "there 
must  be  an  underground  railroad  somewhere."1 

The  system  was  for  many  years  before  the 
Civil  War  carefully  organized,  had  its  regular 
stations  twenty  miles  or  more  apart,  and  did 
most  of  its  work  in  secret.  A  Vigilance  Com 
mittee  in  Philadelphia,  composed  of  the  best 
citizens,  received  the  fugitives  who  came  to 
that  city,  and  furnished  hundreds  of  them  with 
free  tickets  to  Canada. 

Many  of  the  slaves  in  the  South  were  treated 
with  kindness  by  their  masters  and  had  little 
desire  for  freedom ;  others  were  content  to 
remain  in  bondage  because  of  their  gross  igno 
rance.  But  with  a  large  number  —  especially 
those  who  had  picked  up  the  rudiments  of  an 

1  Walton  and  Brumbaugh,  "Stories  of  Pennsylvania,"  p.  271. 


THE  UNDERGROUND   RAILROAD  2/7 

education  —  there  was  that  longing  for  liberty 
so  natural  to  the  human  heart.  Others  were 
driven  to  seek  their  liberty  by  cruel  treatment, 
and  still  others  because  of  their  fear  of  the 
dreadful  auction  block.  However  humane  the 
slave  owner  might  be,  however  foreign  it  was 
from  his  intention  to  part  with  any  of  his 
servants,  his  sudden  death  or  business  reverses 
might  at  any  time  land  them  on  the  auction 
block  for  the  southern  market ;  and  the  most 
dreadful  thing  that  could  happen  to  the  slave 
of  the  border  States  was  to  be  "  sold  to 
Georgia  "  or  "  sold  down  the  river  "  to  supply 
the  great  plantations  in  the  South.  When  once 
a  black  was  sold  to  "a  trader,"  and  carried  to 
the  far  South,  he  was  seldom  seen  or  heard  of 
again  by  his  friends  and  kindred.  Such  a 
separation  of  families  and  the  system  that  pro 
duced  it  can  be  condoned  only  on  the  assump 
tion  that  the  negro  is  devoid  of  those  finer 
feelings,  those  ties  of  consanguinity,  so  charac 
teristic  of  our  own  race. 

Thousands  of  slaves  in  whose  bosoms  burned 
a  longing  for  liberty  were  too  timid  or  too 
ignorant  to  make  an  attempt  to  escape.  They 


2/8      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

all  knew  that  freedom  lay  in  the  direction  of 
the  north  -star,  but  further  than  this  the  major 
ity  knew  nothing,  except  that  the  distance  was 
vast  and  that  the  way  was  fraught  with 
unknown  perils.  Nevertheless,  for  many  years 
before  the  war,  an  average  of  about  a  thousand 
slaves  each  year  escaped  from  their  masters 
into  the  free  States.  The  fugitives  for  the 
most  part  came  from  the  border  States,  and 
comprised  usually  the  most  intelligent  of  the 
race. 

Various  methods  were  used  by  the  slaves  in 
effecting  their  escape.  Some  came  from  the 
far  South,  guided  by  the  north  star  or  by 
the  trend  of  a  mountain  range,  secreting 
themselves  during  the  day.  Some  were 
stowed  away  in  steam-vessels,  others  rowed  in 
open  skiffs  for  hundreds  of  miles,  thus  eluding 
the  keen-scented  bloodhound  and  the  more 
dreaded  slave-catcher.  A  few  reached  the 
North  in  boxes,  sent  as  common  merchandise. 
Women  in  male  attire  and  men  dressed  in  the 
garb  of  women  succeeded  in  reaching  the  land 
of  freedom.  In  a  few  instances  a  slave  with  a 
fair  skin  and  scarcely  distinguishable  from  one 


THE  UNDERGROUND    RAILROAD  279 

of  the  dominant  race  would  assume  the  habit 
and  importance  of  the  master,  and  take  the 
ordinary  mode  of  conveyance.  The  few  exam 
ples  that  follow  will  give  a  fair  knowledge  of 
the  working  of  the  Underground  Railroad.1 

Anthony  Blow  was  a  Virginia  slave,  the 
property  of  a  widow,  and,  on  her  death,  was 
about  to  be  transferred  to  her  son-in-law,  a 
young  lawyer.  Anthony  was  quite  black, 
rather  intelligent,  and  of  a  temperament  that 
would  not  submit  to  the  yoke  of  slavery.  He 
had  been  shot  on  three  occasions  for  refusing 
to  be  flogged.  His  new  master  decided  to 
sell  him  to  the  traders  as  soon  as  he  came  in 
possession  of  him,  and  he  taunted  Anthony 
by  frequently  reminding  him  of  this  intention. 
But  when  the  day  of  the  auction  arrived  the 
negro  was  nowhere  to  be  found,  and  the  most 
diligent  search  for  him  proved  unavailing. 
After  concealing  himself  in  the  most  unheard 
of  places,  in  which  he  suffered  almost  death,  he 
found  an  opportunity  to  escape  to  the  North. 
An  employe  on  a  steamship  stowed  him  away 

iSee  Still's  "  Underground  Railroad,"  Preface.  Most  of  the 
examples  that  follow  are  taken  from  this  work. 


280     SIDE  LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTOR\ 

in  a  narrow  space  directly  over  the  boiler,  where 
the  heat  was  intolerable.  He  thought,  how 
ever,  that  he  could  endure  it  for  the  two  days 
required  to  reach  Philadelphia.  But  the  ship 
encountered  a  storm,  was  partially  disabled, 
and  eight  days  elapsed  before  she  reached  the 
northern  port.  At  the  end  of  this  time  the 
stowaway  was  more  dead  than  alive ;  but,  pos 
sessing  a  powerful  frame  and  the  best  of 
health,  and  being  used  to  suffering,  he  soon 
recovered  under  the  fostering  care  of  the  Vigi 
lance  Committee. 

The  story  of  Alfred  Thornton  excited  deep 
interest,  as  related  by  himself  after  reaching 
free  soil.  His  master  was  a  kind  man  and 
Alfred  was  his  constant  companion  ;  the  rela 
tion  between  the  two  was  that  of  friends.  No 
slave  in  the  South  was  more  contented  with  his 
lot  than  Alfred  Thornton.  But  the  master  met 
with  serious  business  embarrassment.  One  day 
as  Alfred  was  at  work  he  saw  the  constable 
and  a  trader  approaching  him.  He  grew 
anxious  as  they  came  up,  and  when  they  took 
hold  of  him  he  understood  all  in  an  instant. 
He  leaped  from  their  grasp  and  ran  with  all 


THE  UNDERGROUND   RAILROAD  28 1 

the  speed  in  his  power  to  find  his  master  The 
trader  fired  two  shots  at  him  without  effect. 
Finding  his  master,  Alfred  threw  his  arms 
about  his  neck,  and  cried,  "  Oh !  Massa,  have 
you  sold  me?"  "Yes,"  was  the  answer.  "To 
a  trader?"  "Yes."  "Oh!  Massa,  Massa, 
why  did  you  not  sell  me  to  some  of  the  neigh 
bors  ?"  "I  don't  know,"  was  the  dry  answer. 

Alfred,  now  seeing  the  constable  and  trader 
approaching,  released  his  hold  and  ran  again. 
After  running  about  a  mile  he  leaped  into  a 
mill-pond,  where  he  remained  for  two  hours 
holding  his  face  above  the  water.  While  in 
this  position  the  thought  first  came  to  him  that 
he  would  strike  for  freedom ;  and  after  many 
weary  days  he  succeeded  in  crossing  Mason 
and  Dixon's  Line. 

In  the  spring  of  1859  a  southern  lady  of 
wealth  and  refinement  who  stood  high  in 
church  and  social  circles  was  travelling  in  the 
North  with  a  slave  woman  called  Cordelia. 
She  stopped  at  Philadelphia  and  took  up  lodg 
ing  in  a  fashionable  boarding-house,  where  she 
received  attentions  from  the  Mite  of  the  city. 
Cordelia,  a  half-white  woman  of  fifty-seven 


282     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

years,  neat  and  respectful,  was  her  body-ser 
vant,  and  attended  all  her  wants.  The  lady 
professed  to  have  no  fear  that  her  servant 
would  leave  her,  owing  to  kind  treatment  the 
latter  had  always  received.  But  no  sooner  did 
a  member  of  the  committee  inform  the  slave- 
woman  that  under  the  laws  of  Pennsylvania  she 
was  entitled  to  her  freedom,  than  she  eagerly 
seized  the  opportunity.  Her  owner  was  aston 
ished  that  Cordelia  was  ready  to  leave  so  "  kind 
and  indulgent  a  mistress,"  and  she  begged  the 
woman  to  remain  with  her.  The  answer  to  her 
pleadings  can  best  be  given  in  Cordelia's  own 
eloquent  words : 

"  I  have  attended  you  ever  since  you  were 
born ;  I  have  dressed  you  and  combed  your 
hair,  put  on  your  shoes  and  stockings,  and 
nursed  you  in  sickness.  I  stood  by  your 
mother  in  all  her  sickness  and  nursed  her  till 
she  died.  I  waited  on  your  niece  night  and 
day  for  months,  till  she  died.  I  waited  on 
your  husband  in  his  sickness,  and  shrouded 
him  in  death.  What  do  I  get  for  all  this? 
You  sold  all  my  four  children.  When  my  poor 
child  Nancy  was  too  sick  to  work,  you  sent 


THE   UNDERGROUND   RAILROAD  283 

her  to  the  field  and  told  the  overseer  to  whip 
her  every  day  and  make  her  work,  or  kill  her. 
When  he  sent  her  back  and  said,  '  There's  no 
use  to  try,  her  health  won't  stand  it,'  you  sold 
her  to  a  New  Orleans  trader.  In  selling  my 
poor  children,  you  treated  me  as  if  I  had  been 
a  cow;  and  you've  threatened  to  sell  me  on 
the  first  insult.  But  you  won't;  I'm  as  free 
now  as  you  are." 

In  Pennsylvania  there  had  been  a  law  passed 
that  gave  freedom  to  any  slave  who  desired  it, 
if  brought  into  the  State  by  the  owner.  The 
most  notable  case  that  came  under  this  law 
was  that  which  brought  freedom  to  Jane  John 
son  and  her  two  children,  and  which  brought 
national  fame  to  Passmore  Williamson,  a  young 
Philadelphia  lawyer. 

Jane  Johnson  and  her  two  little  boys,  aged 
seven  and  ten  years,  were  the  property  of  a 
prominent  gentleman  of  Washington,  who  was 
appointed  in  1855  to  a  government  commis 
sion  in  Central  America.  While  en  route  to 
New  York,  where  he  was  to  take  a  steamer, 
he  stopped  in  Philadelphia.  Mr.  Williamson, 
hearing  that  a  slaveholder  with  his  slaves  was 


284     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

on  board  the  boat  at  the  wharf  in  the  Dela 
ware,  proceeded  with  a  few  companions  to 
the  boat,  and  informed  the  black  woman  that 
she  and  her  children  were  entitled  to  their 
freedom,  if  they  desired  it.  Before  the  woman 
had  time  to  answer,  her  owner  informed  Mr. 
Williamson  that  "Jane  did  not  wish  to  be 
free,  that  he  would  give  her  her  freedom  at 
some  future  time,  and  that  she  had  children 
in  the  South  from  whom  she  would  refuse  to 
be  separated."  But  Williamson  addressed  him 
self  directly  to  the  woman,  and  told  her  that 
if  she  desired  her  freedom  she  could  have  it 
that  moment  by  rising  and  following  him,  and 
this  she  did. 

Williamson  was  soon  afterward  thrown  into 
prison,  charged  with  "  forcible  abduction  "  and 
contempt  of  court  for  refusing  to  disclose  the 
hiding-place  of  the  rescued  slave-woman.  His 
imprisonment,  covering  several  months,  at 
tracted  widespread  attention.  Hosts  of  friends 
visited  his  cell,  and  he  received  letters  of  sym 
pathy  from  all  parts  of  the  North. 

The  owner  of  Jane  Johnson  immediately  be 
gan  legal  proceedings  to  get  her  back,  declar- 


THE  UNDERGROUND   RAILROAD  285 

ing  that  she  had  been  forcibly  taken  from 
him  against  her  own  will.  But  Jane  set  all 
doubts  at  rest  by  swearing  in  open  court  that 
no  one  forced  her  in  the  least,  that  she  left  the 
boat  of  her  own  free  will,  and  that  she  would 
rather  die  than  go  back  into  slavery. 

A  novel  means  of  escaping  from  slavery  is 
illustrated  in  the  example  of  Henry  Brown. 
Brown  was  an  unhappy  piece  of  property, 
and,  after  contemplating  long  upon  how  he 
might  escape  from  bondage  to  a  land  of 
liberty,  he  decided  on  the  plan  of  having 
himself  boxed  up  and  sent  by  express.  He 
accordingly  made  a  strong  box  of  wood  three 
feet  long  by  two  feet  wide  and  three  feet 
eight  inches  high.  In  this  box,  lined  with 
baize  and  securely  nailed  up  by  his  best 
friend,  the  negro  was  stowed,  his  supplies  con 
sisting  of  a  few  biscuits  and  a  bladder  of 
water.  The  box  was  sent  from  Richmond, 
Virginia,  to  the  Vigilance  Committee  at  Phila 
delphia.  It  was  marked,  "this  side  up  with 
care ;  "  but  this  did  not  avail  with  the  different 
expressmen,  and  part  of  the  time  it  was  upside 
down  and  the  occupant  rested  on  his  head. 


286     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

"Your  case  of  goods  is  shipped,  and  will 
arrive  to-morrow  morning,"  was  the  contents 
of  a  telegram  received  by  a  member  of  the 
Vigilance  Committee  on  the  day  of  the  ship 
ping  of  Brown.  To  avert  suspicion  the  com 
mittee  secured  the  services  of  a  prominent 
merchant  of  the  city  to  receive  the  goods 
from  the  express  office.  The  box  was  soon 
landed  in  a  private  room  of  the  committee, 
and  the  door  safely  bolted.  The  members  of 
the  committee  were  much  agitated.  They 
could  hardly  believe  that  the  colored  man 
would  be  alive  after  spending  twenty-six  hours 
in  such  a  condition.  Great,  therefore,  was 
their  astonishment  and  delight,  when  one  of 
them  rapped  gently  on  the  box  and  said,  "All 
right,"  and  was  instancy  answered  by  a  faint 
voice  from  within,  "All  right,  sir  !  " 

In  a  few  moments,  with  saw  and  hatchet,  the 
lid  was  removed,  and  Brown  emerged  as  one 
rising  from  the  dead.  From  this  time  forth  he 
was  called  Henry  "  Box  "  Brown.  After  shak 
ing  hands  with  his  deliverers  he  informed  them 
that  he  had  promised  himself  when  leaving 
Richmond  that  his  arrival  hymn,  if  he  lived, 


THE  UNDERGROUND   RAILROAD  287 

should  be  the  fortieth  Psalm.  His  small  audi 
ence  grew  solemnly  silent,  and  he  sang  slowly 
and  touchingly,  in  the  hollow,  musical  voice 
peculiar  to  his  race,  the  Psalm  beginning,  "  I 
waited  patiently  for  the  Lord ;  and  he  inclined 
unto  me  and  heard  my  cry." 

In  almost  every  issue  of  the  southern  news 
papers  during  the  period  just  preceding  the 
Civil  War,  advertisements  of  runaway  slaves 
appeared.  The  following,  from  a  paper  dated 
October,  1857,  is  a  tair  sample  : l  — 

"  $2000  Reward.  —  Ran  away  from  the  sub 
scriber  on  Saturday  night,  the  twenty-fourth 
inst,  fourteen  head  of  negroes,  viz  : "  (here 
follows  the  name  and  description  of  each). 

"I  will  give  $1000,  if  taken  in  the  county, 
$1500  if  taken  out  of  the  county  and  in  the 
State,  and  $2000  if  taken  out  of  the  State ;  in 

either  case  to  be  lodged  in  the jail,  so  that 

I  can  get  them  again.  SAMUEL  P . 

"  P.  S.  Since  writing  the  above,  I  have  dis 
covered  that  my  negro  woman,  Sarah  Jane, 
twenty-five  years  old,  stout  built  and  chestnut 
color,  has  also  run  off.  S.  P." 

1  See  Still's  "  Underground  Railroad,"  p.  101. 


288     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

We  close  this  chapter  by  relating  one  more 
escape  by  means  of  the  Underground  Railroad 
—  one  that  appears  more  like  a  romance  than 
an  occurrence  in  real  life.  William  Craft  and 
his  wife,  Ellen,  were  slaves  on  a  Georgia  plan 
tation.  They  longed  for  liberty  ;  but  the  dis 
tance  to  free  soil  was  great,  and  the  obstacles  to 
freedom  seemed  insurmountable.  William  was 
of  a  chestnut  color,  while  his  wife  was  so  fair 
that  she  could  pass  for  a  white  woman. 

At  length  these  two  seized  on  a  bold  plan  for 
effecting  their  escape  from  bondage.  Ellen 
was  to  dress  in  man's  attire  and  travel  as  a 
young  planter  with  William  as  the  servant.  A 
fashionable  suit  of  clothes  was  soon  procured, 
and  the  woman's  hair  was  trimmed  in  the  style 
worn  by  the  southern  gentlemen.  But  there 
were  many  precautions  necessary.  Ellen  was 
beardless,  and  to  overcome  this  difficulty  the 
young  planter's  face  was  muffled  up  as  if  he 
were  suffering  with  neuralgia.  In  fact,  it  was 
decided  that  the  young  man  must  seem  very 
much  indisposed  and  journeying  northward  for 
medical  treatment.  To  obviate  the  necessity  of 
registering  at  hotels  the  right  arm  was  placed 


THE  UNDERGROUND    RAILROAD  289 

in  a  sling ;  large  green  spectacles  were  worn  to 
hide  the  feminine  eyes.  To  avoid  making 
acquaintances  he  was  to  be  very  hard  of  hear 
ing,  and  refer  all  questions  to  the  servant. 

They  both  played  their  parts  most  skilfully. 
Ellen,  when  approached  by  any  one,  assumed 
an  air  of  bold  superiority,  and  referred  all  ques 
tions  to  the  servant,  who  was  exceedingly  active 
and  attentive  to  his  young  master.  They 
stopped  at  first-class  hotels  in  Charleston  and 
in  Richmond  without  creating  suspicion ;  but 
a  serious  obstacle  confronted  them  in  Balti 
more.  When  William  applied  at  the  ticket- 
office  for  tickets  to  Philadelphia,  the  agent  in 
formed  him  that  it  was  a  rule  of  the  office  to 
require  bonds  for  all  negroes  applying  for 
tickets  to  go  North,  and  none  but  gentlemen 
of  well-known  responsibility  could  obtain  them. 

The  servant  assumed  a  very  innocent  air  and 
replied  that  he  knew  nothing  about  that,  his 
master  was  hastening  to  Philadelphia  for  medi 
cal  treatment,  and  his  health  was  so  frail  that  it 
was  feared  he  would  not  hold  out  till  he  reached 
that  city.  The  agent,  at  last  convinced  of  the 
urgency  of  the  case,  threw  out  the  tickets,  and 


SIDE  LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

a  few  hours  later  the  fugitives  reached  the  City 
of  Brotherly  Love.  After  remaining  here  for 
some  time  it  was  thought  prudent  to  seek  a 
home  farther  from  the  bounds  of  slavery,  and 
they  went  to  Boston,  where,  the  fame  of  their 
marvellous  escape  having  preceded  them,  they 
were  received  with  a  royal  welcome.  Here 
they  lived,  with  no  attempt  at  concealment,  for 
two  years  —  until  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  was 
passed  —  when  it  was  learned  that  two  slave- 
hunters  were  prowling  about  the  city  in  search 
of  them. 

William  and  Ellen  Craft  had  made  many 
friends  in  Boston,  among  whom  were  Theodore 
Parker,  the  famous  preacher,  and  William 
Lloyd  Garrison,  editor  of  the  Liberator.  Their 
friends  avowed  that  on  no  pretext  should  they 
be  dragged  back  into  bondage,  that  they  would 
defend  the  fugitives  at  all  hazards.  When, 
however,  it  was  found  that  warrants  had  been 
issued  for  the  arrest  of  the  Crafts,  when  it 
was  seen  that  their  freedom  could  be  main 
tained  in  Boston  only  by  the  shedding  of  blood, 
an  easier  method  was  devised,  a  purse  was 
raised  for  them,  and  they  were  sent  rejoicing  on 


THE   UNDERGROUND    RAILROAD  29! 

their  way  to  England.  The  British  public  was 
familiar  with  the  romantic  story  of  their  escape, 
and  they  were  received  in  London  with  great 
favor  by  all  classes,  including  the  nobility. 
All  fears  of  reenslavement  were  now  removed, 
and  William  and  Ellen  Craft  lived  happily  in 
London  for  many  years,  never  ceasing  as  long 
as  they  lived  to  be  the  objects  of  curious  atten 
tion  from  the  public. 

The  constant  aid  rendered  by  northern 
people  to  the  runaway  slaves  irritated  the 
people  of  the  South,  and  gave  a  local  coloring 
to  the  growing  strife  between  the  two  great 
sections,  which  found  its  culmination  in  the 
National  Legislature.  This  contention  could 
only  increase  until  the  cause  was  removed, 
and  this  could  be  done  only  by  a  final  appeal 
to  the  arbitrament  of  the  sword.  While  the 
judgment  of  posterity  is  and  must  ever  be 
that  slavery  is  wrong,  and  at  variance  with 
the  spirit  of  Christianity  and  the  onward 
march  of  civilization,  it  is  unjust  to  blame  the 
people  of  the  South  for  the  existence  of 
slavery  on  their  soil.  The  peculiar  institution 
had  been  inherited  from  our  grandfathers' 


SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

days,  and  our  grandfathers  had  miscalculated, 
when  they  believed  that  it  would  ultimately 
die  and  disappear  of  its  own  accord.  "  Least 
of  all  could  the  North  or  England  cast  a  stone 
at  the  South,  for  each  had  a  hand  in  the 
establishing  of  negro  slavery." 1 

The  South  is  to  be  congratulated  on  the 
results  of  the  Civil  War.  Since  the  removal 
of  that  blighting  institution,  which  weighed 
like  a  nightmare  on  southern  prosperity,  no 
section  of  our  country  has  brighter  prospects 
than  the  sunny  South,  and  every  fair-minded 
citizen  of  that  region  knows  this  to  be  true. 
The  writer  has  talked  with  many  ex-slave 
holders  on  this  subject,  and,  while  some  are 
not  reconciled  to  the  "way  in  which  it  was 
done,"  they  all  agree  that  the  South  is  far 
more  prosperous  since  the  curse  of  slavery 
has  been  removed,  and  under  no  considera 
tion  would  they  have  their  slaves  back  were 
it  in  their  power.  The  Civil  War  was  a  surgi 
cal  operation,  —  severe  indeed,  but  necessary, 
—  and  by  it  the  normal  health  of  the  Nation 
has  been  restored.  Since  that  war  —  since  the 

1  Rhodes,  Vol.  I.  p.  379. 


THE   UNDERGROUND    RAILROAD  2Q3 

downfall  of  slavery  —  the  North  and  the  South 
have  come  to  feel  a  common  brotherhood  as 
never  before  ;  and  so  may  it  ever  be  ;  may 
there  be  one  grand  harmony  increasing  with 
the  years! 


JOB    xA 
ni  n"--»v«.> 


n 


CHAPTER   XV 
THE  KANSAS-NEBRASKA  BILL 

AN  act  of  Congress  passed  in  1854  and 
known  in  history  as  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill 
has  been  pronounced  the  most  momentous 
piece  of  legislation  in  the  United  States  be 
fore  the  Civil  War.  It  came  as  a  shock  upon 
the  country  in  time  of  unwonted  stillness.  For 
more  than  ten  years,  beginning  with  the  Texas 
question  and  ending  with  the  Compromise  of 
1850,  there  had  been  a  succession  of  thunder 
bolts  from  the  political  sky,  all  bearing  on  the 
one  disturbing  element,  slavery.  The  people 
had  grown  weary  of  the  despised  subject  and 
they  longed  for  rest.  With  the  acceptance, 
in  1852,  of  the  Compromise  as  a  finality  by 
both  political  parties,  it  seemed  at  last  that 
(barring  the  local  disturbance  occasioned  by 
the  Fugitive  Slave  Law)  the  longed-for  haven 
was  at  hand.  But  in  the  midst  of  the  calm 
294 


THE  KANSAS-NEBRASKA   BILL  295 

there  broke  forth  a  political  storm  more  fierce 
than  any  before  known  to  that  generation.  It 
came  in  the  form  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill, 
the  account  of  which  will  be  preceded  by  a 
brief  review  of  the 

Presidential  Election  of  1832. 

The  Whig  party  in  1852  was  in  a  demoral 
ized  condition,  owing,  principally,  to  the  un 
popular  Omnibus  Bill,  of  which  that  party 
was  the  father.  The  herculean  efforts  of  the 
leaders  to  bring  about  harmony  proved  fruit 
less.  Before  the  Whig  convention,  which 
met  in  Baltimore  in  June,  were  three  candi 
dates,  all  well  known  to  the  American  public. 
First,  President  Fillmore,  the  choice  of  the 
entire  South.  A  Northern  man,  it  is  true, 
was  Fillmore ;  but  he  had  won  the  southern 
heart  by  signing  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  and 
now  he  enjoyed  the  support  of  that  entire 
section.  Second,  Winfield  Scott,  the  choice 
of  the  northern  wing  of  the  party,  led  by 
William  H.  Seward.  Scott  was  a  Virginian 
by  birth,  but  he  was  now  known  to  be,  not 
a  slave  propagandist,  but  a  sympathizer  with 


296     SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

the  free-soil  sentiment  of  the  North.  The 
third  candidate  was  Daniel  Webster.  The 
following  of  Webster  was  a  personal  follow 
ing  and  was  much  smaller  than  that  of  either 
of  the  others.  He  was  not  seriously  con 
sidered  by  either  of  the  great  wings  of  the 
party,  and  the  real  contest  lay  between  Scott 
and  Fillmore. 

The  southern  delegates  insisted  on  embody 
ing  in  the  platform  a  final  acceptance  of  the 
Fugitive  Slave  Law.  To  this  the  northern 
delegates  demurred,  but  finally  yielded,  with  a 
kind  of  tacit  understanding  that  they  would 
be  allowed  to  name  the  candidate.  Scott  was 
therefore  nominated,  but  not  until  the  fifty- 
third  ballot  had  been  cast,  so  reluctantly  did 
the  South  accept  him.  This  choice,  however, 
did  not  bring  harmony  to  the  party.  The 
South  was  not  satisfied  with  Scott;  because, 
first,  he  refused  to  express  himself  on  the 
Fugitive  Slave  Law,  and  second,  he  was  too 
intimate  with  Seward,  whom  every  slaveholder 
hated.  A  written  protest,  signed  by  Alexander 
H.  Stephens,  Robert  Toombs,  and  other  lead 
ing  southern  Whigs,  utterly  repudiated  Scott, 


THE   KANSAS-NEBRASKA   BILL  297 

and  declared  that  the  signers  of  it  would  not 
support  him.  In  this  disorganized  condition 
the  Whigs  went  before  the  country  asking  the 
suffrages  of  the  people,  in  1852.  Their  only 
consolation  was  that  the  Democrats  were  in 
little  better  condition. 

The  Democrats,  having  also  met  in  Balti 
more,  the  great  convention  city  of  this  period, 
had  several  leading  candidates  to  choose  from. 
There  was  Cass,  the  stalwart  and  dignified 
leader;  but  Cass  was  weakened  by  his  defeat 
of  four  years  before  at  the  hands  of  General 
Taylor,  and  besides,  he  was  growing  old,  and 
some  called  him  the  old  fogy.  Next,  Buchanan, 
a  leader  among  the  politicians,  but  not  widely 
popular  with  the  masses  outside  his  own  State. 
The  third  candidate  was  a  young  man,  brilliant, 
dashing,  and  of  extraordinary  talents  —  Stephen 
A.  Douglas  of  Illinois.  Douglas  was  but  thirty- 
eight  years  old,  the  youngest  man  ever  seri 
ously  proposed  for  President  of  the  United 
States,  until  the  rise  of  Bryan  in  1896.  But 
Douglas  was  too  young  and  too  dashing  to 
please  the  older  members,  and  this  constituted 
his  weakness  before  the  convention.  A  fourth 


2Q8      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

candidate  was  ex-Governor  Marcy  of  New  York; 
but,  not  having  made  his  peace  with  his  own 
State,  in  which  he  had  so  lately  been  a  faction 
leader,  how  could  he  expect  the  support  of 
the  Nation  ? 

Thus  each  prominent  candidate  disclosed  a 
weakness  that  prevented  his  nomination.  The 
convention  balloted  forty  times  without  success, 
when  a  "  dark  horse  "  began  to  loom  into  view. 
It  was  a  young  man  from  New  Hampshire, 
named  Franklin  Pierce.  Pierce  was  a  man  of 
some  note.  He  had  been  in  both  Houses  of 
Congress,  had  declined  an  invitation  to  a  place 
in  Folk's  cabinet,  and  had  enlisted  as  a  vol 
unteer  in  the  Mexican  War,  where  the  Presi 
dent's  favor  soon  made  him  a  brigadier-general, 
though  he  knew  little  of  military  affairs.  His 
father,  a  private  soldier  of  the  Revolution,  had 
risen  to  the  governorship  of  New  Hampshire. 
These  advantages,  together  with  his  fine  ap 
pearance,  his  winning  manners,  and  his  jovial 
nature,  made  Franklin  Pierce  a  general  favor 
ite  ;  but  in  no  sense  could  he  be  ranked  among 
the  leading  statesmen  of  his  time. 

Nathaniel  Hawthorne,  an  old  friend  and  col- 


THE   KANSAS-NEBRASKA   BILL  299 

lege  classmate  of  Pierce,  wrote  his  biography, 
which  received  a  wide  circulation,  and  the 
Democrats  were  soon  united  as  one  man  for 
their  candidate  —  a  thing  that  could  not  be 
said  of  the  Whigs.  As  the.  campaign  pro 
gressed  it  was  plain  that  Scott  was  losing 
ground.  This  continued  steadily  until  the  elec 
tion,  when  Pierce  was  triumphantly  elected, 
Scott  carrying  but  four  States,  two  in  the  North 
and  two  in  the  South. 

This  was  the  last  National  campaign  of  the 
Whigs.  The  party  was  doomed  and  was  totter 
ing  to  its  fall,  and  ere  another  quadrennial 
election  came  round  the  story  of  its  life  was 
history. 

The  Democratic  party  seemed  now  to  have 
a  powerful  hold  upon  the  country.  None  could 
deny  that  the  future  seemed  to  insure  for  it 
a  long  lease  of  power.  Already  the  leading 
spirits  of  the  party  were  casting  longing  glances 
toward  the  next  presidential  election,  and  never 
before  did  the  glittering  prize  seem  more  sure 
to  the  one  who  should  be  so  fortunate  as  to 
win  the  nomination. 


3OO     SIDE  LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Stephen  A.  Douglas 

Among  the  aspirants  to  the  great  office  was 
the  young  and  brilliant  leader  from  Illinois, 
and  to  him  must  be  attributed  the  one  ex 
traordinary  act  of  Congress  by  which  the 
Pierce  administration  will  be  remembered  in 
American  history.  Douglas  was  a  native  of 
Vermont ;  he  had  migrated  to  the  prairie  State 
as  a  penniless  youth,  had  first  worked  at  a 
trade,  then  read  law,  and  entered  the  field  of 
politics.  So  rapid  was  his  rise  that  ere  he  had 
reached  his  fortieth  year  he  was  an  acknowl 
edged  leader  in  the  United  States  Senate.  As 
a  popular  leader  representing  the  great  West 
there  was  none  to  dispute  his  sway. 

But  in  those  days  it  was  necessary  for  an 
aspirant  to  the  presidency  to  bring  forth  fruits 
to  win  the  favor  of  the  South,  and  this  Douglas 
had  never  done.  While  searching  about  for 
some  bold  issue  by  which  he  could  make 
himself  champion,  Douglas  decided  upon  the 
all-important  measure  known  as  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Bill. 

Douglas  was  the  chairman  of  the  Committee 


THE   KANSAS-NEBRASKA   BILL  301 

on  Territories.  There  was  a  vast  tract  of  wil 
derness  called  Nebraska,  lying  north  and  west 
of  Missouri,  and  comprising  almost  half  a  million 
square  miles.  In  January,  1854,  Douglas 
brought  into  the  Senate  a  report  of  the  com 
mittee  providing  for  the  division  of  Nebraska 
into  two  Territories  to  be  known  as  Kansas  and 
Nebraska.  If  that  had  been  all  it  would  have 
attracted  little  attention ;  but  there  was  one 
little  clause  in  the  report  that  caused  all  the 
trouble,  and  that  was  that  each  Territory  should 
decide  for  itself  whether  slavery  should  exist 
within  its  bounds.  This  may  seem  innocent 
enough  at  first  sight ;  but  it  repealed  the  Mis 
souri  Compromise  of  1820.  That  compromise 
had  forbidden  slavery  forever  in  the  Louisiana 
Purchase  north  of  thirty-six  degrees  and  thirty 
minutes,  and  both  of  these  Territories  lay  north 
of  that  line. 

For  a  whole  generation  the  Missouri  Com 
promise  had  been  looked  upon  as  a  solemn 
compact  as  binding  as  a  treaty  between  the 
North  and  the  South.  It  is  true  the  Congress  of 
1820  had  no  power  to  bind  its  successors;  but 
the  Missouri  Compromise  was  more  than  an  act 


3O2      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN    HISTORY 

of  Congress.  It  was  a  solemn  agreement  of 
the  people,  and  that  agreement  carried  with 
it  a  moral  force  that  no  subsequent  Congress 
had  a  moral  right  to  disturb.  Thousands  of 
people  at  the  North,  who  were  alarmed  at  the 
growing  power  of  slavery,  had  yet  this  one 
consolation :  It  cannot  come  beyond  the 
forbidden  line  of  thirty-six-thirty.  But  now 
suddenly,  unexpectedly,  unasked  by  North  or 
South,  Douglas  sprung  upon  the  country  this 
Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  annulling  the  Missouri 
Compromise,  and  enabling  the  slaveholder  to 
carry  his  human  property  into  the  Territories  of 
the  Northwest. 

Douglas  had  consulted  with  two  persons 
before  taking  the  important  step  —  President 
Pierce  and  his  secretary  of  war,  Jefferson 
Davis.1  These  three  had  a  long  conference  on 
Sunday,  January  the  22d,  and  they  agreed 
that  the  Missouri  Compromise  should  be  re 
pealed.  On  the  next  day  Douglas  brought  the 
bill  before  the  Senate.  But  Douglas  did  not 
have  smooth  sailing.  There  were  powerful 
leaders  in  his  own  party  whom  he  could  not 

1  Schouler,  Vol.  V.  p.  282. 


THE  KANSAS-NEBRASKA   BILL  303 

control.  Before  the  close  of  January  these  had 
published  a  vigorous  protest  in  the  form  of  an 
"  Appeal  of  the  Independent  Democrats  in  Con 
gress  to  the  People  of  the  United  States."  This 
was  written  by  Chase  and  signed  by  the 
leading  Free-soil  Democrats  in  Congress  ;  and  it 
marked  the  beginning  of  the  great  revulsion  of 
political  parties  brought  about  in  the  following 
years  by  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act. 

The  news  that  such  an  act  was  about  to  be 
thrust  upon  the  country  fell  like  a  bomb  in 
every  section  of  the  North.  The  people  were 
first  dumfounded  at  the  audacity  of  Congress 
in  thrusting  such  a  measure  upon  them  without 
making  it  an  issue  in  any  campaign.  When 
they  recovered  from  their  first  astonishment 
they  made  themselves  heard.  The  newspapers, 
with  few  exceptions,  denounced  the  proposed 
act  with  great  vehemence ;  various  State  legis 
latures  raised  their  voices  of  protest.  Excited 
multitudes  assembled  in  the  cities  and  towns 
throughout  the  North  to  protest  against  the 
measure,  and  the  moral  indignation  that  pre 
vailed  had  never  been  equalled  since  the  battle 
of  Lexington  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution.1 

1  Rhodes,  Vol.  I.  p.  463. 


304     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Let  us  take  a  view  of  the  Senate.  One  man 
there  attracts  the  attention  of  the  country.  He 
is  rather  short  of  stature  and  compactly  built, 
has  a  smooth-shaven  face,  raven-black  hair, 
keen,  penetrating  eyes,  and  deep,  melodious 
voice.  It  is  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  the  "  Little 
Giant  from  the  West."  Douglas  was  the 
acknowledged  leader  of  the  dominant  party  in 
Congress,  and  as  a  parliamentary  debater  he 
had  no  equal  in  the  Nation.  His  extraordinary 
powers  lay,  not  in  his  extensive  learning,  for  he 
was  not  highly  educated,  but  rather  in  his  subtle 
power  of  reasoning,  his  ability  to  becloud  and 
belittle  the  best  argument  of  an  opponent,  to 
throw  the  main  points  in  the  background,  and 
to  bring  forth  some  unimportant  matter,  and 
make  his  hearers  believe  that  it  was  the  thing 
after  all.  There  was  not  a  man  in  the  Senate 
who  could  evade  his  cunning  or  withstand  him 
in  debate. 

But  the  opposition  must  not  be  underrated. 
There  were  Salmon  P.  Chase  and  Benjamin 
Wade  of  Ohio,  Sumner  and  Edward  Everett  of 
Massachusetts,  Seward  of  New  York,  Sam 
Houston  of  Texas,  the  old  hero  of  San  Jacinto, 


THE  KANSAS-NEBRASKA   BILL  305 

and  others  of  lesser  note.  These  made  a  strong 
coalition  against  the  proposed  measure,  and 
they  disputed  the  ground  inch  by  inch ;  but  the 
skill  and  genius  of  Douglas  triumphed  over 
them  all.  The  bill  passed  the  Senate  on  the 
fourth  of  March  at  five  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
after  Douglas  had  spoken  all  night. 

This  last  speech  of  the  Illinois  senator  on  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  was  the  greatest  he  ever 
made.  A  short  time  before  midnight  he  ap 
peared  before  the  crowded  chamber  with  the 
conscious  strength  of  a  gladiator  entering  the 
arena.  His  eyes  were  lit  with  the  fire  of  genius. 
Knowing  that  the  country  had  already  con 
demned  him,  and  believing  this  to  be  his  great 
opportunity  to  vindicate  himself,  he  now  put 
forth  his  best  efforts ;  a*nd  the  skill  and  power 
with  which  he  advocated  his  measure  won  the 
admiration  even  of  his  opponents. 

When  the  bill  passed  the  boom  of  cannon 
from  the  navy-yard  announced  the  victory  to 
the  sleeping  city.  As  Chase' walked  down  the 
Capitol  steps  in  the  gray  dawn  of  that  morning, 
he  exclaimed  to  his  friend  Sumner,  "They 
celebrate  a  present  victory,  but  the  echoes  they 


306      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

awake  will  never  rest  until  slavery  itself  shall 
die."  Late  in  May  the  famous  act  passed  the 
House,  was  signed  by  the  President,  and  be 
came  the  law  of  the  land. 

Reception  of  the  Bill  at  the  North 

Stephen  A.  Douglas  was  a  lover  of  his 
country,  and,  at  heart,  no  doubt  an  honest  man. 
Had  he  foreseen  what  a  storm  of  indignation  his 
favorite  measure  would  create  in  the  free  States, 
there  is  reason  to  believe  that  he  never  would 
have  brought  it  forth.  In  bidding  for  southern 
favor  he  had  sacrificed  his  popularity  in  his 
own  section.  Next  to  Douglas  the  one  who 
reaped  the  greatest  harvest  of  dishonor  was 
Franklin  Pierce.  He  was  the  one  man  who 
could  have  prevented '  the  enactment  of  the 
law,  but,  like  most  of  the  politicians  of  the 
time,  he  was  unable  to  rise  above  an  obsequious 
truckling  to  the  Slavocracy.  The  anger  of  the 
people  was  fierce  and  implacable.  Douglas  was 
burned  in  effigy  "in  many  places,  and  was  bit 
terly  denounced  throughout  the  free  States. 
Attempting  to  make  a  speech  in  his  own  city, 
Chicago,  he  was  hooted  off  the  stage.  He  was 


THE  KANSAS-NEBRASKA   BILL  30; 

called  the  Esau  who  sold  his  New  England 
birthright,  the  betrayer  of  his  country,  Judas 
Iscariot,  and  the  like;  and  a  society  of  women 
in  Ohio  reached  the  acme  of  contempt  by  send 
ing  him  thirty  pieces  of  silver. 

The  leaders  of  the  party  in  power  had  thus 
enacted  into  law  a  measure  the  importance  of 
which  can  scarcely  be  overestimated ;  but  in  so 
doing  they  had  made  one  fatal  blunder  —  they 
had  not  consulted  the  people  !  The  people  are 
the  masters  in  this  country,  say  what  they  will 
of  political  bosses.  The  people  may  be  disre 
garded  and  their  rights  trampled  under  foot  for 
a  time,  but  they  will  eventually  rise  and  assert 
their  power,  and  woe  to  the  public  man  who 
dares  disregard  them  !  However  popular,  how 
ever  powerful,  a  political  leader  may  be,  if  he 
set  himself  against  and  defy  the  masses  of  the 
citizens  who  have  raised  him  to  power,  he  will 
soon  find  himself  crushed  by  the  ponderous 
weight  of  public  opinion. 

Douglas  had  failed  to  count  the  cost.  Dash 
ing,  brilliant  leader  that  he  was,  only  forty-one 
years  old,  he  had  won  the  American  heart  as 
few  had  ever  done  before ;  but  now  he  oversteps 


308      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

the  limit  of  public  forbearance,  and  he  finds 
himself  dashed  to  the  ground  like  a  broken 
toy,  and  his  presidential  prospects  forever 
blasted. 

"lO'/lig    lo  HLO'jivj  ''..Hi 

Results  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  .Bill 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  Civil  War  was 
hastened  by  this  famous  legislation  of  1854. 
Some  even  claim  that  there  would  have  been 
no  war  but  for  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Com 
promise  ;  this  is  perhaps  claiming  too  much. 
But  the  bill  had  a  wonderful  effect  in  breaking 
up  old  party  lines  at  the  North.  Most  of  the 
new  States  of  the  Northwest  had  been  solidly 
Democratic  from  the  time  of  their  admission 
into  the  Union,  but  now  they  abandoned  their 
first  love,  and  some  have  never  since  returned 
to  it.  The  same  is  true  of  several  States  in 
the  East.  The  Kansas-Nebraska  law  gave  a 
final  blow  to  the  expiring  Whig  party,  and 
opened  the  way  for  the  formation  of  a  new 
party.  The  founding  of  the  Republican  party 
within  the  same  year  must  be  named  as  an 
indirect  result  of  the  passage  of  this  law. 

The  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  caused  the  border 


THE   KANSAS-NEBRASKA   BILL  309 

warfare  in  Kansas;  it  rendered  the  Fugitive 
Slave  Law  a  dead  letter  throughout  the  North ; 
it  brought  forth  that  other  son  of  Illinois, 
greater  than  the  "  Little  Giant,"  into  the  arena 
of  national  politics.1  It  brought  about  the 
great  political  revolution  of  1860;  it  marked 
the  beginning  of  the  end^of  the  more  than  a 
half  century  of  Democratic  rule  in  the  United 
States. 

1  Rhodes,  Vol.  I.  p.  490. 


n 


CHAPTER  XVI 
THE  LINCOLN-DOUGLAS  DEBATES 

THE  great  political  discussion  known  by  the 
above  heading  was,  with  reference  to  the  high 
character  of  the  contestants  and  the  importance 
of  the  subjects  discussed,  the  most  significant 
of  its  kind  in  American  history.  The  contest 
was  certainly  a  battle  of  the  giants,  and  the 
impression  it  made  on  the  country  was  deep 
and  lasting. 

A    View  of  the  Two  Men 

The  principals  in  this  great  duel,  Stephen 
A.  Douglas  and  Abraham  Lincoln,  had  much 
in  common.  Both  had  risen  from  poverty  and 
obscurity  —  one,  born  among  the  New  England 
hills,1  had  sought  his  fortune  in  the  great  West 
while  still  a  boy,  had  entered  the  political  arena 
in  his  early  manhood,  and  had  risen  until  he 

1  See  Chapter  XV. 


THE   LINCOLN-DOUGLAS   DEBATES  311 

now  held  the  most  conspicuous  position  in  the 
highest  legislative  body  in  the  United  States ; 
the  -other,  born  in  a  slave  State  among  the  low 
liest  of  the  lowly,  had  in  early  childhood  crossed 
the  border,  and  was  reared  among  the  untu 
tored  backwoodsmen,  where  he  picked  up  a 
meagre  education  as  best  he  could,  had  en 
tered  public  life,  and,  after  varying  fortunes 
for  a  quarter  of  a  century,  was  now  the  ac 
knowledged  leader  of  his  party  in  his  State. 
Both  had  made  the  broad  prairie  of  the  West 
their  permanent  home.  They  had  served  to 
gether  in  the  Illinois  legislature  many  years 
before,  and  since  then  had  been  personal 
friends.  They  had  attended  the  same  horse 
races,  eaten  at  the  same  table,  and,  it  is  said, 
had  loved  the  same  maiden.  They  were  both 
honest,  fearless,  able,  and  keenly  ambitious  to 
rise  in  public  life.  Both  were  sanguine,  jovial, 
and  companionable ;  and  each  possessed  the 
rare  quality  of  winning  a  large  circle  of  friends. 
These  two  political  gladiators  now  stood  upon 
the  same  platform  in  the  summer  and  autumn 
of  1858,  and  addressed  the  same  audience  in 
seven  different  Illinois  towns,  on  the  most 


312     SIDE  LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

momentous  question  that  ever  disturbed  the 
harmony  of  the  Republic ;  two  years  later  they 
were  to  stand  at  the  head  of  their  respective 
parties  and  ask  the  suffrages  of  their  countrymen 
for  the  highest  office  in  their  power  to  bestow. 

But  the  points  of  difference  between  Lincoln 
and  Douglas  are  more  marked  than  their  points 
of  resemblance.  Douglas  was  low  in  stature, 
compactly  built,  and  his  voice  was  that  of  the 
trained  orator;  Lincoln  was  tall  and  awkward 
in  appearance,  his  voice  was  rather  high-pitched 
and  unpleasant.  Douglas  was  bold  and  defiant 
in  style,  fluent  in  speech,  severe  in  denuncia 
tion;  Lincoln  possessed  the  power  of  putting 
his  thoughts  in  a  terse,  simple,  epigrammatic 
form,  so  logical  that  even  his  great  opponent 
with  all  his  powers  of  casuistry  could  not  escape 
their  force.  Douglas  had  reached  the  zenith  of 
his  power,  and  for  four  years  past  had  held 
his  lofty  position  amid  adverse  political  winds 
only  by  his  marvellous  courage  and  fortitude ; 
Lincoln  was  just  emerging  from  comparative 
obscurity,  and  was  soon  to  surpass  his  antag 
onist  and  become  the  leading  American  of  his 
time. 


THE   LINCOLN-DOUGLAS  DEBATES          313 

Both  men  were  among  the  greatest  public 
characters  that  our  free  institutions  have  pro 
duced.  The  time,  moreover,  of  their  coming 
together  was  portentous,  It  was  a  time  when 
the  forces  of  slavery  and  freedom  had  grappled 
in  a  deadly  struggle  for  supremacy  in  the  Gov 
ernment.  Considering  the  standing  of  the  rivals 
about  to  engage  in  this  debate,  the  time  of  their 
meeting,  and  the  universal  interest  in  the  sub 
ject  to  be  discussed,  there  is  no  wonder  that  the 
eyes  of  the  whole  country  were  turned  for  a 
season  toward  the  prairie  State. 

Preliminaries 

Stephen  A.  Douglas  had  been  for  several 
years  the  foremost  leader  of  his  party,  and  his 
party  had  full  control  of  the  Government.  His 
popularity  had  suffered  severe  reverses  through 
out  the  North,  it  is  true,  on  account  of  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  Bill;  but  he  had  largely  re 
gained  his  former  prestige  by  the  brave  stand 
he  took  later  on  the  affairs  in  Kansas. 

The  trouble  in  Kansas  arose  from  an  attempt 
to  put  into  operation  the  provisions  of  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  Act  in  that  Territory.  The 


314     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

South  was  exceedingly  anxious  to  gain  another 
slave  State  so  as  to  restore  its  power  in  the 
United  States  Senate,  which  had  been  broken 
by  the  admission  of  California  as  a  free  State. 
The  slaveholders,  therefore,  determined  to  make 
Kansas  their  prize,  and  the  proslavery  party 
from  Missouri  poured  into  the  Territory  in 
large  numbers  with  the  intent  of  carrying  the 
elections  and  making  Kansas  a  slave  State.  But 
the  northern  people  were  on  the  alert.  Bands 
of  emigrants  came  from  all  sections  of  the 
North,  with  an  equal  determination  to  make 
Kansas  a  free  State.  The  two  parties  came  to 
gether,  and  there  was  fierce  conflict  resulting 
in  much  bloodshed. 

This  border  warfare,  as  it  was  called,  con 
tinued  for  several  years,  and  was  the  most 
annoying  of  all  public  questions  at  the  time 
when  Mr.  Buchanan  became  President  in  1857. 
President  Buchanan  was  very  anxious  to  settle 
the  matter  without  offending  either  side;  but 
his  sympathies  were  obviously  with  the  South. 
He  prevailed  on  Mr.  Robert  J.  Walker,  of  Mis 
sissippi,  who  had  been  a  member  of  President 
Folk's  cabinet,  to  accept  the  governorship  oi 


THE  LINCOLN-DOUGLAS   DEBATES  315 

Kansas,  and  pledged  him  the  support  of  the 
administration  in  securing  justice  for  that  much 
disturbed  Territory. 

Mr.  Walker  was  a  slaveholder,  and  his  sym 
pathies  were  with  the  South  ;  but  he  was  an 
honest  man,  and  his  sincere  desire  was  to  deal 
justice  to  both  sides.  But  scarcely  had  he 
reached  Kansas  when  he  found  that  the  pro- 
slavery  party  was  carrying  things  with  a  high 
hand.  A  proslavery  legislature,  elected  by 
fraud,1  met  at  Lecompton  and  framed  the 
famous  Lecompton  Constitution,  making  Kansas 
a  slave  State  without  honestly  submitting  the 
matter  to  a  vote  of  the  people.  The  honest 
soul  of  Governor  Walker  revolted  against  such 
proceedings,  and  he  openly  opposed  the  work 
of  the  legislature. 

President  Buchanan  had  promised  to  sustain 
Walker ;  but  from  some  cause,  probably  the  in 
fluence  of  certain  members  of  his  cabinet,  he 
now  abandoned  his  friend,  and  decided  to 

1  Oxford,  Johnson  County,  returned  1628  votes.  It  was  found 
to  be  a  village  of  but  six  houses.  The  names  had  been  copied 
from  a  Cincinnati  directory.  Many  precincts  showed  similar 
false  returns.  See  Nicolay  and  Hay,  Vol.  II.  p.  105. 


3l6     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

recommend  the  Lecompton  Constitution  to 
Congress  in  his  annual  message  in  December 
Walker  was  mortified  and  chagrined  £t  this 
action  of  the  President,  and,  like  his  three  un 
fortunate  predecessors,  he  resigned  the  govern 
orship  and  retired  to  private  life. 

But  President  Buchanan  had  an  obstacle  to 
encounter  that  was  beyond  his  power  to  over 
come.  He  had  a  greater  man  than  Governor 
Walker  to  deal  with,  and  that  was  Stephen  A. 
Douglas.  A  few  days  before  the  opening  of 
Congress,  Douglas  called  on  the  President  and 
protested  against  his  recommending  the  Le 
compton  Constitution,  without  first  submitting  it 
to  a  vote  of  the  people  of  Kansas.  Buchanan 
warned  Douglas  not  to  interfere,  nor  to  oppose 
the  administration,  or  he  might  soon  find  his 
political  career  at  an  end.  But  Douglas  with 
great  courage  and  with  great  power  denounced 
the  fraudulent  Lecompton  Constitution  in  the 
Senate ;  and  the  result  was  the  defeat  of 
the  President,  not  in  the  Senate,  but  in  the 
House. 

Thus  Douglas  regained  a  large  part  of  his 
lost  popularity  in  the  North,  but  in  so  doing  he 


THE  LINCOLN-DOUGLAS   DEBATES          317 

sacrificed  much  of  his  newly  won  laurels  in  the 
South,  besides  making  a  permanent  political 
enemy  of  President  Buchanan. 

The  Republican  newspapers  praised  him  for 
his  bold  stand  for  justice  and  fair  play  in 
Kansas,  while  some  of  the  Democratic  papers 
abused  him  without  mercy, 

Douglas's  third  senatorial  term  was  drawing 
to  a  close,  and  the  election  of  the  Illinois  leg 
islature  in  the  autumn  of  1858  must  determine 
who  should  be  his  successor.  Some  of  the 
leading  Republican  papers,  including  the  New 
York  Tribune,  now  advocated  the  reelection  of 
Douglas  on  the  ground  that  he  would  continue 
the  fight  with  the  administration  and  split  the 
Democratic  party. 

Horace  Greeley  of  New  York  and  Senator 
Crittenden  of  Kentucky  urged  the  Illinois  Re 
publicans  not  to  oppose  the  election  of  the 
Democratic  senator ;  but  with  this  request  they 
refused  to  comply.  Many  of  the  Republicans 
of  Illinois  had  been  old  line  Whigs ;  Douglas 
had  been  their  chief  opponent  for  a  generation, 
and  now  they  found  it  impossible  to  overcome 
their  old  prejudices  and  assist  in  sending  him 


318     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN    HISTORY 

back  to  the  Senate,  and  hence  they  produced 
their  own  candidate  in  the  person  of  Abraham 
Lincoln. 

The  Challenge 

The  Republican  State  convention  met  at 
Springfield,  Illinois,  in  June,  1858,  and  nomi 
nated  Abraham  Lincoln  as  their  first  and  only 
choice  for  United  States  senator.  Lincoln  was 
then  called  for,  and  he  rose  to  speak  amid  the 
greatest  enthusiasm.  The  speech  that  he  now 
made  was  one  of  the  most  logical  ever  delivered 
on  the  all-important  subject  of  slavery,  and  in  it 
he  made  the  statement  that  afterward  gave  him 
National  fame. 

"  A  house  divided  against  itself,"  he  said, 
"  cannot  stand.  I  believe  this  Government  can 
not  endure  permanently  half  slave  and  half 
free.  I  do  not  expect  the  Union  to  be  dis 
solved,  I  do  not  expect  the  house  to  fall,  but  I 
do  expect  it  will  cease  to  be  divided.  It  will 
become  all  one  thing  or  all  the  other."  This 
expression  was  far  in  advance  of  public  opinion 
even  in  the  newly  founded  Republican  party. 
Before  delivering  this  speech  Lincoln  had  read 


THE   LINCOLN-DOUGLAS   DEBATES          319 

it  to  the  party  managers,  and  they  all  save  one 
disapproved  it,  and  urged  that  the  above  ex 
pression  be  omitted.  Lincoln's  heroic  answer 
was :  "  If  it  is  decreed  that  I  should  go  down 
because  of  this  speech,  then  let  me  go  down 
linked  with  the  truth  —  let  me  die  in  the  ad 
vocacy  of  what  is  just  and  right.  ...  I  would 
rather  be  defeated  with  this  expression  in  the 
speech,  than  be  victorious  without  it."  l 

In  reference  to  the  attempt  of  the  eastern 
Republicans  to  have  Douglas  sent  back  to  the 
Senate,  Lincoln  said  in  the  same  speech, 
"  They  remind  us  that  he  is  a  great  man  and 
that  the  largest  of  us  are  very  small  ones.  Let 
this  be  granted.  .  .  .  How  can  he  oppose  the 
advance  of  slavery?  He  does  not  care  any 
thing  about  it.  His  avowed  mission  is  impress 
ing  the  public  heart  to  care  nothing  about  it. 
.  .  .  Our  cause,  then,  must  be  intrusted  to 
and  conducted  by  its  own  undoubted  friends  — 
those  whose  hands  are  free,  whose  hearts  are  in 
the  work  —  who  do  care  for  the  result.2  .  .  . 

1  Rhodes,  Vol.  II.  p.  315. 

2  Douglas  had  said  in  the  Senate  that  he  did  not  care  il 
slavery  in  the  Territories  was  voted  down  or  voted  up. 


320     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

I  wish  not  to  misrepresent  Judge  Douglas's 
position,  question  his  motives,  or  do  aught  that 
can  be  personally  offensive  to  him.  Whenever, 
if  ever,  he  and  we  can  come  together  on  princi 
ple,  so  that  our  cause  may  have  assistance  from 
his  great  ability,  I  hope  to  have  interposed  no 
adventitious  obstacle.  But  clearly,  he  is  not 
with  us  —  he  does  not  pretend  to  be  —  he  does 
not  promise  ever  to  be." 

Lincoln  was  not  ignorant  of  the  greatness  of 
the  task  he  had  undertaken,  He  well  knew 
that  he  was  scarcely  known  beyond  the  bounds 
of  his  own  State,  while  his  opponent  enjoyed  a 
National  fame  not  equalled  by  that  of  any  other 
man.  He  knew  that  the  masses  almost  idolized 
the  Little  Giant,  as  Douglas  was  called,  but 
that  his  own  following  was  for  the  most  part 
yet  to  be  won. 

But  Lincoln  was  nevertheless  anxious  to 
arrange  a  series  of  joint  debates  in  order  that 
the  two  might  speak  from  the  same  platform. 
This  he  thought  would  be  the  best  way  to  bring 
the  issue  squarely  before  the  people ;  he  there 
fore  decided  to  challenge  Douglas  to  such  a  dis 
cussion.  This  was  a  bold  move  on  the  part  of 


THE  LINCOLN-DOUGLAS   DEBATES          321 

Lincoln,  for  his  opponent  was  the  acknowl 
edged  champion  public  speaker  in  the  United 
States.  He  had  measured  swords  on  the  floor 
of  the  Senate  with  Seward,  Chase,  Corwin, 
Sumner,  and  many  others,  and  had  surpassed 
them  all.  Lincoln's  proposal  therefore  proved 
not  only  that  he  had  unbounded  confidence  in 
the  justice  of  his  cause,  but  also  in  his  ability 
to  present  it. 

On  July  the  24th  he  addressed  a  brief  note 
to  the  Democratic  candidate  asking  if  it  would 
be  agreeable  to  him  to  arrange  a  series  of  joint 
debates  before  the  same  audiences.  Douglas 
answered  on  the  same  day,  stating  that  his 
dates  had  already  been  fixed  for  almost  the 
entire  campaign  ;  but  in  order  to  accommodate 
his  rival  he  was  willing  to  arrange  for  one 
joint  meeting  in  each  congressional  district, 
except  the  two  in  which  they  had  both  al 
ready  spoken.  It  was  agreed  therefore  that 
they  speak  from  the  same  platform  in  seven 
different  towns  on  dates  beginning  the  2 1st 
of  August  and  ending  the  I5th  of  October.1 

1  The  times  and  places  of  the  seven  debates  are  as  follows  : 
Ottawa,  August  21 ;  Freeport,  August  27;  Jonesboro,  September 
Y 


322      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

The  announcement  of  this  arrangement  created 
much  interest,  not  only  in  Illinois,  but  through 
out  the  Union.  Lincoln's  party  friends  were 
at  first  alarmed.  They  knew  of  Douglas's  mar 
vellous  power  as  an  orator,  his  wonderful 
hold  on  the  masses,  and  his  unbroken  suc 
cesses  from  his  youth  up.  But  Lincoln  had 
a  clear  advantage  over  his  antagonist  in  sev 
eral  particulars.  He  represented  a  new  and 
enthusiastic  political  party.  He  stood  for  free 
dom  as  against  human  bondage.  He  repre 
sented  a  new  and  more  enlightened  civilization, 
that  was  taking  hold  of  the  popular  heart 
with  irresistible  power,  while  Douglas  was 
obliged  to  defend  the  worn-out  theories  and 
ideals  of  a  by-gone  age.  And,  further,  Lin 
coln's  hands  were  unbound  ;  he  had  nothing 
to  lose.  Douglas,  on  the  other  hand,  was  an 
aspirant  to  the  presidency ;  and,  while  his 
speeches  were  addressed  to  the  people  of  Illi 
nois,  he  dared  not  forget  that  the  whole  South 
was  hearing  every  word  and  watching  every 
movement.  The  opposition  which  Lincoln  had 

15;  Charleston,  September  18;  Galesburg,  October  7;  Quincy, 
October  13;  Alton,  October  15.  —  Lincoln-Douglas  Debates, 
p.  66. 


THE   LINCOLN-DOUGLAS   DEBATES  325 

encountered  from  the  leaders  of  his  own  party 
in  the  East  was  more  than  balanced  by  the 
hostility  of  the  Buchanan  administration  to 
Douglas.  The  two  champions  were,  as  before 
stated,  personal  friends.  Lincoln  had  paid 
high  tribute  to  the  ability  and  success  of  his 
opponent ;  Douglas,  in  his  opening  speech  of 
the  campaign  at  Chicago,  had  referred  to  Lin 
coln  as  a  "kind,  genial,  and  honorable  gen 
tleman."  He  afterward  paid  tribute  to  Lincoln's 
ability  by  stating  that  in  all  his  discussions  at 
Washington  he  had  never  met  an  opponent 
who  had  given  him  so  much  trouble  as  Lincoln. 
"  I  have  been  in  Congress  sixteen  years,"  said 
Douglas,  "and  there  is  not  a  man  in  the 
Senate  I  would  not  rather  encounter  in  de 
bate."  1 

It  was  agreed  that  the  first  speaker  occupy 
an  hour,  the  second  an  hour  and  a  half,  after 
which  the  first  would  close  with  half  an  hour, 
thus  covering  three  hours  in  all.  At  their  first 
meeting,  in  Ottawa,  Douglas  had  the  opening 
and  closing.  Lincoln  had  them  at  Freeport, 
and  so  on  alternately  to  the  close.  The  excite 

1  Lincoln-Douglas  Debates,  p.  340. 


324     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

ment  of  the  people  rose  to  fever  heat.  The 
meetings  were  held  in  the  open  air,  as  no  hall 
was  large  enough  to  hold  the  crowds  that 
gathered. 

Extracts 

We  shall  not  attempt  to  give  even  an  out 
line  of  the  speeches  in  this  great  contest.  A 
few  extracts  will  show  the  general  trend  of 
the  argument.  There  was  but  one  important 
subject  treated  by  the  contestants,  and  that 
was  the  slavery  question,  or  rather  the  par 
ticular  phase  of  it  arising  from  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Bill  and  the  Dred  Scott  Decision  — 
the  advance  of  slavery  into  the  Territories. 
Douglas  rang  many  changes  on  Lincoln's 
Springfield  utterance  that  "  A  house  divided 
against  itself  cannot  stand,"  and  its  applica 
tion  to  slavery  in  the  United  States.  This 
doctrine,  he  claimed,  instead  of  allaying  the 
strife  between  the  North  and  the  South,  would 
foster  and  encourage  it  until  a  war  of  sections 
would  result. 

Lincoln  disclaimed  all  intention  of  inviting 
a  war  of  sections ;  but  reiterated  his  belief  that 


THE   LINCOLN-DOUGLAS  DEBATES          325 

one  side  or  the  other  would  eventually  become 
supreme  throughout  the  country.  "Is  slavery 
wrong?"  said  Lincoln,  "that  is  the  real  issue. 
That  is  the  issue  that  shall  continue  in  this 
country  when  these  poor  tongues  of  Judge 
Douglas  and  myself  shall  be  silent.  It  is  the 
eternal  struggle  between  two  principles  —  right 
and  wrong  —  throughout  the  world.  .  .  .  The 
one  is  the  common  right  of  humanity  and  the 
other  the  divine  right  of  kings.  It  is  the 
same  principle  in  whatever  shape  it  develops 
itself.  It  is  the  same  spirit  that  says :  '  You 
work  and  toil,  and  earn  bread,  and  I'll  eat  it.' ' 
Lincoln  appealed  again  and  again  to  that 
clause  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
"All  men  are  created  equal."  "This,"  he  in 
sisted,  "meant  all  men,  and  not  simply  all 
white  men, — created  equal,"  not  in  mental 
endowments  nor  in  worldly  station,  but  in  their 
natural  rights  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit 
of  happiness.  "  I  agree  with  Judge  Douglas," 
said  he,  "  that  the  negro  is  not  my  equal 
in  many  respects  .  but  in  the  right  to  eat 
the  bread,  without  the  leave  of  anybody  else, 
which  his  own  hand  earns,  he  is  my  equal, 


326     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

and  the  equal  of  Judge  Douglas,  and  the 
equal  of  every  living  man."  His  most  elo 
quent  apostrophe  to  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence  had  been  uttered  early  in  August 
at  Beardstown.  The  speech  closed  with  the 
following  words:  — 

"  You  may  do  anything  with  me  you  choose, 
if  you  will  but  heed  these  sacred  principles. 
You  may  not  only  defeat  me  for  the  Senate, 
but  you  may  take  me  and  put  me  to  death. 
While  pretending  no  indifference  to  earthly 
honors,  I  do  claim  to  be  actuated  in  this  con 
test  by  something  higher  than  an  anxiety  for 
office.  I  charge  you  to  drop  every  paltry  and 
insignificant  thought  for  any  man's  success. 
It  is  nothing ;  I  am  nothing ;  Judge  Douglas 
is  nothing.  But  do  not  destroy  that  immor 
tal  emblem  of  humanity  —  the  Declaration  of 
American  Independence." 

To  Douglas's  frequent  assertion  that  the 
fathers  who  framed  the  Constitution  were  con 
tent  to  let  slavery  alone,  but  that  Lincoln  only 
increased  the  agitation  by  taking  the  stand 
he  did,  the  latter  replied,  "  There  is  no  way  of 
putting  an  end  to  the  slavery  agitation  amongst 


THE   LINCOLN-DOUGLAS   DEBATES  327 

us  but  to  put  it  back  upon  the  basis  where  our 
fathers  placed  it,  —  no  way  but  to  keep  it  out 
of  our  Territories  —  to  restrict  it  forever  to  the 
old  States  where  it  now  exists.  Then  the 
public  mind  will  rest  in  the  belief  that  it  is 
in  the  course  of  ultimate  extinction." 

Douglas  lauded  "  Popular  Sovereignty "  as 
embodied  in  his  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill.  Lin 
coln  quaintly  answered  that  the  logical  mean 
ing  of  that  was  that  "if  one  man  chooses  to 
enslave  another,  no  third  man  has  a  right  to 
object."  The  substance  of  Lincoln's  argument 
from  first  to  last  was  that  slavery  is  wrong, 
and  its  spread  should  be  arrested.  He  was 
not  an  abolitionist,  nor  did  he  wish  to  inter 
fere  with  the  institution  in  any  State  where  it 
existed ;  but  he  held  that,  since  slavery  was 
an  evil  in  itself,  and  was  constantly  menacing 
the  peace  of  the  country,  it  should  be  prohib 
ited  by  'Congress  from  all  the  Territories,  and 
thus  put  in  the  way  of  ultimate  extinction. 
Douglas,  on  the  other  hand,  "professed  to  be  en 
tirely  indifferent  on  the  subject  of  slavery.  He 
did  not  care  if  it  was  voted  up  or  voted  down. 
If  the  Territories  desired  to  have  slavery,  they 


328     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

had  a  right  to  it,  and  Congress  had  no  right 
to  interfere.  This  doctrine  became  popularly 
known  as  "  Squatter  Sovereignty." 

The  Freeport  Doctrine 

IcU    31    $£$jy$|  f  Ufltm 

Senator  Douglas  was  a  man  of  wonderful 
resources.  His  capacity  to  rise  above  political 
adversity  was  extraordinary.  Many  believed 
that  his  fathering  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill 
would  end  his  political  life ;  but  with  remark 
able  exuberance  he  rose  above  popular  clamor, 
and  in  a  few  years  he  had  again  become  the 
favorite  idol.  But  it  remained  for  this  notable 
debate  with  Lincoln  to  deal  the  Little  Giant 
a  blow  from  which  he  could  not  recover. 

At  the  first  joint  meeting,  at  Ottawa,  Doug 
las  propounded  to  Lincoln  several  important 
questions  bearing  on  the  subject  under  dis 
cussion.  This  was  a  fatal  mistake  on  the  part 
of  Douglas,  as  he  soon  discovered.  Mr.  Lin 
coln  evaded  giving  direct  answers  at  the  time, 
saying,  however,  that  he  would  do  so  on 
condition  that  Douglas  would  answer  an 
equal  number  of  interrogatories  propounded 
by  him. 


THE   LINCOLN-DOUGLAS   DEBATES          329 

Six  days  later  they  met  for  their  second 
discussion,  at  Freeport.  Lincoln,  on  rising  to 
speak,  answered  his  opponent's  questions  seri 
atim.  He  then  read  a  series  of  questions  that 
he  had  framed,  and  called  upon  Douglas  to 
make  answer  before  the  audience  as  he  had 
done.  The  second  of  these,  as  follows,  was 
the  fatal  one :  "  Can  the  people  of  a  United 
States  Territory,  in  any  lawful  way,  against 
the  wish  of  any  citizen  of  the  United  States, 
exclude  slavery  from  its  limits,  prior  to  the 
formation  of  a  State  constitution  ? " 

It  is  necessary  to  explain  here  that  the 
clause  in  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  which 
dealt  with  this  point  was  equivocal,  and  it 
received  a  very  different  interpretation  north 
and  south  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line.  In 
the  South  it  was  interpreted  to  mean  that,  as 
the  Constitution  recognized  the  right  of  prop 
erty  in  slaves,  the  Government  was  bound  to 
protect  it,  as  any  other  property,  in  all  public 
lands,  including  the  Territories.  The  Territory, 
therefore,  had  no  voice  in  the  matter  until  it 
became  a  State.  It  was  like  a  child  not  yet 
of  age,  the  National  Government  being  the 


33O     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON    AMERICAN    HISTORY 

parent,  and  having  full  control  until  the  forme, 
reached  its  majority,  that  is,  statehood. 

In  the  North  the  clause  was  held  to  mean 
that  a  Territory  had  the  power,  at  any  time, 
to  exclude  slavery  from  its  bounds  by  a  vote 
of  the  people.  The  Dred  Scott  Decision 
clearly  favored  the  southern  view.  With  this 
explanation  the  depth  of  Lincoln's  question 
will  readily  be  seen. 

Douglas  was  thus  placed  in  the  most  trying 
position  of  his  life.  An  avowed  candidate  for 
the  presidency,  it  was  absolutely  necessary 
for  him  to  retain  or  win  the  favor  of  both  the 
great  sections  of  the  country ;  but  now  he  is 
forced  to  stand  before  a  public  audience  (and 
that  audience  included  the  whole  United  States) 
and  give  his  views  on  the  one  great  question 
on  which  the  North  and  the  South  were  at 
that  moment  at  variance.  But  there  was  no 
escape.  He  had  begun  the  catechising  process  ; 
and  to  refuse  to  answer  Lincoln's  questions 
now  would  have  been  cowardly,  and  would 
have  arrayed  public  feeling  against  him.  It 
was  generally  supposed  that  he  would  answer 
the  question  in  accordance  with  northern 


THE   LINCOLN-DOUGLAS   DEBATES          331 

sentiment.  The  Republican  leaders,  who  knew 
of  Lincoln's  intention  to  put  this  question  to 
his  opponent,  greatly  feared  that  Douglas 
would  answer  according  to  northern  feeling, 
and  thus  win  the  senatorship.  A  number  of 
them,  it  is  said,  sought  Lincoln  at  his  hotel 
late  on  the  night  before  the  Freeport  meeting, 
invaded  his  sleeping-room,  and  urged  him  not 
to  put  the  interrogatory  to  Douglas.  But  Lin 
coln  persisted,  and  they  cried  out,  "If  you  do, 
you  can  never  be  senator."  "  Gentlemen," 
replied  Lincoln,  "  I  am  after  larger  game ;  if 
Douglas  answers  as  you  say  he  will  he  can 
never  be  President,  and  the  battle  of  1860  is 
worth  a  hundred  of  this." 

The  day  came,  and  Douglas,  after  Lincoln's 
opening  speech,  rose  to  make  reply.  His 
answer  to  the  all-important  question  was,  as 
was  generally  expected,  in  accordance  with 
the  northern  view.  He  explained  that  the 
people  of  a  Territory  could  introduce  or  ex 
clude  slavery,  as  they  pleased,  for  the  reason 
that  the  institution  could  not  exist  anywhere 
for  a  day  unless  supported  by  local  police 
regulations  —  that  if  the  people  are  opposed 


332     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

to  the  institution  they  could  prevent  its  intro 
duction  by  unfriendly  legislation.  The  theory 
thus  put  forth  was  not  only  at  variance  with 
the  doctrine  held  throughout  the  South,  but 
it  openly  contradicted  the  Dred  Scott  Deci 
sion,  which  permitted  the  slaveholder  to  carry 
his  human  property  into  the  Territories  with 
out  hindrance. 

This  opinirm  of  Douglas  soon  became  known 
as  the  "  Freeport  Doctrine."  It  was  taken  up 
and  discussed  by  all  the  leading  newspapers 
in  the  United  States.  Many  of  them  scored 
the  author  without  mercy.  But  the  most 
scathing  criticism  he  received  was  from  Lin 
coln,  who  in  his  subsequent  speeches  showed 
with  pitiless  logic  how  inconsistent  was  this 
opinion  with  the  Dred  Scott  Decision,  which 
Douglas  professed  to  accept  as  sound  Demo 
cratic  doctrine. 

The  Result 

The  immediate  result  of  the  Lincoln-Doug 
las  debates  was  a  victory  for  Douglas.  He 
was  reflected  to  the  Senate  by  a  narrow  ma 
jority,  though  the  Republicans  had  a  majority 


THE   LINCOLN-DOUGLAS   DEBATES          333 

of  the  popular  vote.  This  apparent  contra 
diction  arose  from  the  unfair  apportionment 
of  the  legislative  districts,  and  from  the  fact 
that  of  the  twelve  hold-over  senators  eight 
were  Democrats. 

But  the  immediate  result  of  the  senatorial 
election  was  of  little  importance  compared 
with  the  vaster  results  that  soon  followed.  In 
fact  this  great  debate  proved  to  be  the  turn 
ing-point  in  the  political  life  of  both  the  con 
testants.  From  this  time  forth  their  fortunes 
moved  rapidly,  but,  like  Pharaoh's  chief  butler 
and  chief  baker,  in  opposite  directions.  The 
return  of  Douglas  to  the  Senate  seemed  to 
give  him  the  victor's'  palm,  but,  in  the  light 
of  subsequent  events,  the  world  must  render 
a  different  verdict.  This  was  the  last  victory 
of  Douglas.  His  Freeport  Doctrine  was 
deeply  offensive  to  the  whole  South  and  to 
some  of  the  leading  men  of  his  party  at  the 
North.  His  Lecompton  revolt  was  a  venial 
offence  compared  with  this.1  He  found  him 
self  wholly  out  of  fellowship  with  a  large 
portion  of  his  party,  and  all  hope  of  a  recon- 

1  Nicolay  and  Hay,  Vol.  II.  p.  163. 


334     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

ciliation  was  at  an  end.  Two  years  later, 
when  the  party  met  in  national  convention 
to  nominate  a  candidate  for  the  presidency, 
the  naming  of  Douglas  by  the  northern  dele 
gates  caused  a  revolt  from  those  of  the  South, 
who,  naming  their  own  candidate,  thus  ren 
dered  the  party  an  easy  prey  to  its  great  and 
newly  formed  antagonist. 

The  most  important  single  result  of  this 
joint  debate  was  what  it  did  for  Abraham 
Lincoln.  The  discussion  at  first  attracted 
National  attention  only  because  of  Douglas's 
connection  with  it  —  Douglas,  the  man  with 
out  a  peer  in  the  United  States  Senate,  the 
restless,  ambitious  soul  who  had  stirred  up 
such  strife  four  years  before  in  the  National 
capital.  But  ere  long  the  people  saw  that  a 
greater  than  Douglas  was  upon  the  scene ; 
they  beheld  in  the  political  firmament  a  still 
brighter  star  rising  from  the  prairied  West ! 
Lincoln's  reputation  from  this  time  was  Na 
tional.  His  speeches,  read  from  one  end  of 
the  land  to  the  other,  were  found  to  be  the 
fullest,  clearest,  and  most  logical  statement  of 
Republican  doctrine  to  be  found  anywhere 


THE   LINCOLN-DOUGLAS   DEBATES  335 

He  was  henceforth  acknowledged  to  be  the 
foremost  man  in  his  party,  with  the  possible 
exception  of  Seward  of  New  York;  and  two 
years  later,  at  the  National  convention,  when 
it  was  found  that  the  great  New  Yorker  could 
not  be  nominated,  Lincoln  became  the  logical 
candidate  for  the  presidency.  With  his  suc 
cess  at  the  polls,  his  subsequent  success  dur 
ing  the  greatest  crisis  through  which  our 
country  has  passed,  and  with  his  greatness 
as  President  of  the  United  States,  every  reader 
is  familiar. 

It  remains  to  say  a  word  about  his  defeated 
opponent.  Douglas  bore  his  defeat  in  1860 
most  manfully ;  and  the  contribution  he  made 
toward  preserving  the  Union  in  the  great  con 
flict  that  followed  was  neither  trifling  nor 
small.  If  there  was  one  man  in  the  country, 
in  1 86 1,  who  could  have  compassed  the  destruc 
tion  of  the  Government,  that  man  was  Stephen. 
A.  Douglas.  The  Republican  party  alone 
could  not  have  won  in  the  gigantic  struggle, 
nor  prevented  the  final  dissolution  of  the 
Union.  Nearly  a  million  northern  Demo 
crats  looked  to  Douglas  as  their  political 


336     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

oracle.  His  creed  was  their  creed,  his  loyalty, 
their  loyalty.  Douglas,  knowing  this,  did  not 
hesitate  to  cast  his  lot  on  the  side  of  the 
Union.  He  called  on  President  Lincoln  soon 
after  the  inauguration,  and  proffered  his  ser 
vices  in  any  way  in  which  he  might  be  use 
ful.  The  report  of  this  interview,  published 
throughout  the  North,  had  a  powerful  effect 
in  determining  the  attitude  of  Douglas's 
followers.  Lincoln  was  greatly  pleased  with 
Douglas's  action,  and  it  is  believed  would  have 
appointed  him  to  some  high  position  of  honor, 
had  his  life  been  spared ;  but  in  June  of  the 
same  year  Douglas  was  called  on  to  pay  the 
final  debt  of  Nature,  and  he  was  gathered 
unto  his  fathers. 


CHAPTER   XVII 
HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

A  COMPLETE  history  of  the  political  parties 
that  have  existed  and  still  exist  in  the  United 
States  would  be  a  history  of  the  entire  work 
ing  of  our  Government  from  the  beginning. 
No  such  pretensions  are  made  for  this  brief 
chapter.  We  can  only  notice  the  general 
tendencies  of  each  party  and  the  main  points 
of  difference  between  them,  citing  an  occa 
sional  historical  fact  as  an  illustration.  The 
many  minor  political  organizations  which  did 
not  get  control  of  the  Government  must  be 
omitted.  The  period  covered  will  be  the  same 
as  that  from  which  the  other  chapters  of  this 
volume  have  been  drawn,  closing  with  the 
beginning  of  the  Civil  War. 

In  a  government  such  as  ours  it  is  neces 
sary  that  the  citizens  be  divided  into  two  or 
more  political  parties,  as  no  party,  however 
z  337 


3j8     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

pure  its  motives  at  first,  will  rule  the  country 
long  without  becoming  corrupt,  unless  it  has 
a  rival  of  almost  equal  strength,  scrutinizing 
its  acts  and  motives,  and  ready  to  snatch  from 
it  the  reins  of  Government. 

In  our  more  than  a  century  of  National 
life  there  have  been  four  political  parties  that 
reached  such  magnitude  and  power  as  to  get 
control  of  the  Government,  namely,  the  Federal, 
the  Democratic,  the  Whig,  and  the  Republican 
parties.  Of  these,  two  have  run  their  course 
and  passed  into  history,  while  the  other  two  still 
exist  and  constitute  the  great  political  forces 
of  the  Nation,  measuring  their  strength  from 
time  to  time  with  ever  varying  success.  Of 
these  four  great  organizations  three  have 
stood  in  a  great  measure  for  the  same  thing, 
no  two  existing  at  the  same  time,  one  follow 
ing  another  as  its  natural  heir  and  successor. 
The  fourth,  on  the  other  hand,  has  been  the 
natural  and  only  formidable  opponent  of  the 
other  three,  has  been  contemporary  with  them 
all,  and  has  existed  more  than  twice  as  long 
as  the  next  oldest.  All  of  these  parties  have 
stood  for  some  great  and  noble  principles  in 


HISTORY   OF   POLITICAL   PARTIES  339 

human  government,  a  fact  that  many  zealous 
partisans  overlook.  It  is  true  that  it  is  our 
right,  and  not  only  our  right,  but  our  duty, 
to  criticise  and  oppose  corruptions  in  politics. 
The  American  public  should  ever  be  awake 
to  the  doings  of  its  lawmakers,  and  that 
there  is  much  to  find  fault  with  none  will 
deny;  but  it  is  nevertheless  true  that  in 
criticising  the  corruptions  in  politics,  we  are 
apt  to  overlook  the  abiding  principles  of  right 
which  underlie  our  political  life. 

The  Earliest  Political  Parties 

During  the  colonial  period  there  were  no 
political  parties  in  America.  There  was  some 
difference,  it  is  true,  in  political  opinion,  a 
portion  of  the  people  adhering  to  the  preroga 
tive  of  the  King  without  questioning,  while 
others,  with  less  reverence  for  their  sovereign, 
were  ever  vigilant  in  guarding  their  own 
liberties.  During  the  Revolutionary  period 
there  were  no  organized  political  parties,  but 
the  people  were  divided  into  two  unorganized 
masses  known  as  Whigs  and  Tories,  the  former 
comprising  the  fighting  patriots,  and  the  latter 


340     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

the  loyalists,  who  opposed  the  war.  These 
names,  both  borrowed  from  English  politics, 
were  first  used  in  America  about  1770. 

At  the  close  of  the  war  many  of  the  loyalists 
fled,  some  to  England,  others  to  Canada,  while 
still  others  remained  in  the  country  and  be 
came  reconciled  to  the  new  form  of  govern 
ment.  The  party  names  were  dropped,  and 
for  several  years  there  was  no  special  political 
distinction  among  the  people. 

When  the  Constitution  was  framed  and  put 
before  the  people  for  their  approval,  a  large 
portion  of  them  opposed  its  adoption.  A  ma 
jority,  however,  favored  it,  and  eventually 
secured  its  ratification  in  all  the  States. 1 
Those  who  favored  the  Federal  Government 
as  created  by  the  new  Constitution  styled 
themselves  Federalists ;  those  opposing  were 
called  Anti-Federalists.  But  the  Anti-Federal 
ists  were  never  an  organized  party,  nor  did  they 
acknowledge  the  name,  which  had  been  put 
upon  them  by  their  enemies.  After  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution  this  party,  if  such 
it  can  be  called,  fell  to  pieces,  while  the 

1  See  Chapter  II. 


HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES  341 

Federal    party   took    control    of    the    Govern 
ment. 

The  Federal  Party 

The  political  party  that  came  into  control 
of  the  Government  in  1789  remained  in  power 
for  twelve  years.  It  differed  from  all  its  suc 
cessors  in  being  more  centralizing  and  less  in 
sympathy  with  the  masses  of  the  people  than 
any  other.  Its  leaders  believed  that  the  wealthy 
and  cultured  classes  should  rule  the  country, 
and  they  had  little  faith  in  the  ability  of  the 
masses  to  govern  themselves.  The  tendency 
of  the  party  was  to  centralize  the  power  into 
the  hands  of  a  few,  and  to  make  the  National 
Government  strong  at  the  expense  of  the 
States. a 

But  the  people  were  jealous  of  their  liberties ; 
they  had  learned  to  love  their  respective  States 
while  still  colonies;  but  the  National  Govern 
ment  was  a  new  thing,  and  there  was  a  general 
fear  that  it  would  become  •  tyrannical,  as  Eng 
land  had  been  in  the  past.  It  was  not  long 
after  the  first  administration  had  begun  when  a 
1  See  Chapter  IV. 


342      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

large  portion  of  the  people  began  to  show  signs 
of  discontent  with  the  monarchial  tendency  of 
the  Government,  as  they  called  it,  and  the  re 
sult  was,  an  opposing  political  party  came  into 
being.  The  leader  of  this  movement  was 
Thomas  Jefferson,  President  Washington's  sec 
retary  of  state.  This  new  movement  first 
assumed  the  dignity  of  a  political  party  about 
J793;  it  steadily  increased  in  popular  favor 
until  the  end  of  the  century,  when  it  gained 
control  of  the  Government. 

The  great  leader  of  the  Federal  Party  was 
Alexander  Hamilton,  and  as  he  and  Jefferson 
were  both  in  the  cabinet  of  Washington,  their 
constant  wrangles  made  it  very  unpleasant  for 
the  latter.  Washington  was  supposed  to  be 
above  party  lines,  but  it  was  known  that  his 
sympathies  were  with  Hamilton  rather  than 
with  Jefferson.  The  Jefferson  party,  however, 
supported  Washington  for  a  second  term,  and 
his  second  election  was  unanimous,  as  the  first 
had  been.  Washington's  commanding  presence 
held  party  spirit  in  check  during  the  eight  years 
of  his  presidency  ;  but  on  his  retirement  the 
two  opposing  parties  took  the  field  for  a  royal 


HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES  343 

battle  for  supremacy.  The  presidential  contest 
in  1796  was  a  vigorous  one,  and  John  Adams 
won  the  prize  over  Jefferson  by  the  narrow 
margin  of  three  votes  in  the  electoral  college. 
Four  years  later  Jefferson  defeated  Adams  by  a 
majority  of  eight.  Thus  fell  the  first  great 
political  party  in  the  United  States,  and  it  fell 
to  rise  no  more.  After  the  great  defeat  of 
1800,  the  Federal  party  grew  weaker  and 
weaker  until  about  1816,  when  it  utterly  dis 
appeared  from  American  politics. 

The  Federal  party,  with  all  its  aristocratic 
tendencies,  embodied  much  that  is  noble  and 
of  permanent  value  in  human  government.  It 
did  the  country  a  great  service,  and  was  neces 
sary  at  the  time  to  save  the  new-born  republic 
from  anarchy.  It  had  adopted  the  Constitu 
tion,  had  become  the  first  pilot  of  the  new 
Ship  of  State,  and  had  guided  the  ship  success 
fully  for  twelve  years.  To  President  Washing 
ton  we  owe  our  attitude  of  non-interference  in 
European  affairs,  and  the  courage  required  to 
take  that  stand  was  equal  to  that  of  the  pa 
triots  at  Bunker  Hill.  The  financial  basis  of 
our  Government  to-day  may  be  traced  back  unti' 


344     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTOR\ 

its  roots  are  found  in  the  brain  of  the  great 
Federal  leader,  Alexander  Hamilton.  These 
are  the  abiding  monuments  of  the  Federal 
party. 

But  with  all  its  excellences,  the  party  was 
never  popular.  Only  once  after  the  rise  of 
the  Jefferson  party  did  the  Federalists  com 
mand  a  majority  in  both  Houses  of  Congress, 
and  that  was  occasioned  by  the  stimulus  of 
impending  war  with  France  under  John 
Adams.  It  then  committed  the  unpardonable 
sin  in  passing  the  Alien  and  Sedition  Laws, 
and  the  sovereign  people  sat  in  judgment  and 
passed  upon  it  the  sentence  of  death.  But  it 
was  not  the  unpopular  laws  that  caused  its 
overthrow ;  these  were  but  the  occasion.  The 
true  cause  lay  deeper.  The  vital  defect  in 
the  party  was  its  distrust  of  popular  govern 
ment  —  its  want  of  confidence  in  the  people. 
As  Henry  Adams  says,  "The  party  repre 
sented  the  ideals  of  a  bygone  age."  But  a 
new  century  had  dawned,  and  brought  with 
it  new  ideals  with  which  the  old  party  was 
unable  to  grapple,  and  its  fall  was  inevitable. 

But  truth  cannot  die.     The  truth,  therefore, 


HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES  345 

embodied  in  old  Federal  doctrine  did  not  die. 
Not  only  did  the  rival  party  that  defeated  the 
Federalists  gradually  adopt  their  best  princi 
ples,  but  every  political  party  in  America, 
from  that  time  to  the  present,  has  done  the 
same  thing.  The  old  Federal  party,  there 
fore,  still  lives  in  its  successors  —  just  as  a 
corn  of  wheat  that  falls  into  the  ground  and 
dies  lives  again  in  the  new  plant  that  comes 
forth  —  and  it  deserves  and  will  deserve  the 
grateful  remembrance  of  American  citizens  to 
the  latest  generations. 

The  Democratic  Party 

Thomas  Jefferson,  in  founding  a  new  politi 
cal  party,  gave  it  the  name  of  Republican,  or 
National  Republican,  and  he  continued  to 
designate  the  party  by  these  names  as  long 
as  he  lived.  But  his  enemies  often  called  his 
followers  Democrats  in  derision,  after  a  little 
party  in  France,  held  in  disrepute  at  the  time. 
The  name  Democratic  steadily  gained  in  favor 
until,  in  1828,  it  was  finally  adopted  as  the 
official  party  name.  We  shall  employ  the 
term  Democratic  to  designate  the  party  of 


346     SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Jefferson,  though  it  was  not  officially  so  used 
during  the  lifetime  of  its  founder. 

The  difference  between  the  Federal  and 
Democratic  parties  lay  chiefly  in  the  fact  that 
the  former  was  unfriendly  to  popular  govern 
ment  and  believed  in  a  loose  construction  of 
the  Constitution ;  while  the  latter  advocated 
the  largest  possible  share  in  the  Government 
by  the  common  people,  and  believed  in  a  strict 
construction  of  the  Constitution.  By  loose 
construction  is  meant  the  tendency  to  construe 
the  Constitution,  not  always  literally,  but  liber 
ally,  and  thus  give  larger  powers  to  Congress. 
The  strict  constructionists,  on  the  other  hand, 
would  allow  the  National  Government  only 
such  powers  as  are  expressly  granted  by  the 
Constitution,  reserving  all  others  to  the  States 
or  to  the  people.  But  the  Democratic  party, 
after  coming  into  full  control,  found  it  impos 
sible  to  carry  out  literally  its  ideas  of  strict 
construction.  When  the  opportunity  to  pur 
chase  Louisiana  offered,  Jefferson  entered  into 
the  contract,  though  the  Constitution  gave  no 
such  warrant.  The  party  was  forced,  owing 
to  the  strained  relations  with  France  and 


HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES  347 

England,  to  adopt  from  time  to  time  the  very 
measures  against  which  it  had  fought  in  old 
Federal  days.  This  did  not  necessarily  indi 
cate  a  change  of  policy,  but  only  a  rising  to 
'an  emergency,  an  adjusting  of  its  sails  with 
the  veering  of  the  wind.  The  Federal  party, 
lacking  this  ability  to  adjust  itself  to  new 
conditions,  had  found  itself  out  of  tune  with 
the  times,  and  its  downfall  was  the  necessary 
result. 

When  the  Federal  party  ceased  to  be  a  fac 
tor  in  National  politics,  the  Democrats  had 
their  own  way  for  a  long  period.  At  Jeffer 
son's  second  election  there  were  but  fourteen 
electoral  votes  cast  against  him.  The  opposi 
tion  to  Madison  was  somewhat  greater,  and 
in  1816  there  still  remained  a  weak  resistance 
to  Monroe's  election ;  but  at  the  close  of 
Monroe's  first  term  all  opposition  had  died 
out,  and  his  second  election  was  practically 
unanimous.1 

In  1824  there  were  no  opposing  political 
organizations ;  but  the  Democratic  party  was 
divided  into  factions,  each  with  its  chosen 

iSee  Chapter  IX. 


348      SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Jeader.  Four  candidates  for  the  presidency 
were  early  in  the  field  —  John  Quincy  Adams, 
Henry  Clay,  John  C.  Calhoun,  and  William  H. 
Crawford.  All  of  these  belonged  to  the 
Democratic  party,  and  each  had  a  following 
that  claimed  to  represent  the  true  democracy. 
Later  in  the  campaign  another  star  was  added 
to  the  constellation  in  the  person  of  Andrew 
Jackson ;  but  Calhoun  soon  dropped  out,  and 
the  number  was  again  four. 

When  the  electoral  college  met  Calhoun 
was  elected  Vice-President,  but  there  was  no 
election  of  President,  Jackson  receiving  the 
highest  number  of  votes,  ninety-nine,  Adams 
coming  next  with  eighty-four,  while  Crawford 
received  forty-one,  and  Clay  thirty-seven.  The 
election  was  thus  thrown  into  the  House,  where 
Adams  was  elected  on  the  first  ballot.  In  1828 
Jackson  and  Adams  were  the  candidates,  the 
former  using  the  name  Democratic,  while  the 
Adams  following  retained  the  old  Jeffersonian 
name,  National  Republican. 

Four  years  later,  when  Clay  ran  against 
Jackson,  the  same  party  names  were  used.  But 
Clay,  whose  party  policy  was  altogether  unlike 


HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL   PARTIES  349 

that  of  Jackson,  and  having  a  large  following, 
both  in  Congress  and  among  the  masses,  now 
determined  to  break  away  from  the  old  party 
and  to  organize  a  new  one.  Hence  the  Whig 
party  was  born,  the  name  being  first  used  in 
1834.  For  twenty  years  from  this  date  the 
Democratic  party  had  a  great  rival,  strong 
enough  at  times  to  take  from  it  the  control  of 
the  Government. 

When  the  Whig  party  disappeared  in  the 
early  fifties,  the  Democrats  again  had  a  monop 
oly  of  National  affairs.  Their  powerful  hold 
on  the  country  seemed  to  promise  another  long 
lease  of  power ;  but  the  passage  of  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Bill  and  the  series  of  disasters  that 
followed  in  its  train  brought  about  a  political 
revolution,  and  deprived  the  party  of  National 
control  for  a  quarter  of  a  century.  The  wonder 
is  that  it  ever  recovered.  That  the  Democratic 
party  survived  its  decade  of  experience  begin 
ning  with  1854  is  one  of  the  marvels  of  the 
century.  The  slaveholders  were  dominant  in 
the  party's  councils  at  the  time  when  the  spirit 
of  the  age  pointed  so  plainly  to  a  new  order  of 
things.  This  spirit  they  resisted  to  the  last  — 


35O     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

until  utterly  defeated  by  force  of  arms.  It  is 
not  true  that  the  Democratic  party  as  such 
waged  war  on  the  Union  in  defence  of  slavery ; 
but  it  is  true  that  the  slaveholders  had  practical 
control  of  the  party  for  some  years  before  the 
war.  But  the  war  over  and  slavery  overthrown, 
the  party,  with  that  wonderful  capacity  to 
adapt  itself  to  new  conditions,  as  shown  sixty 
years  before,  accepted  the  results  of  the  war, 
and  was  soon  a  formidable  rival  of  the  dominant 
Republican  party. 

The  work  of  the  Democratic  party  in  making 
our  great  country  what  it  is  can  scarcely  be 
estimated.  To  it  we  are  indebted  for  the  acqui 
sition  of  every  State  and  Territory  beyond  the 
Mississippi  River,  and  for  Florida  —  more  than 
half  of  our  National  domain.  To  it  we  owe  the 
Independent  Treasury,  and  the  destruction  of 
the  United  States  Bank,  which,  had  it  remained 
to  this  day,  would  doubtless  have  eaten  the 
very  vitals  of  our  political  system. 

Many  are  the  blunders  this  party  has  made 
and  numerous  its  errors ;  but  to  assert  that  the 
party  does  not  rest  on  true  and  sound  princi 
ples  of  government  is  to  impute  to  a  vast 


HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL   PARTIES  351 

number  of  American  citizens  during  a  century 
of  our  history  either  unpardonable  insincerity 
or  gross  stupidity. 

The    Whig  Party 

When  Henry  Clay  and  his  friends  were 
casting  about  for  a  party  name,  the  old  Revo 
lutionary  name  "Whig"  was  suggested  and 
adopted.  The  Whig  party  may  be  called  the 
posthumous  child  of  the  old  Federal  party, 
and  it  stood  for  the  same  principles  in  a 
somewhat  modified  degree.  During  the  entire 
twenty  years  of  the  life  of  the  Whig  party  it 
had  but  one  rival,  and  that  was  the  Demo 
cratic  party,  and  it  differed  from  the  latter 
in  being  more  paternal  and  centralizing  in  its 
tendencies. 

The  Whig  party  differed  from  the  other 
three  in  that  it  has  not  left  us  one  great 
legislative  act  to  enrich  our  National  life,  nor 
to  embalm  its  name  in  American  history. 
The  party  was  patriotic,  but  unfortunate;  it 
was  rent  by  foes  without  and  greater  foes 
within.  It  twice  elected  a  President,  but  each 
died  in  office  before  his  term  was  half  finished. 


352      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

During  the  whole  period  of  the  existence 
of  the  Whig  party  it  was  beaten  by  the  Demo 
crats  in  all  its  great  measures.1  The  first  great 
contest  between  the  Whigs  and  Democrats  was 
that  concerning  the  United  States  Bank.  The 
Whigs  favored  granting  it  a  new  charter  and 
perpetuating  its  existence  indefinitely,  while  the 
Democrats  opposed  this  on  the  ground  that  so 
great  a  monopoly,  which  had  practical  control 
of  the  finances  of  the  entire  Nation,  would 
surely  become  corrupt,  would  control  the  elec 
tions,  and  subvert  the  liberties  of  the  people. 
The  Democratic  party  appealed  to  the  people 
on  this  ground,  were  successful,  and  the  bank 
was  destroyed. 

The  Whigs  favored  expending  the  surplus 
in  the  treasury  from  time  to  time  in  internal 
improvements,  such  as  canals,  turnpikes,  and 
National  roads.  The  Democrats  claimed  that 
such  improvements  could  benefit  only  those 
who  lived  near  them,  that  each  State  should 
make  its  own  improvements,  and  that  to  tax  the 
whole  people  for  the  benefit  of  the  few  was 
repugnant  to  the  spirit  of  democracy.  In  this 

1  Schouler,  Vol.  IV.  p.  261. 


HISTORY   OF  POLITICAL   PARTIES  353 

also  the  Whigs  were  defeated.  So  also  with  the 
Independent  Treasury.  The  Whigs  opposed  it 
with  all  their  power;  but  it  became  a  law,  and 
the  people  came  to  see  that  it  was  a  good  thing. 
The  Whig  party  was  therefore  correspondingly 
weakened  for  having  opposed  it.  Thus  it  will 
be  seen  the  chief  differences  between  these 
two  parties  were  similar  to  those  that  had 
existed  between  the  Federal  and  the  Demo 
cratic  parties  forty  years  before. 

The  Whig  party  inflicted  a  suicidal  blow 
upon  itself  in  passing  the  Omnibus  Bill  of 
1850.  The  party  might  have  survived  this, 
as  the  Democratic  party  afterward  survived 
still  heavier  blows,  but  for  the  fact  that  it 
had  been  greatly  weakened  by  the  loss  of  all 
its  important  and  distinctive  measures  since  its 
organization.  Every  defeat  now  became  an 
open  wound,  through  which  the  life-blood  of 
the  party  was  ebbing.  Two  years  later  the 
party  received  its  final  blow  in  the  crushing 
defeat  of  General  Scott  for  the  presidency, 
and  for  the  second  and  last  time  thus  far  in 
American  history  a  great  political  party  passed 
out  of  existence. 

2A 


354     SIDE  LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

The  Republican  Party 

Even  in  quiet  times  it  is  not.  possible  for  a 
country  governed  by  the  people  to  be  long 
without  opposing  political  parties.  Much  less 
possible  would  this  be  in  such  troublous  times 
as  those  just  preceding  the  Civil  War.  The 
monopoly  in  National  affairs  enjoyed  by  the 
Democratic  party  could  not  long  continue,  espe 
cially  after  it  had  offended  a  large  portion  of 
the  people  with  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill. 
Scarcely  had  the  pending  bill  become  known 
to  the  public  when  the  unrest  of  the  people 
began  to  manifest  itself,  and  rumors  were  soon 
afloat  of  the  formation  of  a  new  national  party. 
There  was  much  unorganized  material  with 
which  to  form  a  party. 

The  Democratic  party  had,  at  the  death  of 
the  Federal  party,  absorbed  almost  the  whole 
people,  but  this  was  not  true  at  the  dissolu 
tion  of  the  Whig  party.  The  old  line  Whigs 
for  the  most  part  refused  to  affiliate  with  the 
Democrats.  The  same  was  true  of  the  Ameri 
can  or  Know-Nothing  party,  which  was  now  on 
the  verge  of  dissolution.  To  these  must  be 


HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES  355 

added  the  many  thousands  of  anti-Nebraska 
Democrats.  These  three  elements  found  them 
selves  on  common  ground  in  opposing  the 
future  encroachment  of  the  slave-power  on 
free  soil ;  and  they  were  not  long  in  forming 
a  coalition  to  found  a  great  political  party. 

There  is  a  little  town  in  Wisconsin,  Ripon, 
in  Fond  du  Lac  County,  which  claims  to  be  the 
birthplace  of  the  new  party.  At  a  meeting  of 
the  citizens  held  on  March  20,  1854,  a  series  of 
resolutions  were  passed  declaring  that  a  new 
national  political  party  should  be  organized  and 
that  its  name  should  be  "  Republican."  A  full 
report  of  the  meeting,  written  by  the  chairman, 
was-  published  by  Mr.  Greeley  in  the  New  York 
Tribune.  This  little  meeting  is  perhaps  the 
remotest  rivulet  from  which  the  great  stream 
of  Republicanism  took  its  rise.  A  similar 
movement  followed  a  few  days  later  in  Ver 
mont.  A  great  meeting  was  held  in  Michigan 
early  in  July,  and  the  resolutions  here  adopted 
were  similar  to  those  adopted  in  the  Wisconsin 
town.  Ohio  followed  a  week  later  in  a  similar 
demonstration ;  and  the  following  year  Chase 
carried  that  State  for  governor  on  an  anti- 


356     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Nebraska  ticket  by  a  majority  of  seventy-five 
thousand.  Before  the  close  of  1855  nearly  all 
the  northern  States  had  shown,  through  their 
elections,  their  profound  disapproval  of  the 
policy  of  the  Democratic  party. 

It  was  left  for  Pittsburg  to  become  the  offi 
cial  birthplace  of  the  Republican  party.  On 
Washington's  birthday,  1856,  a  meeting  was 
held  in  this  city  to  lay  the  foundations  of  a  new 
national  party.  Every  northern  State  was 
represented  except  California.  The  name 
adopted  for  the  new  party  was  "  Republican." 
The  distinctive  principle  on  which  it  was 
founded  was,  No  further  advance  of  slavery  on 
free  soil.  This  Pittsburg  meeting  called  a  .Na 
tional  convention  to  be  held  in  Philadelphia  the 
following  June  for  the  purpose  of  naming  can 
didates  for  the  coming  presidential  election. 

The  convention  was  held  in  Philadelphia  as 
appointed,  and  John  C.  Fremont  and  William 
L.  Dayton  were  nominated  for  the  presidency 
and  vice-presidency.  The  Republican  candi 
dates  were  defeated  at  the  polls,  but  they  car 
ried  all  the  northern  States  except  four,  New 
Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Indiana,  and  Illinois. 


HISTORY   OF   POLITICAL    PARTIES  357 

This  was  a  wonderful  showing  for  the  new 
party,  and  four  years  later  it  swept  the  entire 
North  and  gained  control  of  the  Government 
through  the  greatest  political  revolution  in  our 
history. 

The  Republican  party  was  not  at  first  an 
abolition  party.  It  became  such  only  after  the 
issue  was  forced  upon  it  through  the  exigencies 
of  war.  Aside  from  the  issues  brought  on  by 
the  war  and  its  causes,  there  was  no  great  dif 
ference  between  the  Republican  and  Demo 
cratic  parties.  The  reduction  of  the  tariff  in 
1857  was  the  joint  action  of  both  parties,  and 
the  tariff  did  not  become  a  prominent  issue 
between  them  until  more  than  twenty  years 
later. 

As  was  the  case  with  the  Whig  party,  the 
Republican  party  is  somewhat  more  centraliz 
ing  and  paternal  in  its  tendencies  than  the 
Democratic  party,  but  these  features  were 
scarcely  noticeable  before  the  war.  If  the  Whig 
party  was  the  child,  the  Republican  party  may 
be  called  the  grandchild,  of  the  old  Federal 
party.  The  difference,  however,  between  the 
original  Democrats  and  the  Federalists  was 


358     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

much  greater  than  between  the  present  Demo 
crats  and  Republicans.  Experience  has  taught 
the  Democrats  to  lay  more  stress  on  nationality, 
and  the  opposition  to  become  more  democratic. 
The  movement  of  each  has  been  toward  the 
other,  resulting  in  a  narrowing  of  the  gap 
between  them. 

Both  parties  at  the  beginning  of  the  century 
were  idealists  and  extremists.  One  of  them 
committed  suicide  by  refusing  to  discern  the 
signs  of  the  times  and  to  modify  its  policy  as 
necessity  demanded ;  the  other,  more  wise  and 
more  practical,  modified  its  ideals  as  the 
changing  conditions  required,  and  it  has  thus 
preserved  its  organization  down  through  the 
century  to  the  present  time.  The  Whig  Party 
showed  the  same  want  of  foresight  and  adap 
tability  that  had  characterized  its  predecessor, 
and  the  result  was  the  same.  But  the  Repub 
lican  party  has  thus  far  shown  itself  capable  of 
grappling  with  all  sorts  of  public  questions,  and 
its  outlook  for  permanent  existence  is  not  less 
promising  than  that  of  its  great  rival. 

The  history  of  the  Republican  party  covers, 
for  the  most  part,  a  period  subsequent  to  that 


HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES  359 

treated  in  this  volume.  The  party  has  done 
much  that  is  of  permanent  value  in  our  Gov 
ernment.  Many  of  its  acts  will  ever  be  re 
membered,  one  of  which  marks  an  era  in  our 
history,  and  in  the  onward  march  of  civiliza 
tion,  one  that  will  stand  for  all  time  as  a 
monument  of  unfading  glory  to  the  party 
that  achieved  it,  and  that  is  the  final  and 
permanent  overthrow  of  human  slavery  in 
America. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

RELATION  OF  THE  STATES  TO  THE  NATION 

IN  the  United  States  every  citizen  has  two 
patriotisms,  two  loyalties  —  one  to  the  United 
States  as  a  nation,  the  other  to  the  State  in 
which  he  resides.  He  lives  under  two  govern 
ments,  or  rather  two  complementary  parts  of 
one  great  system,  the  National  and  the  State, 
and  is  subject  to  two  sets  of  laws,  blended, 
however,  into  one  whole.  To  us  it  is  an  easy 
matter  to  adjust  our  twofold  patriotism  be 
tween  the  Nation  and  the  State,  because  a 
century  of  experience  has  settled  the  question 
for  us.  We  need  only  to  fall  in  with  the  prev 
alent  feeling  of  the  masses,  to  join  the  great 
current  of  American  thought,  arid  there  is  lit 
tle  of  personal  effort  left  for  us. 

But  a  hundred  years  ago  it  was  very  differ 
ent.  Then  it  was  that  there  were  constant 
quarrels  in  Congress  on  the  relation  of  the 
States  to  the  Union,  that  any  State  would 
360 


RELATION  OF   STATES   TO   NATION          361 

threaten  to  secede  for  some  real  or  imagined 
wrong,  that  the  wisest  statesmen  often  solemnly 
predicted  that  the  Union  would  not  stand 
half  a  century.  No  wonder  if  the  common 
citizen  found  it  difficult  to  arrange  in  his 
own  mind  this  twofold  allegiance,  while  now 
there  is  scarcely  more  conscious  effort  re 
quired  than  for  a  child  to  love  both  its 
parents  without  partiality. 

The  union  of  our  Nation  with  the  States  is 
a  wonderful  combination.  Nothing  like  it 
ever  before  existed  in  ancient  or  modern  times. 
There  are  still  some  who  belittle  the  States 
and  look  upon  the  National  Government  as 
everything  ;  there  are  others,  a  smaller  num 
ber  perhaps,  who  still  pay  homage  to  that  old 
mouldering  corpse  —  State  Sovereignty.  Both 
are  equally  in  error.  It  is  true,  if  we  had  to 
choose  between  the  two,  we  would  give  our 
first  allegiance  to  the  Nation,  and  not  to  the 
State.  This  is  the  normal  condition  of  every 
unbiassed  American  citizen.  At  the  same  time 
let  it  not  be  forgotten  that  one  of  the  great 
est  bulwarks  of  our  liberty  is  found  in  States' 
Rights,  as  will  be  shown  later. 


362      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Our  National  Government  and  the  separate 
State  governments  have  been  blended  in  such 
a  way  as  to  preserve  the  integrity  of  each, 
so  that  National  laws  and  State  laws,  however 
much  they  intermingle,  do  not  conflict,  but 
work  in  one  grand  harmony.  Our  States  are 
to  the  Nation,  as  Mr.  Brice  puts  it,  like  smaller 
wheels  revolving  within  the  circumference  of  a 
greater  wheel;  each  is  supreme  within  its  own 
sphere,  neither  encroaching  upon  the  domain 
of  the  other. 

Origin  of  the  States  and  of  the  Union 

In  order  to  get  a  better  view  of  this  union 
of  States  and  Nation  and  their  mutual  rela 
tions,  let  us  glance  briefly  at  the  origin  of 
both.  In  one  sense  the  States  (I  speak  of 
the  original  thirteen  only)  are  older  than  the 
Nation.  They  had  their  origin  as  colonies, 
under  British  rule,  and  the  oldest  had  existed 
nearly  two  centuries  before  the  Union  was 
formed.  The  colonies  were  closely  related  — 
same  race  for  the  most  part,  same  language, 
aims,  history,  literature ;  but  their  only  politi 
cal  bond  was  through  England.  They  were 


RELATION   OF   STATES  TO   NATION          363 

wholly  separate  and  had  nothing  to  do  with 
each  other  in  matters  of  government.  Indeed, 
their  governments  were  quite  unlike,  some 
were  royal  colonies,  some  chartered,  some 
proprietary.  No  union  whatever  existed  dur 
ing  this  period,  except  that  of  four  New  Eng 
land  colonies  for  a  brief  period.  But  in 
another  sense  the  Union  is  older  than  the 
States.  This  was  shown  with  much  force  by 
President  Lincoln  in  his  message  to  Congress 
in  1 86 1,  when  arguing  against  the  right  of 
secession.  The  colonies  before  the  Revolu 
tion  were  not  States,  but  simply  parts  of  the 
British  Empire.  It  was  not  until  1776  that 
the  newly  formed  Union,  acting  through  the 
Continental  Congress,  declared  the  colonies 
absolved  from  their  British  allegiance,  and 
erected  them  into  States.  Before  this  they 
were  dependent  colonies,  like  children  not 
yet  of  age ;  now  they  became  self-governing 
States  only  by  the  action  of  the  Union :  hence 
the  Union  is  older  than  the  States. 

But  priority  of  birth  has  little  to  do  with 
the  subject  before  us.  Since  the  right  of  seces 
sion  has  been  decided  in  the  negative  by  the 


364      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

outcome  of  the  Civil  War,  this  is  a  matter  of 
speculation  rather  than  of  practical  politics. 
The  kind  of  union  to  be  formed  was  the  great 
question  that  troubled  our  forefathers  ;  for  it 
was  plain  to  be  seen  that  the  Union  hastily 
formed  at  the  beginning  of  the  Revolution  could 
not  be  permanent.  Accordingly,  in  1781,  near 
the  close  of  the  war,  the  new-formed  States 
adopted  a  Constitution  previously  framed  by 
Congress,  and  known  as  "  The  Articles  of  Con 
federation."  This  constitution  was  very  defec 
tive  ; 1  the  most  serious  defect  was,  perhaps, 
that  the  General  Government  could  act  only  on 
a  State  and  not  upon  the  individual,  and  thus 
Congress  was  rendered  powerless  to  enforce 
any  National  law,  nor  had  it  power  to  put  into 
operation  its  treaties  with  foreign  nations.  It 
could  only  recommend  to  the  States  as  States, 
and  if  they  chose  to  disregard  its  acts,  as  many 
of  them  did,  there  was  no  power  to  force  them. 
A  government  that  cannot  enforce  its  own  laws 
is  no  government  at  all. 

The  Articles  of  the  Confederation  had  been 
in  force   but   few  years  when  the  state  of  the 

1  See  Chapter  II. 


RELATION  OF  STATES  TO  NATION          365 

country  became  most  deplorable.  The  States 
quarrelled  with  one  another,  laid  tax  on  each 
other's  merchandise,  and  habitually  disregarded 
the  laws  of  Congress.  Yet  the  experience  dur 
ing  this  period  was  wholesome,  for  it  taught 
the  people,  as  nothing  else  could,  that  a  strong 
central  government  was  absolutely  necessary. 
And  a  better  government  came.  The  Conven 
tion  of  1787  at  Philadelphia  framed  a  Con 
stitution  which,  with  the  fifteen  amendments 
subsequently  adopted,  is  still  the  supreme  law 
of  the  land.  With  these  introductory  state 
ments  we  proceed  to  our  subject,  the  relation  of 
the  Union  formed  by  the  Constitution  to  the 
States  that  compose  that  Union. 

The  Three  Kinds  of  Government 

Governments  may  be  divided  for  our  present 
purpose  into  three  kinds,  the  Consolidated,  the 
Federal,  and  the  Confederate.  The  Consoli 
dated  Government  may  be  compared  to  an 
organism,  a  living  body,  in  which  every  part  is 
essential  to  every  other  part.  There  is  a 
central  life-giving  power,  the  heart,  from  which 
flows  the  life-blood  to  every  member  of  the 


366     SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

body,  and  no  part  can  live  without  a  constant 
supply  from  this  fountain.  So  with  a  unified, 
consolidated  government;  there  is  a  central, 
all-powerful  authority  from  which  proceeds  the 
entire  governing  force  of  the  nation.  All  sub 
divisions  of  territory  are  but  agents  to  carry  out 
the  dictates  of  the  central  authority.  All 
public  officials  down  to  the  village  mayor  and 
the  justice  of  the  peace  act  under  this  same 
authority.  Such  governments  are  usually 
monarchies,  but  Republican  France  must  be 
numbered  among  them.  Our  own  State  gov 
ernments  are  also  of  this  class.  The  counties, 
townships,  and  city  corporations  are  but  agents 
of  the  State  and  created  by  it.  All  county,  city, 
and  township  officers,  though  elected  by  the 
people,  hold  their  commissions  by  the  authority 
of  the  State  constitution  and  legislature. 

The  second  of  these  three  classes  is  the 
Federal  government.  This  may  be  likened  to 
a  large  building  with  separate  compartments, 
each  with  its  own  industry  —  mercantile,  manu 
facturing,  and  the  like  —  but  all  under  the  same 
roof  and  within  the  same  walls.  Such  a  gov 
ernment  is  composed  of  states,  or  cantons,  each 


RELATION   OF   STATES   TO   NATION          367 

independent  in  its  own  sphere,  but  held  to 
gether  by  the  outer  walls  of  the  general  govern 
ment.  The  most  conspicuous  example  now  in 
existence  is  our  own  country. 

The  Confederate  government  is  like  a  cluster 
of  houses  near  together  joined  in  a  league  for 
mutual  protection  and  benefit,  but  each  still 
independent  and  at  liberty  to  withdraw  from  the 
league  at  its  pleasure.1  A  Confederate  govern 
ment  has  never  yet  been  successful.  One  of 
the  most  notable  examples  in  history  is  our  own 
country  after  the  Revolution  and  before  the 
adoption  of  our  present  Constitution.  Switzer 
land  was  such  a  country  until  1848. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  the  character  of 
our  Government  was  changed  by  the  Consti 
tution.  Its  adoption  wrought  a  political  revo 
lution.  Before  that  it  was  a  confederate 
government;  since  then  a  federal  govern 
ment.  Some  of  the  framers  of  the  Constitu 
tion  were  in  favor  of  abolishing  the  States, 
obliterating  State  lines,  and  forming  one  com 
pact,  consolidated  government.  Others,  and 

1  These  figures  I  have  enlarged  upon,  receiving  the  sugges 
tion  from  Goldwin  Smith. 


368      SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

a  greater  number,  favored  leaving  all  real 
power  with  the  States,  and  making  the  Gen 
eral  Government  simply  an  agent  to  take 
charge  of  general  matters,  especially  foreign 
affairs.  The  result  was  a  compromise  be 
tween  the  two. 

The  Constitution  is  the  bond  that  unites 
the  several  States  to  the  Nation,  i.e.  to  the 
people  of  all  the  States.  In  the  people  taken 
collectively  resides  sovereignty,  therefore  the 
Nation  is  sovereign,  because  composed  of  the 
whole  people.  The  States  are  not  sovereign, 
because  some  of  the  necessary  prerogatives  of 
sovereignty  are  denied  them. 

National  and  State  Laws 

The  people  of  the  States,  in  thus  surrender 
ing  some  of  their  powers  to  the  General  Gov 
ernment,  by  no  means  surrendered  all,  but 
only  those  which  affect  the  whole  people  or 
the  people  of  more  than  one  State;  all  others 
are  reserved  to  the  States  or  to  the  people. 

Most  of  the  powers  of  the  General  Govern 
ment  are  those  which  affect  the  whole  people. 
It  has  sole  power  to  wage  war,  to  coin  money, 


RELATION  OF  STATES  TO  NATION         369 

and  to  make  treaties  with  foreign  nations.  It 
regulates  commerce  with  foreign  nations  and 
between  the  States,  controls  mail  service,  etc. 
These  powers  are  the  highest  prerogatives  of 
sovereignty,  and  no  nation  can  be  sovereign 
that  does  not  possess  them. 

But  withal  the  Nation  is  far  away  from  the 
daily  life  of  the  citizen  as  compared  with  his 
State.  We  deal  with  the  United  States  when 
we  elect  a  President,  or  a  member  of  Con 
gress,  when  we  mail  a  letter,  or  come  in  con 
tact  with  the  custom-house.  We  are  reminded 
of  the  General  Government  by  the  stamp  on 
a  cigar-box  or  a  beer-keg,  and  by  the  money 
we  use;  but  in  fact  National  law  touches  the 
common  citizen  in  time  of  peace  very  slightly 
indeed.  Nearly  all  the  ordinary  laws  under 
which  we  live  are  State  laws.  All  our  laws 
of  marriage  and  divorce,  of  inheritance,  of 
partnerships  and  corporations,  laws  against 
crime  (with  a  few  exceptions),  all  laws  con 
cerning  our  social  and  business  relations,  are 
State  laws.  Our  public  school  systems,  our  civil 
and  religious  rights,  protection  of  our  homes, 
all  depend  on  State  authority,  and  the  National 

3B 


3/O     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Government  has  nothing  to  do  with  them.  As 
President  Garfield  said,  "  The  State  Government 
touches  the  citizen  twenty  times  where  the  Na 
tional  Government  touches  him  once." 

But  the  laws  of  the  National  Government, 
though  fewer  in  number,  are  of  a  higher  order 
than  those  of  the  State,  and,  like  the  nervous 
system  in  the  human  body,  which  extends  to 
every  point  of  the  surface  and  centres  in  the 
brain,  so  our  National  system  of  laws  extends 
over  the  entire  country,  penetrates  to  the  re 
motest  corners  of  the  Union  and  they  act  on 
every  citizen  without  regard  to  his  allegiance 
to  his  State.  These  two  sets  of  laws,  the 
Federal  and  the  State,  form  one  vast  dual 
system.  They  often  intermingle,  and  overlap 
at  many  points,  and,  where  they  conflict,  the 
State  law  must  always  give  way.  But  in 
practice  they  seldom  come  in  conflict,  and  the 
principal  reason  is  this :  Every  State  consti 
tution  ratifies  the  Federal  Constitution  and 
makes  that  instrument  a  part  of  itself,  and 
the  State  officials,  governor,  legislators,  judges, 
and  county  officers  must  take  an  oath  to  sup 
port  and  defend  the  National  Constitution. 


RELATION   OF   STATES   TO   NATION          371 

They  are,  therefore,  in  ^a  remoter  sense,  United 
State  officers  as  well  as  State  officers,  and  under 
equal  obligations  to  support  both.  Thus  we 
readily  see  how  the  two  sets  of  laws  work  in 
harmony,  since  they  are  executed  in  part  by  the 
same  officials.  While  it  is  true  a  State  is  not 
sovereign,  it  is  supreme  within  its  own  sphere 
even  more  so  than  the  Federal  Government. 

National  and  State  Authority 

The  governments  of  the  Nation  and  of  the 
State  differ  in  two  important  respects,  i.  The 
powers  of  the  Nation  are  delegated  powers,  and 
did  not  exist  before  the  Union  was  formed  in 
1 789 ;  while  the  powers  of  the  State  are  inher 
ent  and  date  back  to  colonial  times.  2.  The 
Federal  Government  has  no  power  beyond  that 
which  is  given  it  in  the  Constitution,  that  which 
affects  the  whole  people ;  while  a  State  has 
absolute  power  over  its  own  people  and  its 
own  Territory,  except,  of  course,  that  which  is 
delegated  to  the  Nation.  It  is  true  a  State  is 
forbidden  a  few  things  by  the  Federal  Constitu 
tion,  such  as  granting  titles  of  nobility,  passing 
ex  post  facto  laws,  adopting  other  than  a  repub- 


3/2      SIDE  LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

lican  form  of  government,  denying  a  man  the 
right  to  vote  on  account  of  race  or  color,  and 
the  like ;  but  aside  from  these  and  a  few  others 
a  State  has  absolute  control  over  its  own  af 
fairs.  If  Pennsylvania,  e.g.,  chose  to  obliter 
ate  county  and  township  lines,  to  abolish  city 
charters  and  the  public  school  system,  to  dis 
franchise  a  man  on  any  ground  whatever  ex 
cept  race  or  color,  or,  indeed,  to  become  a 
veritable  tyrant,  there  is  no  power  in  the  Gen 
eral  Government  to  prevent  it.  The  Nation 
could  not  interfere  without  violating  its  own 
Constitution.  The  State  is  absolute  master 
of  its  own  affairs.  When  we  say  that  the 
States  are  subordinate  to  the  Nation,  we  do 
not  mean  that  they  can  be  commanded  by  it, 
but  simply  that  they  are  less  national  in  their 
functions.  States'  Rights  are  as  sacred  and 
inviolable  as  National  rights ;  and  the  Nation 
has  no  more  authority  to  overthrow  the  State 
governments  or  to  encroach  upon  States' 
Rights,  beyond  that  granted  by  the  Constitu 
tion,  than  the  States  have  to  overthrow  its  au 
thority.  In  either  case  it  would  be  revolution. 
A  State,  therefore,  is  independent  of  the 


RELATION   OF   STATES  TO  NATION          373 

Federal  Government  in  its  own  domain,  nor 
does  it  derive  its  powers  from  the  latter ;  but 
the  moment  it  gets  beyond  its  own  boundary 
its  authority  ceases,  and  it  comes  in  contact 
with  Federal  authority.  In  fact,  a  State  has 
no  power  whatever  beyond  its  own  bounds. 
It  cannot  even  pursue  and  bring  back  an  es 
caped  criminal  from  another  State  without 
National  authority ;  it  cannot  deny  to  citizens 
from  another  State  the  privileges  and  immuni 
ties  extended  to  its  own  citizens ;  it  cannot 
lay  the  smallest  tax,  or  tariff  of  any  kind 
upon  the  imports  from  another  State.  While 
the  States,  as  we  have  noticed,  enjoy  domestic 
independence,  they  have  no  foreign  relations 
whatever,  not  even  with  one  another.  Indeed, 
in  practice,  aside  from  demanding  and  giving 
up  fugitives  from  justice,  the  States  have  little 
to  do  with  each  other.  They  are  almost  as 
far  apart  in  their  political  relations  as  they 
were  in  colonial  times,  the  chief  difference 
being  that  now  their  governments  are  far 
more  uniform  and  their  common  allegiance 
has  been  transferred  from  the  British  Crown 
to  a  Union  of  their  own  making. 


3/4     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

The  relation  of  the  Nation  to  the  States 
has  been  compared  to  that  of  a  parent  to  the 
child;  but  the  comparison  is  ill-chosen.  The 
parent  has  an  original,  inherent  right  to  train 
and  command  the  child  in  every  honorable 
way ;  but  the  Nation  has  no  such  power  over 
the  States,  and  what  power  it  has  is  not  in 
herent  and  not  original.  A  better  comparison 
would  be  with  the  relation  between  a  teacher 
and  pupil.  A  teacher  has  real  authority  over 
the  pupil ;  she  directs  his  studies,  teaches  him 
good  manners,  and  has  power  to  command  him 
in  many  ways ;  but  her  authority  is  limited,  is 
delegated,  and  exists  only  by  virtue  of  a  con 
tract  for  a  specified  time.  Outside  of  school 
hours  she  has  no  power  over  the  child,  and 
even  during  school  hours  her  authority  is 
not  absolute.  She  has  no  right  to  eat  the 
child's  dinner,  nor  to  rob  him  of  anything 
that  is  his.  So  with  the  General  Government: 
it  has  real  authority  over  the  whole  people, 
but  that  authority  is  limited,  is  delegated,  and 
exists  only  by  the  virtue  of  a  written  bond ; 
but,  unlike  that  of  the  teacher,  it  has  no  time 
limit ;  it  is  perpetual.  As  the  teacher  has  no 


RELATION   OF  STATES  TO  NATION          375 

power  over  the  pupil  outside  of  school  hours, 
so  the  Nation  has  no  right  to  command  the 
citizens  in  matters  that  concern  the  State 
only.  As  the  teacher  has  not  absolute  power 
over  the  pupil  even  in  the  schoolroom,  so  the 
Nation  has  not  absolute  power  over  any  law- 
abiding  citizen.  The  President  of  the  United 
States  has  no  more  right  to  command  you  or 
me  in  time  of  peace  than  we  have  to  com 
mand  him,  nor  could  the  unanimous  vote  of 
both  Houses  of  Congress  confer  such  power 
upon  him. 

We  live  under  a  vast  dual  system,  the  first 
of  its  kind  in  human  history,  though  since  1848 
the  Swiss  government  is  very  similar  to  our 
own,  and  there  are  also  some  points  of  simi 
larity  in  the  more  recently  formed  German 
Empire  and  in  some  other  countries.  Our 
system  is  not  an  arbitrary  arrangement;  it  is 
a  natural  growth.  The  power  of  the  States 
comes  down  to  us  from  colonial  days,  the  State 
constitutions  being  but  modifications  of  the 
royal  charters,  while  the  powers  of  the  Fed 
eral  Government,  though  conferred  at  a  later 
date,  were  nevertheless  necessary.  When  the 


376     SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Constitution  was  framed  it  was  impossible 
and  undesirable  to  obliterate  State  lines  and 
to  create  a  consolidated  government,  while  a 
mere  confederation  of  States,  which  they  al 
ready  had,  was  equally  undesirable  and  could 
not  be  permanent.  Our  federal  system,  there 
fore,  was  not  only  natural,  but  necessary. 

Advantages  of  the  Federal  System 

A  question  here  is  pertinent :  What  are  the 
advantages  of  the  federal  system  ?  and  an 
other  :  Is  it  the  best  system  for  our  American 
government?  To  the  first  I  would  answer, 
The  advantages  are  many,  a  few  of  which  we 
notice.  Our  government  is  exceedingly  com 
plex  in  its  working.  This  is  an  advantage  of 
the  greatest  value.  The  simpler  some  things 
are,  the  better,  but  not  so  with  the  government 
of  a  great  nation.  It  ought  to  be  so  complex 
that  no  one  man  or  small  body  of  men  can 
grasp,  or  comprehend,  or  manage  it.  This 
should  be  the  work  of  the  multitude,  and  so  it 
is  in  this  country. 

Let  me  quote  a  few  words  from  Webster  on 
this  point.  "Nothing  is  more  deceptive  or 


RELATION  OF  STATES  TO  NATION          377 

more  dangerous  than  the  pretence  of  a  desire 
to  simplify  government.  The  simplest  govern 
ments  are  despotisms ;  the  next  simplest,  lim 
ited  monarchies.  Every  free  government  is 
necessarily  complicated.  If  we  abolish  the 
distinction  of  branches  and  have  but  one 
branch ;  if  we  abolish  jury  trials  and  leave 
all  to  the  judge  ;  if  we  then  ordain  that  the 
legislator  shall  be  himself  that  judge ;  if  we 
place  the  executive  power  in  the  same  hands, 
we  may  readily  simplify  government.  We  may 
easily  bring  it  to  the  simplest  of  all  possible 
forms,  a  pure  despotism.  But  a  separation 
of  departments,  so  far  as  practicable,  and  the 
preservation  of  clear  lines  between  them,  is 
the  fundamental  idea  in  the  creation  of  all 
our  constitutions." 

This  complexity  of  government,  this  distri 
bution  of  power  among  all  the  people,  is  the 
chief  corner-stone  of  our  federal  system.  It 
not  only  secures  the  personal  attention  and 
interest  of  the  common  citizen  in  the  making 
and  enforcing  of  laws,  thus  educating  him  in 
political  wisdom,  as  Professor  Macy  puts  it, 
but  it  also  provides  better  local  laws.  The 


3/8      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

people  of  any  neighborhood  know  better  what 
local  laws  they  need,  how  to  frame  and  execute 
them,  than  does  the  far-away  power  of  a  cen 
tral  government.  And  also  where  the  people 
have  a  hand  in  the  making  of  their  own  laws 
and  carrying  on  their  own  government,  patriot 
ism  is  everywhere  fostered,  for  where  a  man's 
treasure  is,  there  will  his  heart  be  also. 

In  Russia  the  common  people  know  and 
care  little  or  nothing  about  their  government. 
They  only  know  that  there  is  a  great  central 
Power  at  St.  Petersburg  that  pervades  the 
whole  nation,  from  which  emanates  all  law, 
and  they  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  laws 
except  to  obey  them.  They  are  like  untutored 
children  or  dumb  driven  cattle,  in  govern 
mental  affairs ;  and  should  anything  occur  to 
destroy  the  central  government  they  would 
be  helpless  and  wholly  without  ability  to  gov 
ern  themselves ;  while  in  America  the  humblest 
citizen  knows  something  about  public  affairs, 
and,  should  such  an  emergency  arise,  there 
is  scarcely  a  county  in  any  State  but  could 
furnish  men  capable  of  being  governor  of  the 
State,  and  scarcely  a  State  in  the  Union  that 


RELATION   OF   STATES   TO  NATION          379 

could  not  furnish  a  score  of  men  capable  of 
filling  the  presidential  office  with  an  ability 
equal  to  that  of  the  average  President. 

If  our  National  Government  should  be  over 
thrown,  the  self-governing  States  would  pre 
serve  the  general  equilibrium  of  power  and 
prevent  universal  anarchy.  They  would  prob 
ably  move  steadily  and  serenely  on  until  a  new 
Union  could  be  formed.  If  Congress  were  to 
disband,  the  President  to  resign,  and  our  capi 
tal  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  ruffians  and  anar 
chists,  the  people  would  be  greatly  agitated, 
of  course,  but  the  Government  as  such  would 
not  be  annihilated,  nor  perhaps  greatly  dis 
turbed.  Why  ?  Because  our  system  is  such 
that  each  separate  part  takes  care  of  itself. 
If  there  is  serious  political  disturbance  in  one 
or  more  States,  the  General  Government  is  not 
threatened,  and  for  the  same  reason.  We  have 
compared  a  federal  government  to  a  great 
building  with  separate  compartments,  each  with 
its  own  industry.  Such  is  our  government; 
and  if  one  branch  of  industry  becomes  un 
settled  or  ruined,  the  rest  need  not  be  seri 
ously  disturbed.  Or  if  the  outer  walls  be 


380     SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

demolished,  the  various  compartments  may  be 
preserved  until  the  walls  are  rebuilt.  How 
impossible  this  would  be  in  a  consolidated 
government,  a  living  organism  in  which  every 
part  is  dependent  for  its  life  and  existence  on 
the  heart,  the  central  life-giving  fountain. 

Another  advantage  of  the  federal  system 
is  that  the  distribution  of  power  among  the 
States  simplifies  the  work  of  Congress,  and 
enables  that  body  to  confine  itself  to  National 
affairs.  Our  forty-five  States  require  but  little 
more  National  legislation  than  did  the  original 
thirteen.  An  English  editor  wholly  misunder 
stood  the  situation  when,  commenting  on  the 
recent  admission  into  the  Union  of  four  new 
States  together,  he  said  that  it  remained  to 
be  seen  whether  the  Government  could  bear 
such  a  strain.  Indeed,  Congress  was  greatly 
relieved  with  their  admission  into  the  Union.1 
While  in  their  territorial  state  Congress  had 
to  govern  them ;  but  on  their  admission  into 
the  Union,  they  became  of  age  and  self-gov 
erning,  and  Congress  has  no  more  to  do  with 
them  now  than  with  Ohio  or  New  York.  Our 

1  Macy's  "  Our  Government,"  p.  234. 


RELATION  OF  STATES  TO  NATION          381 

system  is  such  that  we  can  expand  and  add 
new  States  almost  indefinitely  without  endanger 
ing  the  General  Government,  or  scarcely  increas 
ing  its  burdens. 

Now,  the  second  question :  Is  the  federal 
system  the  best  for  our  American  govern 
ment  ?  My  answer  is,  that  it  is  not  only  the 
best,  but  the  only  system  that  could  possibly 
be  permanent.  A  confederation,  a  league  of 
the  States  loosely  bound  together,  from  which 
any  one  has  the  right  to  withdraw,  could  not 
endure.  Such  a  government  would  certainly 
fall  apart  from  its  own  weight. 

On  the  other  hand,  a  unified,  consolidated 
government  would  be  equally  impossible.  The 
country  is  too  vast,  and  the  people  too  well 
educated  and  too  independent  and  jealous  of 
their  liberties  to  submit  to  any  central  all-per 
vading  authority,  or  to  permit  their  local  affairs 
to  be  managed  by  other  hands  than  their 
own. 

States'  Rights 

I  have  said  that  States'  Rights  constitute 
one  of  our  great  bulwarks  of  liberty  as  a 


382     SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

nation.  We  know  that  the  tendency  of  human 
government  is  toward  the  monarchial.  This 
is  not  usually  a  natural  or  gradual  tendency. 
It  goes  by  sudden  bounds,  and  is  caused  by 
the  vast  difference  in  the  qualities  of  leader 
ship  in  men,  and  by  man's  universal  thirst  for 
power.  It  is  true,  not  because  the  people 
desire  it,  but  because  they  are  led  and  driven 
by  some  commanding  genius.  The  most  con 
spicuous  examples  in  history  are  those  of  Caesar, 
who  transformed  the  Roman  Republic  into  a 
monarchy,  and  of  Napoleon,  who,  with  his 
transcendent  powers  of  leadership,  seized  in  his 
fatal  grasp  the  new-born  Republic  of  France, 
and  became  its  absolute  monarch  within  a  few 
years  after  the  blood-bought  liberties  of  the 
people  had  been  secured.  And  even  to-day 
the  Republic  of  France  is  so  solidified  that  a 
second  Napoleon,  should  one  arise,  would  not 
find  it  difficult  to  seize  the  reigns  of  govern 
ment  and  merge  it  into  a  monarchy  and  des 
potism. 

But  such  a  transformation  would  be  impos 
sible  in  the  United  States,  and  one  of  the 
greatest  safeguards  against  it  is  found  in 


RELATION  OF  STATES  TO  NATION  .       383 

States'  Rights.  Be  it  remembered  that  only 
a  part  of  the  vast  power  of  the  people  has 
been  delegated  to  the  General  Government. 
The  States  are  the  residuaries  of  power.  Sup 
pose  one  of  our  leaders  in  National  politics  to 
be  a  Napoleon  in  ability  and  in  selfish  ambition. 
Even  suppose  him  to  be  President  of  the  United 
States  (though  it  would  be  far  more  difficult 
for  such  a  man  to  reach  that  position  than  for 
an  ordinary  statesman),  and  to  conspire  with 
Congress  and  to  secure  their  support  in  an 
attempt  to  overthrow  the  Republic  and  set  up 
a  monarchy  with  himself  at  its  head.  What 
would  be  the  result  ?  He  would  instantly  come 
into  contact  with  forty-five  powerful  State  gov 
ernments,  —  some  of  them  more  powerful  than 
the  minor  European  monarchies,  —  and  upon 
this  rock  he  would  be  dashed  to  pieces.  It 
would  require  a  greater  man  than  Caesar  or 
Napoleon  to  accomplish  such  an  end,  and  a 
man  less  wise  than  either  would  be  too  wise 
to  undertake  so  hopeless  a  task.  Let  me  re 
peat,  the  States  are  the  residuaries  of  power 
in  America,  and  States'  Rights  is  the  chief 
corner-stone  of  our  fabric  of  free  government. 


384     SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Let  no  true  American  belittle  States'  Rights. 
It  is  true  that  before  the  war,  for  years,  the 
term  was  identified  with  State  Sovereignty, 
and  in  common  parlance  it  referred  to  but 
one  supposed  right  of  the  States  —  the  right 
of  secession.  The  term  was  abused  and  mis 
used  until  it  almost  became  an  offence  to  the 
honest,  patriotic  citizen ;  but  that  time  is  past, 
the  bone  of  contention  is  removed,  and  the 
States  have  again  resumed  their  normal  posi 
tion  in  the  great  structure  of  the  National  Gov 
ernment.  Every  true-hearted  American  who 
studies  this  intricate  problem,  the  relation  of 
the  States  and  the  Nation,  will  plainly  see  that 
the  hand  of  Providence  has  been  over  it  all, 
and  while  he  will  rejoice  in  our  grand  and 
glorious  Union,  he  will  take  scarcely  less 
pride  in  States'  Rights,  the  great  palladium  of 
our  liberty. 


INDEX 


Aaron  I.,  see  Burr,  Aaron. 

Aberdeen,  Lord,  186. 

Adams,  Henry,  quoted,  344. 

Adams,  John,  debater  in  Con 
gress,  ii ;  seconds  Lee's  mo 
tion  in  Congress  for  indepen 
dence,  18  ;  makes  great  speech 
in  Congress,  20;  elected  Vice- 
President,  56;  inauguration, 
62;  elected  President,  68,  343. 

Adams,  John  Quincy,  possible 
author  of  Monroe  Doctrine, 
173;  sends  ministers  to  Pan 
ama  Congress,  174 ;  entertains 
Lafayette,  202;  appoints  Har 
rison  minister  to  Colombia,  231, 
348. 

Adams,  Samuel,  early  leader  for 
independence,  5;  broad  views 
and  pure  motives  of,  n;  op 
posed  petitions,  ii;  quotation 
from,  18;  won  for  Constitution, 

So- 

Address,  Washington's  Farewell, 
168. 

African  coast,  capturing  negroes 
on,  154. 

Alabama,  Burr  captured  in,  134. 

Albany,  94. 

Alexandria,  58. 

Alien  and  Sedition  Laws,  their 
importance,  65  ;  Alien  Law  two 
fold,  70;  never  enforced,  72; 
Sedition  Law,  twofold,  71 ;  its 


provisions,   71 ;    object,  72  ; 
2C 


operation,  72;  object  and  re 
sult  of  Alien  and  Sedition 
Laws,  76,  344. 

Alleghany  Mountains,  230. 

Alliance,  Holy,  see  Holy  Alli 
ance. 

Alston,  Joseph,  120. 

Alston,  Mrs.,  see  Theodosia 
Burr. 

Amendments  to  Constitution,  52. 

American  River,  245,  247. 

Ames,  Fisher,  158. 

Anne,  Queen,  151. 

Anti-Federalists  oppose  Constitu 
tion,  49. 

Anti-Mason  party,  227. 

Appalachian  Mountains,  195. 

Appeal  of  Independent  Demo 
crats,  303. 

Arkansas,  242. 

Articles  of  Confederation,  defects 
in,  28;  proposed  in  1776,  28; 
adopted,  29;  364. 

Atlantic  Ocean,  107. 

Austria,  in  Holy  Alliance,  169. 

Balance  of  Power,  191,  192. 
Baltimore,  139,  289. 
Baltimore  County,  271. 
Bank,  United  States,  224,  352. 
Barbadoes,  151. 
Benton,  Thomas  H.,  261. 
Big  Horn  River,  115. 


Blaine,  James  G.,  178. 
Blennerhassett,    Harman,    island 


385 


386 


INDEX 


home  in  the  Ohio,  123;  enters 
Burr's  conspiracy,  128  ;  indicted 
for  misdemeanor  in  Ohio,  138. 

Blennerhassett  Island,  123,  128. 

Blow,  Anthony,  279. 

Boston  Port  Bill,  6. 

Brandywine,  the,  207. 

Brannan,  Samuel,  246. 

Britain,  Great,  British  Govern 
ment,  see  England. 

Brown,  Henry,  285. 

Buchanan,  James,  protests  against 
foreign  occupation  of  Mexico, 
182 ;  297, 314 ;  encounters  Doug 
las,  316. 

Buena  Vista,  259. 

Bunker  Hill,  4,  204. 

Bunker  Hill  monument,  204,  205. 

Burns,  Anthony,  274. 

Burr,  Aaron,  his  descent,  118 ;  in 
Revolution,  118;  becomes  law 
yer,  senator,  Vice-President, 
119;  challenges  Hamilton  to 
duel,  120;  misfortunes  begin, 
121 ;  feeling  against,  121 ;  flees 
South,  121 ;  goes  West,  122; 
reaches  Pittsburg,  122;  Mari 
etta,  123 ;  visits  Blennerhassett's 
Island,  124;  Nashville,  125; 
conspires  against  the  Govern 
ment,  1255^. ;  returns  to  Wash 
ington,  127;  his  energy,  127; 
to  be  Aaron  I.,  128  ;  betrayed  by 
Wilkinson,  130;  escapes  in  dis 
guise,  132;  arrested,  134;  at 
tempted  escape,  135  ;  tried  and 
acquitted  at  Richmond,  136^. ; 
escapes  from  a  mob,  139 ;  goes 
abroad,  139;  returns,  141 ;  later 
life,  144  sq. ;  generosity  of,  145 ; 
his  character,  146;  death,  147. 

Cadmus,  the,  196. 
Caesar,  Julius,  382. 


Calhoun,  John  Caldwell,  leader 
of  school  of  Southern  states 
men,  78,  176,  260;  his  mistake, 
264;  348. 

California,  political  significance 
of,  243;  miners  reach,  250; 
in  National  politics,  257 ;  ad 
mitted  as  free  State,  262 ;  of 
fends  the  South,  264. 

Canada,  insurrection  in;  cause, 
209;  led  by  MacKenzie  and 
Papinau,  210;  sympathizers  in 
United  States,  210;  put  down 
by  Colborne,  211;  fugitive 
slaves  sent  to,  276. 

Canning,  171. 

Carleton,  threatening  to  invade 
New  York,  17. 

Car  of  Neptune,  94. 

Caroline,  the,  engaged  in  illegal 
trade,  212  ;  destroyed  by  Brit 
ish,  214. 

Carroll,  Charles,  17. 

Cascades,  109. 

Cass,  Lewis,  297. 

Castle  Garden,  198. 

Central  America,  slavery  in,  149. 

Charleston,  289. 

Chase,  Salmon  P.,  261,  303,  355. 

Chester,  58,  135. 

Chicago,  305,  323. 

Cholera,  249. 

Christiana,  272. 

Christianity,  effect  on  slavery,  149. 

Cincinnati,  Burr  reaches,  124, 
129. 

Civil  War,  148,  154, 177, 184,  292, 
and  passim. 

Clark,  Captain,  206. 

Clarke,  Captain  William,  chosen 
to  explore  Northwest,  97  ;  nar 
rowly  escapes  death,  103;  gen 
eral  of  militia,  in;  governor 
of  Missouri  in. 


INDEX 


387 


Clarke  River,  108. 

Clatsop,  Fort,  no. 

Clay,  Henry,  defends  Aaron  Burr, 
129 ;  161 ;  174 ;  protests  against 
French  in  Cuba,  180 ;  a  candi 
date  for  presidency,  226 ;  set 
aside  by  the  politicians,  227 ; 
introduces  Omnibus  Bill,  261 ; 
266;  348. 

Clayton,  John  M.,  177. 

Clayton-Bulwer  treaty,  177,  178. 

Clermont,  the,  on  the  Hudson,  92. 

Cleveland,  Grover,  startling  mes 
sage  on  Venezuelan  boundary 
question,  189. 

Clinton,  George,  62. 

Colborne,  Sir  John,  suppresses 
Canadian  rebellion,  211. 

Coloma,   site  of  gold  discovery, 

245,  251- 

Colombia,  United  States  of,  176. 

Colonies,  instructed  delegates  in 
Congress  against  indepen 
dence,  4;  three  greatest,  15; 
parts  of  British  Empire,  363. 

Colonists,  their  love  for  England, 
3-5  ;  most  of  them  native  born, 
4 ;  hope  of  reconciliation  with 
the  King,  4;  driven  to  seek 
independence,  6;  purchased 
slaves,  151. 

Colter,  John,  terrible  experience 
with  Indians,  in  sq. 

Colt  Killed  River,  109. 

Columbia,  271;  birth-place  of 
Underground  Railroad,  276. 

Columbia,  the,  108. 

Columbia  River,  107, 109,  no. 

Columbus,  149. 

Commerce,  Congress  has  no 
control  over  it  under  Articles 
of  Confederation,  31, 

"Common  Sense,"  written  by 
Paine,  10. 


Compromises,  of  the  Constitu 
tion,  42  sq. 

Compromise  Measures  of  1850, 
261. 

Compromise,  Missouri,  see  Mis 
souri  Compromise. 

Confederate  government,  367. 

Congress,  United  States,  consists 
of  two  houses,  43;  counts 
electoral  votes,  56,  and  passim. 

Connecticut,  quarrels  with  New 
York,  33 ;  with  Pennsylvania 
over  Wyoming  Valley,  34. 

Consolidated  government,  365. 

Constitution,  framing  of,  24  sq.  ; 
compromises  of,  42  sq.  ;  fin 
ished,  47;  before  the  people, 
48;  ratified  by  States,  49-52; 
recognizes  property  in  slaves, 
156 ;  leaves  foreign  slave-trade 
open  for  twenty-one  years,  156; 
265  ;  269 ;  construction  of,  346 ; 
wrought  a  political  revolution, 

367. 

Constitutional  Convention,  met  in 
Philadelphia,  37 ;  called  an 
assembly  of  demigods  by  Jeffer 
son,  37;  personnel,  38;  sessions 
in  secret,  40;  adjournment,  47, 

365. 

Construction  of  Constitution,  346. 

Continental  Congress,  met  at 
Philadelphia,  i ;  sent  petition  to 
King,  7  ;  answers  King's  proc 
lamation,  8 ;  appoints  com 
mittees  to  correspond  with 
foreign  nations,  8 ;  a  view  of, 
14 ;  some  members  of,  14 ; 
delays  passing  declaration,  19 ; 
passes  it  July  2,  21 ;  weakness 
under  Articles  of  Confedera 
tion,  31 ;  pronounces  against 
slave-trade,  152 

Continental  money,  32. 


388 


INDEX 


Cooper,  Thomas,  75. 
Cordelia,  281. 
Cornwallis,  Lord,  194. 
Corwin,  Thomas,  233. 
Cotton-gin,  157. 
Council  Bluffs,  100. 
Craft,  William  and  Ellen,  288. 
Crawford,  William  H.,  349. 
Crittenden,  John  J.,  221,  317. 
Cuba,  size,  179;  faithful  to  Spain, 

179. 
Cumberland  River,  126,  129. 

Davis,  Jefferson,  261. 

Dayton,  233. 

Dayton,  Jonathan,  conspires  with 
Burr,  125. 

Dayton,  William  L.,  356. 

Dearborn  River,  108. 

Declaration  of  Independence, 
moved  by  Lee  in  Congress,  18  ; 
passed  July  2,  21 ;  read  in 
cities,  to  the  army,  etc.,  23; 
position  on  slavery,  152;  Lin 
coln's  appeal  to,  325,  326. 

Delaware,  divided  on  indepen 
dence,  20 ;  first  State  to  adopt 
Constitution,  49. 

Delaware  River,  Fitch's  steam 
boat  on,  84. 

Democratic  party,  founded  by 
Jefferson,  stood  for  local  self- 
government,  66,  345;  name 
adopted,  345;  differs  from 
Federal  party,  346 ;  factions  of 
in  1824,  347 ;  wonderful  vitality 
of,  349  ;  its  achievements,  350. 

Democrats,  nominate  Van  Buren, 
232,  and  passim. 

De  Soto,  96. 

Dickinson,  John,  draws  up  peti 
tion  to  King,  7  ;  writer,  patriot, 
opposes  independence,  16; 
answers  Adams,  20. 


"  Doughfaces,"  164. 

Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  261,  297-, 
birth,  300;  reports  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Bill,  301 ;  his  powers, 
304 ;  burned  in  effigy,  306 ;  rise 
in  public  life,  312 ;  pays  tribute 
to  Lincoln,  323;  his  noble 
stand  in  1861,  335. 

Dred  Scott  Decision,  324,  330. 

Drew,  Captain,  destroys  the 
Caroline,  214. 

East,  belief  that  it  would  be  sev 
ered  from  the  West,  118  ;  news 
of  gold  discovery  reaches,  248. 

Eaton,  General,  apprises  Jeffer 
son  of  Burr's  plot,  128. 

Elba,  134. 

Embargo,  141. 

England,  responsible  for  slavery 
in  America,  150;  profited  by 
slave-trade,  150 ;  represented 
in  Verona  conference,  170; 
proposes  tripartite  agreement, 
181,  182;  refuses  compromise 
with  Venezuela,  186;  assumes 
destruction  of  the  Caroline \  220. 

"  Era  of  good  feeling,"  167. 

Essequibo  River,  186. 

Europe,  slavery  in,  149. 

Everett,  Edward,  198,  304. 

Falls  of  the  Ohio,  124. 

Faneuil  Hall,  274. 

Federal  Government,  365-366; 
advantages  of,  376. 

Federal  Hall  (New  York),  62. 

Federal  party,  stood  for  strpng 
government,  65,  341 ;  folly  of, 
68 ;  stoops  to  humble  its  ene 
mies,  70;  history  of,  341  sg. ; 
general  tendency  0^343  ;  never 
popular,  vital  defect,  344 ;  truth 
embodied  in  its  doctrine,  345. 


INDEX 


Federalists,  favor  Constitution, 49. 

Fifteenth  Congress,  158. 

Fillmore,  Millard,  262;  signs  Fu 
gitive  Slave  Law,  266,  272,  295. 

Fitch,  John,  tragical  life,  83; 
builds  steamboat  on  Dela 
ware,  84;  his  poverty,  84; 
death,  85. 

Fleet,  British,  harassing  southern 
coast,  17. 

Florida,  242. 

Forsyth,  John,  215. 

"  Forty-Niners,"  248. 

Fourth  of  July,  National  holiday, 
3.22. 

Fox,  English  minister,  215. 

France,  designs  on  Cuba,  179; 
proposes  tripartite  agreement, 
181 ;  attempts  conquest  of 
Mexico,  183;  motive  for  aid 
ing  America  in  Revolution, 

193- 

Frankfort,  129. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  member  of 
Continental  Congress,  14 ; 
fame,  15;  member  of  com 
mittee  on  Declaration  of  In 
dependence,  19 ;  his  plan  of 
union,  1754,  28 ;  in  Constitu 
tional  Convention,  38 ;  anec 
dote  by,  48. 

Freeport,  323. 

Freeport  Doctrine,  328  sq. 

Free-soil  Democrats,  303. 

Fremont,  John  C.,  356. 

French  fleet,  appears  off  Cuba, 

179- 

French  Government,  366,  382. 

Friends,  151,  272. 

Fugitive  Slave  Law,  passed,  265 ; 
its  injustice,  267;  denounced 
at  the  North,  269;  most  objec 
tionable  feature,  270;  in  opera 
tion,  271  sq. 


Fulton,  Robert,  his  predecessors, 
82 ;  descent,  85 ;  early  life,  85 ; 
early  inventions,  86 ;  artist,  86  ; 
in  foreign  lands,  87  sq. ;  experi 
ments  on  Seine,  88 ;  advan 
tages,  91 ;  navigates  the  Hud 
son  with  Clermont,  92 ;  builds 
more  boats,  94  *  appearance, 
94 ;  death,  95. 

Gaines,  Captain,  134. 

Gallatin  River,  108. 

Garfield,  James  A.,  177. 

Garrison,  William  Lloyd,  263, 
290. 

George  III.,  petition  to,  6-7; 
refuses  to  receive  petition,  7; 
proclamation,  declares  colo 
nists  out  of  his  protection,  8 ; 
employs  Hessians,  9;  incites 
Indians  to  murder,  9. 

Georgia,  makes  war  on  Indians, 
30;  protests  against  prohibit 
ing  African  slave-trade,  45 ; 
ratines  Constitution,  49 ;  Burr 
passes  through,  135. 

Gerry,  Elbridge,  member  of  old 
Congress,  15;  of  Constitutional 
Convention,  38 ;  opposes  Con 
stitution,  50. 

Gold,  discovery  of  in  California, 
by  Marshall,  245. 

Golden  Gate,  251. 

Gorsuch,  271. 

Greeley,  Horace,  226;  founds 
Log  Cabin,  233;  advocates  re 
election  of  Douglas,  317 ;  355. 

Grey,  Captain,  108. 

Greytown,  178. 

Grey's  Ferry,  58. 

Guadaloupe   Hidalgo,  treaty  of, 

243- 

Guiana,  British,  185,  190. 
Gulf  of  Mexico,  107. 


390 


INDEX 


"  Hail  Columbia,"  written,  69. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  career  of, 
member  of  Constitutional  Con 
vention,  39;  tendency  as  states 
man,  66 ;  antagonist  of  Jeffer 
son,  67,  342 ;  challenged  by 
Burr,  120;  slain,  121. 

Hancock,  John,  signs  Declara 
tion  of  Independence,  22 ;  op 
poses  Constitution,  50. 

Harnet,  Cornelius,  12. 

Harrisburg,  225. 

Harrison,  Benjamin,  member 
Continental  Congress,  15 ; 
friend  of  Washington,  15. 

Harrison,  William  Henry,  219, 
220,  223,  226;  nominated  for 
presidency,  227 ;  early  record, 
229 ;  minister  to  Colombia, 
231 ;  recalled  by  Jackson,  231 ; 
his  ability,  231 ;  great  triumph 
at  election,  237 ;  besieged  with 
office-seekers,  238;  falls  ill, 
239 ;  dies,  239. 

Hawthorne,  Nathaniel,  298. 

Hayti,  174. 

Henry,  Patrick,  speech  before 
Virginia  convention,  n;  op 
poses  Constitutional  Conven 
tion,  36. 

Henry,  William,  82. 

Hinson,  Colonel,  132. 

Holy  Alliance,  169,  171. 

Hood,  Mount,  109. 

Hopkinson,  Francis,  17. 

Hopkinson,  Joseph,  wrote  "  Hail 
Columbia,"  69. 

Horn,  Cape,  251. 

House  of  Commons,  British,  209. 

House  of  Representatives,  based 
on  population,  43;  disagrees 
with  Senate  on  Missouri  Bill, 
161,  164;  agrees  to  compro 
mise,  164;  receives  Lafayette, 


201 ;  elects  Adams  President, 
201 ;  votes  bonus  to  Lafayette, 
202. 

House  and  Slave  Tax  Laws,  70. 

Houston,  Sam,  304. 

Howes,  moving  on  New  York, 
17- 

Hudson  River,  navigated  by  Ful 
ton,  92. 

Independence,  declared  at  Phila 
delphia,  i ;  causes  that  led  to, 
6;  talked  of  openly,  8  ;  progress 
toward,  8. 

Independent  Treasury,  353. 

Indian  Story,  in  sg. 

Indian  Territory,  242. 

Indiana  Territory,  230. 

Jackson,  Andrew,  conferred  with 
Burr,  126 ;  visited  by  Lafayette, 
200,  224;  enters  presidential 
race,  348. 

Jay,  John,  suggests  petition  to 
King,  7 ;  receives  votes  in 
electoral  college,  56. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  member  of 
Continental  Congress,  14  ; 
chosen  chairman  committee 
on  Declaration  of  Indepen 
dence,  19;  writes  Declaration, 
22  ;  founds  Democratic  or  Na 
tional  Republican  party,  66; 
antagonist  of  Hamilton,  67; 
wrote  Kentucky  Resolutions, 
76;  his  patriotism,  79;  father 
of  Lewis  and  Clarke  expedi 
tion,  96;  slow  to  believe  in 
Burr's  plot,  128;  issues  procla 
mation  against  Burr's  con 
spiracy,  130;  introduces  ordi 
nance  in  Congress  to  prohibit 
slavery,  153 ;  congratulates 
Congress,  156 ;  visited  by  La- 


INDEX 


391 


fayette,    200;     founds    Demo 
cratic  party,  342. 

Jefferson  River,  108. 

"Jerry  Rescue,"  273. 

John  Day  River,  108. 

Johnson,  Jane,  283. 

Johnson,  Richard  M.,  232. 

Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  intro 
duced  by  Douglas,  302;  pas 
sage  of,  305;  reception  at  the 
North,  306;  effect,  308,  324, 
348- 

Kentucky,  emigrants  from,  153. 

Kentucky  and  Virginia  Resolu 
tions,  their  authors,  76;  con 
tents,  77  ;  object,  78  ;  question 
opened  by  them,  78. 

King,  Rufus,  in  Constitutional 
Convention,  39;  opposes  sla 
very  in  Missouri,  162. 

Lafayette,  Marquis  de,  motive  in 
aiding  colonists,  193;  in  Aus 
trian  prison,  194;  invited  to 
visit  America,  196;  arrives, 
196 ;  visits  Boston,  197 ;  re 
ception  in  New  York,  198 ;  in 
Philadelphia,  199 ;  appearance, 
199,  200;  visits  all  the  States, 
200;  at  the  capital,  200;  re 
ceives  bonus  from  Congress, 
202;  visits  Mt.  Vernon  and 
Bunker  Hill,  203  sq. ;  pays 
homage  to  dust  of  Washing 
ton,  203 ;  great  reception  at 
Boston,  204;  returns  to  his 
native  land,  207. 

Lafayette,  George  Washington, 
196. 

Lancaster,  82. 

Lancaster  County,  271. 

Lecompton  Constitution,  315. 

Lee,    Richard     Henry,    member 


of  Continental  Congress,  15 ; 
moved  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence  in  Congress,  18; 
opposes  Constitutional  Con 
vention,  36;  opposes  it  in 
Congress,  49. 

Lesseps,  Ferdinand  de,  177. 

Levasseur,  M.,  203. 

Lewis  and  Clarke  expedition, 
composition  of  party,  98 ; 
ascends  the  Missouri,  99; 
reaches  Rocky  Mountains, 
103 ;  overtaken  by  storm,  103 ; 
reaches  the  Pacific,  109;  returns 
to  the  United  States,  in  ;  trav 
ersed  9000  miles  in  two  and  a 
half  years,  in. 

Lewis,  Meriwether,  appointed  to 
lead  exploring  party,  97 ; 
chooses  Captain  Clarke  as 
second,  97;  sends  specimens 
to  Jefferson,  102;  makes 
friends  with  Shoshones,  106 ; 
shoots  an  Indian,  no;  gov 
ernor  of  Louisiana,  in  ;  death, 
in. 

Lewis  River,  108. 

Liberator,  the,  290. 

Liberty  and  Union,  26. 

Liberty  party,  164. 

Lincoln,  Governor,  205. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  birth  and  boy 
hood,  311;  appearance,  312; 
nominated  for  Senate,  318 ; 
challenges  Douglas  to  joint 
debate,  321 ;  made  conspicu 
ous  by  debate  with  Douglas, 
334 ;  his  election  to  presidency, 

335- 

Lincoln-Douglas  Debates,  ex 
tracts,  324;  results,  332. 

Livingston,  Robert  R.,  member 
of  committee  on  Declaration, 
19;  pronounces  oath  of  office 


392 


INDEX 


to  Washington,  63  ;  partner  of 
Fulton,  88. 

Lockpott,  221. 

Log  Cabin  and  Hard  Cider  cam 
paign,  232  sq. 

Lopez,  Narcisco,  180. 

Los  Angeles,  247. 

Lottery,  prevalence  of,  75. 

Louisiana  Purchase,  97,  157,  164, 
242. 

Louisville,  124. 

Lovejoy,  E.  P.,  263. 

Lowndes,  William,  161. 

Lundy,  Benjamin,  263. 

Lutheran  church,  225. 

Lyon,  Matthew,  member  of  Con 
gress,  72 ;  fights  Griswold  in 
House,  73 ;  imprisoned  under 
Sedition  Law,  74 ;  reflected  to 
Congress  while  in  prison,  75. 

MacKenzie,  William  Lyon,  leads 
revolt  in  Upper  Canada,  210; 
not  successful,  212. 

Madison,  James,  in  Virginia  con 
vention,  13  ;  elected  to  Consti 
tutional  Convention,  36 ;  wrote 
Virginia  Resolutions,  76;  347. 

Madison  River,  108. 

Mahas  Indians,  101. 

Maine,  seeks  admission  into 
Union,  162. 

Marcy,  William  L.,  298. 

Marietta,  123,  124;  boats  built 
at,  129. 

Marquette,  96. 

Marshal,  John,  presides  at  Burr's 
trial,  137. 

Marshall,  James  W.,  discovers 
gold  in  California,  245 ;  later 
life  and  death ;  monument  to, 
253  (note). 

Martin,  Luther,  defends  Burr,  137. 

Marvl.md,  legislature  of,  instruc 


ted  delegates  in  Congress,  4; 
makes  compact  with  Virginia, 

Mason  and  Dixon's  line,  160,  281, 

329- 

Mason,  George,  13. 

Massachusetts  one  of  the  three 
greatest  colonies,  15 ;  delega 
tion  from,  15;  attempts  to  re 
strict  slave-trade,  150;  first 
free  State,  152. 

Maximilian,  183;  shot  in  Mexico, 
185. 

May,  Samuel,  273. 

McKean,  Thomas,  17. 

McKinley,  William,  appoints 
Nicaragua  Canal  Commission, 
178. 

McLeod,  Alexander,  foolish 
boast  of,  217;  arrested,  217; 
British  Government  demands 
his  release,  218 ;  trial  and  ac 
quittal,  222. 

Merry,  English  minister,  125. 

Mexican  War,  242,  258. 

Mexico,  proposed  conquest  by 
Burr,  125,  127,  179;  badly 
governed,  182;  dismembered, 

243- 

Milk  River,  102. 

Miners,  251 ;  character  of,  253  sq. 

Mines,  gold,  251 ;  yield  of,  252. 

Mississippi  River,  93,  132. 

Mississippi  Valley,  122;  Burr's 
designs  on,  125 ;  danger  of 
uprising  in,  130,  195. 

Missouri,  applies  for  statehood, 
157;  admitted  into  the  Union, 
165. 

Missouri  Compromise,  149; 
moved  by  Senator  Thomas, 
163 ;  passed  by  both  houses, 
164;  a  victory  for  the  South, 
165  ;  brought  temporary  peace, 


INDEX 


393 


166;  repealed  by  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Bill,  166,  301. 

Missouri  River,  Lewis  and  Clarke 
ascend,  99;  Great  Falls  of,  103. 

Monroe,  James,  signs  Missouri 
Compromise,  164;  "last  and 
least  of  the  great  Virginians," 
167  ;  unanimous  election,  167 ; 
issues  Monroe  Doctrine,  169. 

Monroe  Doctrine,  how  origi 
nated,  168  ;  settled  policy  be 
fore  declared,  168 ;  contained 
in  President's  message,  169; 
contents,  171-172;  in  opera 
tion,  173  sq. ;  in  settling  the 
Oregon  boundary,  175 ;  Yuca 
tan,  175;  Panama  and  Nica 
ragua,  177  ;  Cuba  and  Mexico, 
179;  Venezuela,  187;  remarks 
on,  191. 

Monterey,  259. 

Morris,  Gouverneur,  member  of 
Constitutional  Convention,  39. 

Morris,  Robert,  member  of  Con 
tinental  Congress,  16;  in 
debtor's  prison,  16. 

Mosquito  Coast,  177. 

Mount  Vernon,  Washington  re 
tires  to,  54 ;  Thompson  reaches, 

57-- 
Mutiny  Act,  6. 

Naples,  170. 

Napoleon  I.,  134,  169,  170,  382. 

Napoleon  III.,  183. 

Nashville,  124;  Burr's  reception 
at,  125,  129;  gives  ball  in  honor 
of  Burr,  130. 

Natchez,  132. 

National  Government,  blended 
with  State  governments,  362; 
has  no  power  beyond  the  Con 
stitution,  371 ;  complexity  of, 
377 ;  stability  of,  379. 


National  laws,  368;  higher  than 
State  laws,  370. 

National  Republican  party,  see 
Democratic  party. 

Naturalization  Law,  70. 

Navy  Island,  213. 

Nelson,  Colonel,  14. 

Newcomen,  82. 

New  England,  took  lead  for  in 
dependence,  14 ;  colonies  form 
union  in  1643,  28. 

New  Granada,  176. 

New  Hampshire,  quarrels  with 
New  York,  33;  becomes  free 
State,  153. 

New  Jersey,  legislature  instructed 
delegates  in  Congress,  4  ;  quar 
rels  with  New  York,  33  ;  elects 
delegates  to  Constitutional 
Convention,  37;  ratifies  Con 
stitution,  49;  had  slaves  till 
1840,  153. 

New  Orleans,  Burr  reaches,  126. 

New  York,  withholds  instructions 
for  independence,  19;  ratifies 
Declaration,  22  ;  refuses  impost 
tariff,  32;  quarrels  with  New 
Hampshire,  33;  with  New 
Jersey  and  Connecticut,  33; 
does  not  vote  for  first  Presi 
dent,  56;  welcomes  Washing 
ton,  61 ;  becomes  free  State, 

!53- 

New  York  City,  Washington  in 
augurated  in,6i;  honors  La 
fayette,  198. 

Ney,  Marshal,  134. 

Niagara  Falls,  214. 

Nicaragua,  176. 

Nicholas,  George,  77. 

North,  contention  with  the  South 
on  slavery  began,  148 ;  grew 
•listless,  159;  offended  by  Fugi 
tive  Slave  Law,  265 ;  overrun 


394 


INDEX 


by  s/ave-hunters,  267  ;  protests 
against  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
Bill,  303  sq. 

North  Bend,  231. 

North  Carolina,  first  colony  to 
move  for  independence,  12; 
remains  out  of  Union,  52. 

North  star,  guide  to  fugitive 
slaves,  278. 

Northern  States,  emancipate 
slaves  after  Revolution,  152; 
disapprove  Democratic  pol 
icy,  356.  n-.fj 

Northwest  Territory,  government 
of,  153- 

Oberlin  College,  275. 

Ohio  River,  98 ;  its  beauty,  123 ; 
Harrison  buried  on  its  banks, 
240. 

Olney,  Richard,  187. 

Omnibus  Bill,  261,  295,  353. 

Oregon  boundary,  242. 

Ordinance  of  1787,  153. 

Ostend  Manifesto,  181. 

Otis,  James,  early  leader  for  in 
dependence,  5. 

Ottawa,  323,  328. 

Otto  Indians,  100. 

Pacific  Coast,  colonized  by  Rus 
sia,  172,  248. 

Pacific  Ocean,  first  sighted  by 
Lewis  and  Clarke,  109. 

Paine,  Thomas,  wrote  "  Common 
Sense,"  10. 

Panama  Canal,  176. 

Panama  Congress,  174. 

Panic  of  1837,  223,  224 ;  causes, 
224. 

Papinau,  Louis  J.,  leads  revolt  in 
Lower  Canada,  210;  not  suc 
cessful,  212. 

Parker,  Theodore,  274,  290. 


Parties,  political,  first  formed,  49; 
one  hundred  years  ago,  65; 
earliest,  339. 

Patriotism,  twofold  in  the  United 
States,  360. 

Penn,  Richard,  carries  petition  to 
King,  7. 

Pennsylvania,  legislature  of,  in 
structs  delegates  in  Congress, 
4 ;  majority  of  delegates  oppose 
independence,  21 ;  quarrels 
with  Connecticut  over  Wyom 
ing,  34 ;  second  State  to  adopt 
Constitution,  49;  attempts  to 
restrict  increase  of  slaves,  150. 

Pennsylvania  Germans  protest 
against  slavery,  151. 

People,  supreme  in  United 
States,  307. 

Perkins  arrests  Burr,  134. 

Petition  to  King,  6 ;  reception  of, 

7; 

Philadelphia,  independence  de 
clared  at,  i ;  honors  Washing 
ton,  58 ;  Burr  reaches,  121 ; 
honors  Lafayette,  199;  356. 

Phillips,  Wendell,  274. 

Pierce,  Franklin,  298. 

Pinckney,  Charles,  161. 

Pinckney,  Charles  C.,  39. 

Pinkney,  William,  162. 

Pittsburg,  Burr  reaches,  122, 
230;  birthplace  of  Republican 
party,  356. 

Platte  River,  100. 

Polk,  James  K.,  175,  180. 

Pope,  Alexander,  40. 

Popular  Sovereignty,  327. 

Population,  House  based  on,  43. 

President  of  United  States,  how 
elected,  47  ;  limits  of  his  power, 

375- 

Proclamation  of  George  III.,  8. 
Proclamation  of  Jefferson.  130 


INDEX 


395 


Proclamation  of  Neutrality,  168. 
Prohibition  of  slave-trade,  156. 
Prussia,  169. 

Putnam,  Rufus, ','  Father  of  Ohio," 
123. 

Quakers,  see  Friends. 
Quarrels  of  the  States,  32. 
Quincy,  Josiah,  205. 

Railroad,  Underground,  see  Un 
derground  Railroad. 

Randolph,  Edmond,  in  Constitu 
tional  Convention,  38. 

Randolph,  John,  164. 

karitan,  the,  94. 

Republics,  South  American,  see 
South  American  Republics. 

Republican,  National,  see  Dem 
ocratic. 

Republican  party,  remotest  rivu 
let  from  which  sprung,  355 ; 
birth-place,  356 ;  distinctive 
principles,  356;  not  at  first  an 
abolition  party,  357 ;  adapta 
bility  of,  358 ;  outlook,  358 ; 
achievements,  359. 

Revere,  Paul,  17,  50. 

Revolution,  i,  9. 

Rhode  Island  instructs  for  inde 
pendence,  13;  refuses  impost 
tax,  31 ;  refuses  to  send  dele 
gates  to  Constitutional  Con 
vention,  37  ;  ills  of  the  country 
blamed  on  it,  41 ;  remains  out 
of  Union,  52. 

Ricaras  Indians,  101. 

Richmond,  seat  of  Burr's  trial, 
136;  285;  289. 

Rocky  Mountains,  reached  by 
Lewis  and  Clarke,  103. 

Rocky  Mountains,  Gates  of,  104. 

Rodney,  Caesar,  his  ride  from 
Delaware  to  Philadelphia,  17. 


Royal  African  Company,  151. 
Rumsey,  James,  83. 
Rush,  Richard,  171. 
Russell,  Lord  John,  209. 
Russia,   in   Holy  Alliance,  169; 

colonizes    Pacific    coast,    172, 

378. 
Rutledge,  John,  39. 

Sacramento  River,  244. 

Sacramento  Valley,  250,  252. 

Salisbury,  Lord,  answers  Olney, 
188. 

San  Diego,  247. 

San  Francisco,  244,  246,  247, 
250. 

San  Joaquin  Valley,  252. 

Santa  Barbara,  247. 

Schomburgk  line,  186. 

Scott,  Winfield,  sent  north  by 
Van  Buren,  211,  257;  candi 
date  of  Whigs  for  President, 
296 ;  defeated,  353. 

Second  of  July,  National  birth 
day,  21. 

Sedition  Law,  see  Alien  and  Sedi 
tion  Laws. 

Seine  River,  Fulton's  experiments 
on,  88. 

Senate,  United  States,  equal  rep 
resentation  in,  43  ;  at  variance 
with  House  on  Missouri  ques 
tion,  158  sq. ;  sends  agents  to 
Panama  Congress,  174;  bal 
ance  in,  broken,  262. 

Serfdom,  149. 

Seward,   William   H.,   221,  261, 

295.  304.  335- 
Sherman,  Roger,  16,  19. 
Shoshone  Indians,  105. 
Sierra   Nevada   Mountains,  245, 

252. 

Sioux  Indians,  101. 
Sixteenth  Congress,  161  sq. 


396 


INDEX 


Slaves,  three-fifths  counted  in 
census,  44. 

Slavery,  during  colonial  period, 
149;  introduced  into  Europe, 
Central,  and  South  America, 
149 ;  under  the  Constitution, 
155  sq.  \  should  be  prohibited 
in  the  Territories,  327. 

Slave-trade,  left  open  for  twenty- 
one  years  by  Constitution,  46, 

154- 

Smith,  Gerrit,  273. 

Smith,  John,  senator  from  Ohio, 
125. 

Smith,  William,  271. 

Smuggling,  154. 

Songs,  campaign,  of  1840,  234. 

South,  the,  took  lead  for  inde 
pendence,  14 ;  favors  counting 
slaves  in  census,  44 ;  claims  that 
slavery  was  necessary  to  their 
prosperity,  155  ;  exhaustion  of 
territory,  242;  furnished  sol 
diers  in  Mexican  War,  242; 
offended  at  free  California, 
259 ;  in  minority  in  Lower 
House,  262;  alarmed  at  abo 
lition  sentiment  in  the  North, 
264;  not  responsible  for  Fugi 
tive  Slave  Law,  265 ;  threatens 
secession,  267;  congratulated 
on  results  of  Civil  War,  292; 
offended  by  Douglas's  Free- 
port  Doctrine,  333. 

South  America,  slavery  in,  149. 

South  American  Republics,  169, 
170 ;  recognized  by  the  United 
States,  170;  rejoice  in  Monroe 
Doctrine,  173;  are  protected 
by  it,  173. 

South  Carolina,  protests  against 
prohibiting  African  slave-trade, 
45  ;  attempts  to  restrict  slave- 
trade,  150;  carries  slavery  into 


Georgia,  151  ;  re-opens  slave, 
trade,  156. 

Southern  States,  prohibit  slave- 
trade,  156;  and  passim. 

Spain,  169 ;  reduced  by  Napo 
leon,  170;  interferes  in  Mexico, 
182. 

Specie  circular,  224. 

Sprague,  Charles,  198. 

Stamp  Act,  6. 

States,  the,  relation  of  to  the 
Union,  360  sq. ;  origin  of,  362 ; 
have  no  foreign  relations,  373. 

States'  Rights,  361 ;  our  great 
safeguard  of  liberty,  381. 

State  authority,  371. 

State  laws,  368. 

State  Sovereignty,  361. 

Staten  Island,  196. 

States,  Northern,  see  Northern 
States. 

States,  Southern,  see  Southern 
States. 

St.  Clair,  230. 

Steam  navigation,  wrought  a 
revolution,  80;  first  attempted 
by  William  Henry,  82. 

Stephens,  Alexander  H.,  296. 

Stoddard,  Fort,  134. 

Sumner,  Charles,  274,  304. 

Sutler,  John  A.,  built  fort,  244; 
possessions  of,  244;  apprised 
of  gold  discovery,  246 ;  later 
career  of,  253  (note). 

Swiss  Government,  375. 

Syracuse,  273. 

Talmadge,  James,  158,  159,161. 
Tariff,  left  to  Congress  by  Consti 
tution,  46;    not  a  party   issue, 

357- 

Taylor,  John  W.,  158,  159,  161. 
Taylor,  Zachary,  257 ;  death,  262 
Texas,  242.  ''«;••". 


INDEX 


397 


Thames,  battle  of  the,  231. 

Theodosia  Burr,  daughter  of 
Aaron  Burr,  119;  goes  West 
with  him,  128;  attends  Burr's 
trial,  138 ;  devotion  to  her 
father,  140;  death,  143. 

Thomas,  senator  from  Illinois, 
moves  Missouri  Compromise, 
163. 

Thompson,  Charles,  signs  Decla 
ration  of  Independence,  22; 
carries  news  of  election  to 
Washington,  56. 

Thornton,  Alfred,  280. 

Tippecanoe,  226. 

Tompkins,  Daniel  D.,  receives 
Lafayette,  196. 

Toombs,  Robert,  296. 

Tories,    10;    during   Revolution, 

339- 

Trenton,  honors  Washington, 
59-60. 

Tribune,  New  York,  advocates 
reelection  of  Douglas  to  Sen 
ate,  317 ;  355. 

Tyler,  John,  161 ;  nominated  for 
vice-presidency,  228 ;  becomes 
President,  239. 

Underground  Railroad,  meaning 
of  term,  263;  in  operation, 
275  sq. 

Union,  formed,  24  sq.  \  with  the 
States,  361 ;  origin  of,  362. 

United  States,  born  July  2,  1776, 
21 ;  condition  before  adoption 
of  Constitution,  25^. ;  declines 
tripartite  agreement,  181 ;  in 
terferes  in  Venezuelan  bound 
ary  dispute,  187. 

Van  Buren,  Martin,  issues  proc 
lamation  against  abetting  Ca 
nadian  rebels,  211;  demands 


redress  for  destruction  of  the 
Caroline,  215 ;  223. 

Venezuela,  boundary  dispute, 
185;  offers  to  compromise, 
186. 

Verona,  169. 

Vigilance  Committee,  276,  285. 

Virginia,  convention  at  Williams- 
burg,  13 ;  instructs  delegates 
to  propose  independence,  14; 
makes  compact  with  Maryland, 
30;  elects  delegates  to  Consti 
tutional  Convention,  36;  slavery 
introduced  into,  149;  attempts 
to  check  slave-trade,  150; 
carries  slavery  into  North 
Carolina,  151 ;  came  near 
emancipating,  153. 

Wade,  Benjamin,  304. 

Wakefield,  132. 

Walla  Walla  Indians,  no. 

Walker,  Robert  J.,314;  governor 
of  Kansas,  315. 

War,  Civil,  see  Civil  War. 

War  of  1812,  157,  230. 

War,  Mexican,  see  Mexican 
War. 

Warren,  Joseph,  predicts  free 
dom  for  America,  5. 

Washington,  Fort,  230. 

Washington,  George,  writes  letter 
against  independence,  5 ;  at 
head  of  army,  15 ;  makes 
peace  between  New  York  and 
New  Hampshire,  33;  elected 
to  Constitutional  Convention, 
36 ;  president  of  Constitutional 
Convention,  40 ;  elected  Presi 
dent,  55  ;  leaves  Mount  Vernon, 
57 ;  journey  to  New  York,  57 
sq. ;  inauguration,  62;  holds 
first  place  in  American  heart, 
64;  opinion  of  Rumsey's 


398 


INDEX 


steamboat,  83;  above  party 
lines,  342. 

Watershed,  107. 

Watt,  James,  82. 

Wayne,  Anthony,  230. 

Webster,  Daniel,  author  of 
"  Supposed  Speech  of  John 
Adams,"  20;  162;  233;  secre 
tary  of  state  under  Harrison, 
238 ;  261 ;  candidate  for  Whig 
nomination,  296. 

Weed,  Thurlow,  226;  quoted, 
376. 

Wesley,  John,  151. 

West,  the,  a  wilderness,  96; 
would  be  severed  from  East 
but  for  railroad  and  telegraph, 
118;  social  conditions  deter 
mined,  241. 

Western  Reserve,  34. 

Westminster  Review,  183. 

Wetzel,  Lewis,  98. 

Whig  party,  demoralized  condi 
tion  in  185?  295 ;  tottering  to 
its  fall,  299 ;  posthumous  child 
of  Federal  party,  351 ;  had  but 
one  rival,  351;  tendency,  351; 
dissolution,  353. 

Whigs,  blame  Democrats  for 
panic  of  1837,  224;  hold  con 
vention  at  Harrisburg,  225 ; 


make  log  cabin  and  hard 
cider  symbols  of  campaign, 
233;  during  Revolution,  339. 

Wilkinson,  James,  in  Burr's 
conspiracy,  126;  129;  writes 
Jefferson  betraying  Burr,  130. 

Willet,  Colonel,  197. 

Williamson,  Passmore,  283;  res 
cues  slave  woman,  imprisoned, 
284. 

Wilson,  James,  member  of  Con 
tinental  Congress,  16 ;  justice 
of  Supreme  Court,  16;  most 
learned  lawyer  in  America,  16 ; 
anecdote,  40. 

Wirt,  William,  137. 

Women,  dearth  of  in  California, 
256;  effect  on  community, 

257- 
Wyoming  Valley,  34. 

X,  Y,  Z  Mission,  68-69. 

Yeamans,  Sir  John,  introduces 
slavery  into  South  Carolina, 

151- 

Yellowstone  River,  102. 

York  River,  108. 

Yucatan,  appeals  to  United  States, 
England,  and  Spain  for  protec 
tion,  175,  176. 


SIDE    LIGHTS 


AMERICAN  HISTORY 


BY 


HENRY   W.   ELSON,  A.M. 

LECTURER  OF  THE  AMERICAN  SOCIETY  FOR  THE  EXTENSION 

OF  UNIVERSITY  TEACHING 

AUTHOR  OF  "  HISTORICAL  BIOGRAPHIES   FOR  CHILDREN  " 
"  WHAT  TO  READ,"   ETC. 


Two  VOLUMES  IN  ONE 
//.     THE    CIVIL    WAR  AND   OUR    OWN   TIMES 


Nefo  gorfc 
THE   MACMILLAN   COMPANY 

LONDON:  MACMILLAN  &  CO.,  LTD. 

1906 
All  rights  reserved 


AOIflHMA 


COPYRIGHT,  1900, 
BY  THE  MACM1LLAN  COMPANY. 


Set  up  and  electrotyped  June,  1900.      Reprinted  October, 
igoi  ;  January,  Jutyj  November,  1902. 

New  edition,  two  volumes  in  one,  September,  1906. 


Nottoooto 

J.  S.  Cushing  &  Co.  -  Berwick  &  Smith 
Norwood  Mast.  U.S.A. 


?\  j] 


PREFACE 

;     f\i\'.yi'J    VT/nOilf^J'JjJTf  ;'>     ff""JV,V    <>} 

THE  cordial  reception  by  the  public  of  the 
first  series  of  "  Side  Lights  on  American  His 
tory,"  published  a  year  ago,  has  been  very 
gratifying  to  the  author,  and  has  far  surpassed 
his  expectations.  The  press  notices  also  have 
been  uniformly  commendatory,  many  making 
special  reference  to  the  literary  style.  These 
facts  have  greatly  encouraged  the  author  in  pre 
paring  the  present  volume,  which,  it  is  hoped, 
will  be  received  with  equal  favor. 

This  volume  begins  where  its  predecessor 
left  off,  and  covers  the  period  of  the  Civil  War 
and  that  which  follows  on  to  the  present  time. 
The  original  plan  of  choosing  out  the  chief 
events,  without  attempting  to  give  a  complete 
history,  has  been  followed,  the  object  being  to 
turn  a  flash-light  here  and  there  on  the  part 
that  may  be  taken  as  a  fair  sample  of  the 
whole. 


vi  PREFACE 

The  author  realizes  the  extreme  difficulty  in 
writing  recent  history.  It  is  not  want  of  mate 
rial,  but  the  necessity  of  dealing  with  living 
political  issues  without  revealing  a  partisan  bias, 
that  constitutes  the  difficulty.  Nor  is  it  possible 
to  weigh  contemporary  events  and  give  them 
their  true  and  final  historic  value ;  this  must  be 
left  to  the  critical  historian  of  the  future. 

If,  however,  these  side  lights  on  our  history 
shall  stimulate  the  reader  to  further  research, 
and  shall  give  him  a  broader  conception  of,  and 
a  deeper  love  for,  our  great  country  and  its 
institutions,  the  writer  will  feel  amply  repaid. 

H,  W.  E. 
PHILADELPHIA,  PA., 
May,  1900. 


TABLE   OF   CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  I 
THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTION  OF  1860 

PAGE 

The  Political  Situation  .  .  .  4n--»-iMf.  vim-  l 
The  Democratic  Convention  .  .  .f  , ..,,  p.  3 
The  Republican  Convention  .  ,  ,T  .  ^  ;  ,  .  .  9 
The  Platforms  .  .  .  .  f'<(  ( •-.;  j ';,?•,  l6 
The  Campaign  .......  19 

CHAPTER   II 
SECESSION 

State  Sovereignty  in  Theory  •>.  <!:>m<>  26 

State  Sovereignty  in  Practice  .         .         .        .         .  29 

Early  Threats  of  Disunion 32 

Secession  of  South  Carolina 4° 

CHAPTER   III 

GREAT  LEADERS  IN  CONGRESS  DURING  THE  WAR 

Leading  Spirits  of  the  South     £•''  kp£  ti\$><.*.rs£l  •     .  49 

Sumner  and  Fessenden     .        '*  «i»i«)JnJa0ODo>i  ju-j^  58 

©ther  Senatorial  Lights    .         ^ '-M.!:,.  ri  hiy  ?:-ia^j:d-.-  65 

Great  Leaders  in  the  House      .         .      'n;J'i<n^E  o  .1.  70 
vu 


viii  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER   IV 
EVENTS  LEADING  UP  TO  THE  CIVIL  WAR 

PAGE 

Cause  of  the  War     .......  76 

Beginning  of  the  Long  Strife    .  .        ,•         «  79 

Mexican  War  and  Omnibus  Bill      *.   ^jH/^i     m  gj 

The  Slaveholder's  Blunder        .....  89 

CHAPTER  V 
THE  BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 

Advance  Movements  .  .  •  ;.,  V  l'm!^'  98 
The  First  Day's  Battle  .  W«*™&^*><  .  102 
The  Second  Day's  Battle  -"OI  Jn?  /n?  -'I*'*-  .  .  114 

The  Third  Day's  Battle    ....     '"I     tc!J  122 

gl    .;.«  '  .  ifj$;-JX{ftf£'J  tulT 

CHAPTER  V 
CAUSES  OF  NORTHERN  SUCCESS 


The  Blockade  . 
The  Border  States    . 

.        '{lOfjdT  ni  *^jr!^i'4'rr> 

•     131 

•     *35 
n8 

Foreign  Relations 

U2 

CHAPTER  VII 

RECONSTRUCTION 

A  New  Problem        .  ...         .         ,         .  149 

Lincoln  and  Congress  at  Variance    .        V       •    '  '   •'  *53 

The  New  President  and  the  Old  Plan      ).,  rjh*|2  vf.:  160 

The  Great  Reconstruction  Act         mltn'jtzu'i  inir,  ;••  J^9 

Carpet-baggers  and  Scalawags         *if{<»(J»l£ho*:;rr';(-i»  174 

The  Race  Problem  .         .         9*<roH  »rfj*fli  r-ishj;oj  177 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER   VIII 
IMPEACHMENT  AND  TRIAL  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON 


PAGE 


Andrew  Johnson       .         .         J>D9^,gaiIsliiaD*j>(U£tQ  184 

Tenure  of  Office  Act         .       JpamsyoW  0mT,&f£rf'J  189 

The  Impeachment    .         .         .      ^yni>vjy»J  o^foiri,.'  195 

The  Great  Trial        .         .         .        JjkkiiJ«r)  w^idA  *  199 

Observations    .....  <onjr>cJ  jii««.>iV  210 


CHAPTER  IX 

x<         THE  ALABAMA  CLAIMS 

Alabama.         .         ,         .         ^j^.&jofci  21* 

Negotiations     .         .         .        ^^T  m:^m*  t;     .  »5 

The  Treaty  of  Washington   ^j.^frno,}  A  }„  Tfill.T  .  233 

Tfce  Geneva  Conference.  v;  {i.^  dfft  ^-0>J{,  ^rt,£'T  ,,  235 

troilKlgi^pJ  ftivy  T  i^U;.l 
CHAPTER  X 

THE  LIBERAL  REPUBLICAN  MOVEMENT  OF  1872 

The  Cincinnati  Convention     •  'J^  ^U'i      .         .         .     242 
Horace  Greeley         ......         ,     246 

The  Campaign          ....     )I(v'-';T  5IK'"llV;    250 

.  •  u;7/  y  ill  "to  g-)v*m;..J 


CHAPTER  XI 

iofH  'j'lar'f 
THE  DISPUTED  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTION  OF  1876 

The  Two  Candidates        ......  263 

Issues  of  the  Campaign     .         .         .    •     .         .         .  269 

Returning  Boards     .......  274 

The  Electoral  Commission       .        ,  280 


X  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  XII 
THE  GARFIELD  TRAGEDY 

PAGB 

The  Blaine-Conkling  Feud 286 

The  Third  Term  Movement                              U  V     .  299 

The  Chicago  Convention 303 

James  Abram  Garfield      .                          .  3°8 

The  Closing  Scenes 312 

CHAPTER  XIII 
A  CENTURY  OF  TARIFF  LEGISLATION 

General  Observations 325 

The  First  American  Tariffs 33° 

The  "  Tariff  of  Abominations "      ';  :1' ;  J  .        .        .  337 

Other  Tariffs  before  the  Civil  War   .         .        .        •  ?39 

Later  Tariff  Legislation    ......  344 

CHAPTER  XIV 
THE  SPANISH  WAR 

The  Cuban  Revolt   .                                          .<•.,..•  353 

Causes  of  the  War 35^ 

Manila 363 

Santiago 374 

Puerto  Rico      .         .        »,;.<•.       ....  39° 

The  Coming  of  Peace       ,'   f\  V ,  . '  '•'  ' J  V        .        »  394 


SIDE    LIGHTS 
ON    AMERICAN    HISTORY 


SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN 
,floi^b-«o^ i.  HISTORY   ^i^^o^ 

CHAPTER   I 

THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTION  OF  1860 
The  Political  Situation 

THE  Democratic  party  had  enjoyed  a  long 
lease  of  power  —  unbroken  for  sixty  years,  ex 
cept  for  the  two  successful  Whig  campaigns 
in  the  forties ;  but  as  the  presidential  election 
of  1860  drew  near,  a  general  conviction  took 
possession  of  the  public  mind  that  a  great  politi 
cal  revolution  was  at  hand.  The  rapid  rise  of 
the  Republican  party  had  seriously  threatened 
Democratic  supremacy  in  1856;  but  the  per 
sonal  integrity  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  coupled  with 
the  fact  that  his  residing  in  England  during 
the  preceding  four  years  had  left  his  name  un 
tainted  with  Kansas-Nebraskaism,  had  secured 
to  the  Democrats  one  more  national  victory. 
But  the  axe  was  laid  at  the  root  of  the  tree. 

VOL.  II. — B  I 


2          SIDE  LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Yet,  so  great  was  the  vitality  of  the  party,  and 
so  deep-seated  its  hold  upon  the  people,  that  it 
might  have  survived  the  odium  of  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Law  and  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision, 
had  it  not  been  for  quarrels  that  followed 
within  its  own  household.  The  President,  in 
disregard  of  public  feeling  at  the  North,  urged 
upon  Congress  the  admission  of  Kansas  into 
the  Union  under  the  infamous  Lecompton  Con 
stitution.1  He  thus  incurred  the  open  hostility 
of  Senator  Douglas,  who  successfully  resisted 
the  passage  of  the  measure. 

The  Republicans  were  not  slow  to  profit  by 
the  dissensions  of  the  Democrats.  Thousands 
of  Democrats,  lukewarm  after  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Act,  but  still  clinging  to  the  party 
of  their  fathers,  were  now  exasperated  beyond 
endurance  by  the  position  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  and 
were  warmly  welcomed  within  the  Republican 
fold.  The  signs  of  the  times,  indeed,  seemed 

1  The  Lecompton  Constitution  was  framed  by  the  proslavery 
party  at  Lecompton,  Kansas,  in  September,  1857.  This  Consti 
tution,  which  was  not  submitted  to  a  fair  vote  of  the  people, 
sanctioned  slavery  in  Kansas  and  forbade  the  passage  of  emanci 
pation  laws  by  the  legislature.  Many  of  the  members  that  framed 
the  Constitution  had  been  elected  by  fraudulent  means. 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION  OF   1860         3 

to  point  to  a  Republican  victory  in  the  great 
contest  of  1860,  yet  this  would  scarcely  have 
been  possible  but  for  the  fatal  split  in  the 
Democratic  party,  which  we  must  now  consider. 

The  Democratic  Convention 

The  National  Democratic  Convention  met  in 
April,  1860,  at  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  for 
the  purpose  of  adopting  a  platform  of  principles 
and  of  nominating  candidates  for  the  presidency 
and  vice-presidency.  The  party  was  not  har 
monious.  The  fraternal  feeling  between  the 
two  sections  that  had  prevailed  eight  years 
before  at  the  nomination  of  Pierce,  and  four 
years  before  when  Buchanan  became  the  stand 
ard-bearer,  was  now  wholly  wanting.  The 
condition  of  the  Democratic  party  was  now 
very  similar  to  that  of  the  Whigs  when  they 
entered  on  their  last  national  campaign  in 
1852;  and  the  rock  on  which  the  Whig  party 
had  been  dashed  to  pieces  was  the  same  that 
now  threatened  the  Democracy. 

The  Charleston  convention  0  was  called  to 
order,  and  Caleb  Gushing  of  Massachusetts  was 
made  permanent  chairman.  Gushing  was  a 


4          SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

lawyer  of  great  learning  and  experience.  It 
is  said  that  he  could  converse  with  almost  any 
foreign  minister  in  Washington  in  the  latter's 
own  language.  He  had  been  a  member  of 
Congress  as  a  Whig  away  back  in  the  thirties, 
was  later  in  the  cabinet  of  Tyler  and  minister 
to  China.  On  his  return  to  the  United  States, 
he  joined  the  Democratic  party,  served  through 
the  Mexican  War,  was  four  years  in  the  cabi 
net  of  Franklin  Pierce,  and  was  now  in  full 
sympathy  with  the  extreme  proslavery  senti- 
ment  of  the  South.  The  selection  of  Gushing 
was  the  first  victory  of  the  South.  There 
were  thirty-three  States  in  the  Union  at  that 
time;  and  the  fifteen  slave  States,  joined  by 
the  delegates  from  two  of  the  free  States,  Cali 
fornia  and  Oregon,  had  control  of  the  com 
mittees  and  were  thus  enabled  to  name  the 
chairman  and  to  frame  the  platform.  The 
free  States,  however,  owing  to  their  greater 
population,  had  a  majority  in  convention,  and 
that  body  was  not  obliged  to  accept  the  plat 
form  as  it  cajne  from  the  majority  of  the 
committee. 

The  great  battle  was  now  fairly  under  way 


THE   PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION   OF    1860          5 

• — a  battle  that  was  to  rend  the  party  in  twain. 
The  one  vital  point  on  which  the  combatants 
could  not  agree  was  slavery  in  the  Territories. 
The  South  demanded  that  Congress  protect 
slavery  in  the  Territories  against  all  unfriendly 
local  legislation,  while  the  northern  delegates, 
in  accordance  with  the  view  of  their  constitu 
ents,  took  the  ground  that  each  Territory 
should  control  the  matter  for  itself,  and  decide 
whether  slavery  should  exist  within  its  bounds. 
This  doctrine  was  known  as  "  Squatter  Sover 
eignty,"  and  Stephen  A.  Douglas  was  its 
author.  Douglas,  who,  by  his  brave  stand 
against  the  Lecompton  Constitution,  had  re 
gained  much  of  the  popularity  lost  by  means 
of  his  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  was  now  again 
the  Democratic  idol  of  the  North  and  the 
choice  of  that  section  for  the  presidency. 
But  he  had  paid  dearly  for  his  re-won  laurels ; 
he  had  sacrificed  his  popularity  in  the  .entire 
South,  and  almost  all  the  delegates  from  the 
slave  States  opposed  his  nomination. 

Before  balloting  for  candidates,  however,  it 
was  necessary  to  decide  upon  a  platform.  The 
committee,  after  a  serious  struggle  of  several 


6          SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

days,  was  unable  to  agree,  and  the  result  was 
two  platforms  brought  before  the  convention. 
The  position  of  the  slave  States  was  eloquently 
set  forth  by  Mr.  Yancey  of  Alabama,  the  most 
famous  orator  of  the  South.  In  vain  did  the 
northern  delegates  declare  that  the  party  could 
not  carry  a  northern  State,  if  they  yielded  to 
the  demands  of  the  South  concerning  slavery 
in  the  Territories.  They  were  willing,  however, 
to  yield  their  squatter  sovereignty  plank,  and  to 
leave  the  matter  of  slavery  in  the  Territories 
to  the  decision  of  the  courts.  But  the  South 
was  inflexible,  and  an  agreement  was  impossi 
ble.  When  the  convention  balloted,  the  Doug 
las  platform  as  reported  by  the  minority  of 
the  committee  was  adopted  by  a  majority  of 
27  on  a  total  vote  of  303. 

The  next  great  act  in  the  drama  immedi 
ately  followed.  The  chairman  of  the  Alabama 
delegation  now  arose  and  announced  that  the 
delegates  from  that  State,  as  instructed  by 
their  constituents,  would  withdraw  from  the 
convention.  This  action  was  followed  by  the 
withdrawal  of  the  delegates  from  Mississippi, 
Louisiana,  South  Carolina,  Florida,  and  Arkan- 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTION  OF   1860          7 

sas.  The  moment  was  a  portentous  and  sol 
emn  one.  Men  looked  at  each  other  with  tears 
in  their  eyes,1  as  much  as  to  say,  this  is  the 
fatal  step,  not  only  toward  the  disruption  of 
the  party,  but  toward  the  dissolution  of  the 
Union. 

After  the  secession  of  the  southern  dele 
gates  the  convention  adopted  the  two-thirds 
rule  and  began  balloting  for  a  presidential 
candidate.  Douglas  led  all  other  candidates 
from  the  start.  On  several  ballots  he  received 
more  than  a  majority  of  the  votes,  but  always 
fell  below  the  necessary  two-thirds.  On  May 
the  3d,  after  fifty-seven  fruitless  ballots  had 
been  cast,  the  convention  adjourned  to  meet 
on  June  the  i8th,  in  Baltimore,  while  the 
seceding  faction  decided  to  meet  at  Richmond, 
Virginia. 

The  adjourned  convention  met  at  the  ap 
pointed  time  and  place.  Six  weeks  had 
elapsed  since  the  Charleston  convention  had 
broken  up  in  disorder,  and  the  Republicans 
had  met  in  the  meantime  and  placed  their 
candidates  before  the  country.  The  strongest 
1  Rhodes,  Vol.  II.  p.  451. 


8          SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

reasons  now  existed  for  a  union  of  the  Demo 
cratic  factions,  for  without  it  the  most  sanguine 
could  not  hope  for  a  victory  at  the  polls.  But 
union  seemed  impossible.  The  South  would 
not  and  the  North  could  not  yield.  Had  the 
North  yielded  to  the  southern  demands,  it 
would  have  destroyed  the  Democratic  party 
north  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line,  and  the 
Republican  party  would  have  been  thereby 
greatly  strengthened.  There  was  no  choice, 
therefore,  for  the  delegations  from  the  North ; 
and,  after  several  days'  wrangling,  most  of  the 
remaining  southern  delegates  (those  who  had 
not  seceded  at  Charleston),  led  by  the  Virginia 
delegation,  withdrew  from  the  hall.  Chairman 
Gushing  went  with  them  and  cast  his  lot  with 
the  South. 

The  convention  again  proceeded  to  vote  for 
a  candidate  for  President,  and  on  the  second 
ballot  Douglas,  receiving  all  the  votes  but 
thirteen,  was  declared  the  nominee.  Senator 
Fitzpatrick  of  Alabama  was  nominated  for 
Vice-President ;  but  he  declined  a  few  days 
later,  and  Herschel  V.  Johnson  of  Georgia  was 
chosen  as  Douglas's  running  mate. 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION  OF   1860         9 

The  seceding  faction  met  in  another  hall 
and  nominated  John  C.  Breckinridge  of  Ken 
tucky  and  General  Joseph  Lane  of  Oregon 
for  President  and  Vice-President.  The  other 
faction  that  had  met  at  Richmond  ratified 
these  nominations.  In  this  divided  condi 
tion  the  Democratic  party  went  before  the 
country  in  1860,  asking  for  the  suffrages  of 
the  people. 

The  Republican    Convention 

By  far  the  greatest  gathering  of  its  kind  in 
the  United  States  up  to  that  time  was  the 
Republican  Convention  that  met  in  Chicago 
on  May  16,  1860.  The  Republican  party  was 
young  and  full  of  enthusiasm ;  and  its  hopes 
of  success  in  the  coming  battle  were  greatly 
strengthened  by  the  want  of  harmony  among 
the  Democrats.  The  great  convention  met  in 
a  wigwam  built  for  the  purpose  and  said  to 
accommodate  ten  thousand  people.  All  the 
free  States  and  several  slave  States  were  rep 
resented.  Not  only  was  this  vast  auditorium 
crowded  to  the  doors,  but  tens  of  thousands 
of  people  surged  in  vain  for  admittance.  Two 


10       SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

days  were  spent  in  preparing  and  adopting  a 
platform  of  principles,  and  on  the  morning  of 
the  third  the  balloting  began. 

There  was  no  lack  of  candidates,  the  most 
prominent  being  William  H.  Seward  of  New 
York,  Abraham  Lincoln  of  Illinois,  and  Edward 
Bates  of  Missouri.  Next  to  these  stood  Salmon 
P.  Chase  of  Ohio  and  Simon  Cameron  of  Penn 
sylvania  ;  but  neither  of  these  expected  the 
nomination,  nor  were  they  seriously  considered 
outside  their  respective  States. 

The  one  candidate  far  in  the  lead  of  all 
others  was  Mr.  Seward.  For  many  years 
Seward  had  been  the  great  northern  exponent 
of  the  principles  on  which  the  Republican 
party  was  founded.  Before  the  party  was 
born,  he  had  stood  in  the  forefront  of  the 
battle  and  had  contended  with  singular  cour 
age  in  the  National  Senate  and  from  the 
public  platform  for  what  he  believed  to  be 
right  in  the  government  of  the  Nation.  The 
general  belief  on  all  sides  was  that  the  nomi 
nation  of  Seward  was  assured.  Even  his  op 
ponents  on  the  evening  before  the  balloting 
began  telegraphed  their  friends  at  home  their 


THE   PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION   OF    1860        II 

fear  that  the  selection  of  Seward  on  the  mor 
row  was  inevitable. 

But  there  were  powerful  forces  working 
against  Seward.  He  had  been  too  long  in 
public  life  not  to  have  made  enemies.  He 
was  the  author  of  the  "  higher  law  "  doctrine, 
and  he  had  used  the  expression  "  irrepressible 
conflict"  in  speaking  of  the  strife  between  the 
North  and  the  South  on  the  slavery  question. 
He  was  looked  upon  as  the  chief  of  the  radi 
cals  representing  northern  thought,  and  on 
this  account  many  conservatives  hesitated  to 
follow  him.  Moreover,  Seward,  when  governor 
of  New  York,  had  offended  many  of  the  Know- 
Nothings  on  the  school  question.  The  Know- 
Nothing  or  American  party  had  now  dissolved, 
most  of  its  members  had  joined  the  Repub 
licans,  but  they  still  held  resentment  against 
Seward,  and  it  was  feared  that  he  would 
not  be  able  to  command  their  votes.  These 
were  the  formidable  obstacles  in  the  way  of 
Seward's  nomination  at  Chicago.1 

1  Andrew  Curtin,  the  nominee  of  the  Republicans  for  gov 
ernor  of  Pennsylvania,  called  the  People's  party  in  that  State, 
Alexander  K.  McClure  of  the  same  state,  and  Henry  S.  Lane, 


12       SIDE  LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

The  next  important  candidate  was  Abraham 
Lincoln.  As  a  National  figure,  it  is  true,  he 
was  no  match  for  Seward ;  but  after  his  memo 
rable  debate  with  Douglas  in  1858,  his  star 
had  steadily  risen  until  now  it  shone  with  a 
brilliancy  in  the  political  firmament  second 
only  to  that  of  the  great  New  Yorker.  Lin 
coln's  Cooper  Union  speech  in  New  York  City 
the  preceding  winter  had  done  much  to  bring 
him  before  the  public  and  had  won  many. 
friends,  among  whom  was  the  venerable  jour 
nalist  and  poet,  William  Cullen  Bryant. 

The  people  of  Illinois  were  in  serious  ear 
nest  in  their  efforts  to  secure  the  nomination 
of  Lincoln.  The  week  before  the  convention 
met,  the  State  convention  at  Decatur  had 
named  him  as  their  first  and  only  choice  for 
President.  One  of  his  friends  had  there 
marched  through  the  crowd  bearing  on  his 

nominee  for  governor  of  Indiana,  all  leading  spirits  of  the 
convention,  declared  that  Seward  could  not  carry  their  respec 
tive  States  in  the  election,  and  they  did  all  in  their  power  to 
compass  his  defeat.  So  also  did  Horace  Greeley,  whose  com 
pact  with  Seward  and  Weed  had  been  dissolved  some  years 
before.  Seward's  canvass  was  conducted  by  that  unrivalled 
political  manager  from  New  York,  Thurlow  Weed. 


THE   PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION   OF    1860        13 

shoulder  two  rails  on  which  was  inscribed : 
"  From  a  lot  made  by  Abraham  Lincoln  and 
John  Hanks  in  the  Sangamon  bottom  in  the 
year  1830."  Henceforth,  Lincoln  was  often 
called  the  rail-splitter,  and  the  shouts  now  at 
Chicago  for  "  honest  old  Abe,  the  rail-splitter  " 
were  loud  and  long. 

Bates  was  also  a  man  of  National  reputation ; 
but  it  was  not  his  personality  nor  his  popu 
larity  that  made  him  a  possible  candidate 
before  the  convention.  It  was  rather  the 
fact  that  he  represented  a  slave  State,  and 
his  selection  would  have  done  much  toward 
weakening  the  most  serious  charge  made 
against  the  Republican  party  —  that  of  being 
a  sectional  party.  Bates  was  supported  by 
the  New  York  Tribune  and  its  famous  editor, 
Horace  Greeley. 

The  shouting  for  Lincoln  on  the  moving  of 
the  first  ballot  was  wild  and  enthusiastic. 
His  managers  had  employed  two  men  whose 
vocal  powers  were  so  great  that  their  shouts, 
it  is  said,  could  he  heard  above  the  most  vio 
lent  storm.  These  two  men,  one  of  whom 
was  a  Democrat,  were  hired  to  sit  in  the 


14       SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

gallery  and  lead  the  shouting  for  the  Illinois 
candidate.  As  the  ballot  proceeded  the  ex 
citement  became  intense.  When  the  votes 
were  counted,  it  was  found  that  Seward  had 
led  with  173^  votes;  Lincoln  had  102;  Cam 
eron  following  with  50^,  while  Chase  received 
49  and  Bates  48.  There  was  no  nomination, 
as  it  required  233  votes  to  make  a  choice. 
Cameron's  name  was  now  withdrawn,  and 
on  the  second  ballot  many  of  the  scattering 
votes  were  gathered  in  by  the  two  leading 
candidates.  Lincoln  gained  far  more  rap 
idly  than  Seward,  and  was  found  to  be  but 
2\  votes  behind  the  New  Yorker  when  the 
result  was  announced.  But  still  there  was  no 
nomination,  and  it  was  now  decided  to  ad 
journ  until  the  next  day. 

Chicago  during  that  night  was  a  roaring, 
seething  mass  of  humanity.  In  the  early  morn 
ing  hours  of  the  following  day  the  Seward  party 
made  an  imposing  street  demonstration  led  by 
a  band  in  bright  uniform.  While  this  was  in 
progress  the  Lincoln  party  stole  a  march  by 
filling  the  galleries  of  the  wigwam  with  fol 
lowers  of  the  rail-splitter,  with  the  result  that 


THE   PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTION   OF   1860        15 

when  the  Seward  shouters  came  they  found  the 
place  well  filled  and  few  of  them  could  gain 
admittance.  As  the  third  ballot  progressed  the 
excitement  grew  in  intensity,  for  it  was  felt 
that  this  would  be  the  final  and  deciding  vote. 
Cheer  on  cheer  reechoed  through  the  great  hall 
as  one  State  after  another  recorded  its  vote 
for  either  of  the  two  leading  candidates.  The 
confusion  was  indescribable  as  the  rail-splitter 
steadily  gained  on  the  New  York  statesman, 
passed  him,  and  finally  came  within  i^  votes  of 
the  great  prize.  Then  for  a  moment  the  vast 
assemblage  held  its  breath  as  a  delegate  from 
Ohio  rose  and  announced  the  change  of  4 
votes  from  that  State  from  Chase  to  Lincoln, 
thus  giving  him  the  nomination.  But  the 
silence  was  only  for  a  moment,  when  there 
broke  forth  such  terrific  thunders  of  applause 
that  the  boom  of  cannon,  announcing  the  event 
from  the  top  of  the  building,  could  scarcely  be 
heard  inside.1  The  news  of  the  nomination 
soon  spread  through  the  streets  of  the  city ;  a 
hundred  guns  were  fired  from  the  top  of  the 
Fremont  House;  processions  of  men  bearing 

1  Rhodes,  Vol.  II.  p.  471. 


1 6       SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

rails  in  honor  of  "  Old  Abe  "  were  formed  on 
all  sides,  and  indeed  the  whole  city  gave  itself 
up  to  one  long  exultant  shout  of  joy.  The  news 
was  telegraphed  to  Lincoln  at  his  office  in 
Springfield.  When  informed  of  the  work  of 
the  convention,  he  remarked,  "  There  is  a 
little  woman  at  our  house  that  would  be  glad 
to  hear  this;  I'll  go  and  tell  her." 

Outside  of  Illinois  and  a  few  adjacent  States 
the  nomination  of  Lincoln  created  little  enthu 
siasm  in  the  party.  The  general  feeling  was  one 
of  disappointment.  Seward  had  been  looked 
upon  as  the  coming  man,  and  his  followers  were 
deeply  mortified  when  he  was  set  aside.  Never 
theless  many  of  the  common  people  rejoiced  at 
the  selection  of  the  rail-splitter,  nor  was  he 
without  warm  supporters  among  the  leaders. 
Senator  Douglas,  his  great  antagonist,  exclaimed 
to  a  group  of  Republican  senators,  "  Gentlemen, 
you  have  nominated  a  very  able  and  a  very 

honest  man." 

The  Platforms 

The  chief  issue  in  the  presidential  election  of 
1860  was  the  same  that  had  held  the  attention 
of  the  country  for  several  years  past,  the  same 


THE   PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION   OF    1860       1 7 

that  had  been  dominant  in  the  famous  joint 
debates  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas  —  slavery 
in  the  Territories.  The  enactment  of  the  Kan 
sas-Nebraska  Law  and  the  different  interpreta 
tions  it  received  north  and  south  of  Mason  and 
Dixon's  line  had  placed  this  question  fore 
most  in  the  public  mind ;  but  in  the  campaign 
of  1856  the  issue  was  less  prominent  than  now. 
The  South  had  not  then  made  demands  on  the 
northern  Democrats  to  which  the  latter  could 
not  yield,  and  the  party  had  presented  a  united 
front  to  the  enemy.  But  now  the  party  was 
rent  into  two  great  factions,  and  the  issue  be 
tween  the  factions  was  the  same  as  that  between 
each  of  them  and  the  Republicans  —  slavery  in 
the  Territories. 

The  following  are  the  three  positions  adapted 
from  Greeley :  The  Republicans  took  the  ground 
that  slavery  is  a  political  and  moral  evil ;  that 
it  can  exist  only  where  protected  by  law ;  that 
there  is  no  law  for  it  in  the  Territories,  nor  is 
there  any  power  to  enact  one,  and  that  Con 
gress  is  not  only  without  the  power  to  pro 
tect  slavery  in  Territories,  but  is  bound  to 
prohibit  it. 

VOL.  II.  —  C 


1 8       SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

The  Breckenridge  Democrats  represented  the 
opposite  extreme,  taking  the  ground  that,  as  the 
Constitution  recognizes  property  in  slaves,  Con 
gress  is  bound  to  protect  such  property  in  all 
public  lands  ;  that  any  slave  owner  may  migrate 
into  any  United  States  territory  and  take  his 
human  property  with  him,  nor  has  the  people 
or  the  territorial  legislature  any  right  to  exclude 
slavery  by  unfriendly  laws. 

The  Douglas  Democrats  took  the  middle 
ground  that  Congress  had  absolutely  nothing  to 
do  with  the  matter;  that  the  people  of  a  Territory 
have  the  sole  right  to  decide  the  question  for 
themselves ;  that  slavery  or  no  slavery  within 
the  bounds  of  any  Territory  must  be  left  to  a 
majority  of  the  white  citizens. 

The  fourth  party,  that  led  by  Bell  and  Everett, 
did  not  announce  its  position  on  the  all-impor 
tant  question.  It  simply  pronounced  for  the 
Constitution,  the  Union,  and  the  enforcement  of 
the  laws,  which  meant  "  anything  in  general  and 
nothing  in  particular."  l 

1  Greeley's  "  American  Conflict,"  Vol.  I.  p.  322. 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION  OF   1860       19 

The  Campaign 

The  presidential  campaign  of  1860  was  one 
of  singular  importance,  owing  to  the  one  great 
question  that  was  to  be  decided  by  the  election ; 
but  the  excitement  was  not  so  great  as  in  some 
preceding  National  contests,  owing  to  the  quad 
rilateral  character  of  political  parties  and  to  the 
fact  that  the  main  issue  had  already  been  before 
the  people  for  several  years  and  much  of  the 
campaign  fire  burned  out.  It  was  an  intellectual 
battle,  the  personality  of  the  candidate  not 
entering  greatly  into  it.  The  most  striking 
figure  of  the  campaign  was  that  of  Douglas, 
who  spoke  in  many  of  the  States  and  infused 
something  of  his  own  fiery  energy  into  the  can 
vass.  But  Douglas,  with  all  his  eloquence, 
could  not  stem  the  tide  against  him.  He  could 
hope  for  little  support  from  the  South,  and  the 
mind  of  the  North  was  steadily  turned  toward 
the  rail-splitter.  But  the  personality  of  Lincoln 
was  not  a  great  attraction  to  the  Republicans, 
though  it  is  true  that  he  grew  in  public  favor 
as  the  canvass  proceeded.  He  made  no 
speeches,  but  remained  quietly  at  his  rooms  in 


20       SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

the  State  House  at  Springfield,  directing  affairs 
and  attending  his  voluminous  correspondence. 

Seward  did  not  sulk  in  his  tent  on  account  of 
his  defeat  at  Chicago.  He  manfully  entered 
the  contest  and  spoke  for  Lincoln  in  many  cities. 
This  action  of  Seward  won  him  a  greater  degree 
of  popularity  than  he  had  ever  before  enjoyed. 
"  His  magnanimity,"  said  James  Russell  Lowell, 
"  was  a  greater  ornament  than  his  election  to  the 
presidency  would  have  been." 

The  campaign  was  eminently  a  sectional  one. 
Douglas  alone  had  a  following  in  every  State.1 
Lincoln  had  no  support  in  the  South,  except  in 
a  few  of  the  border  States,  while  Breckenridge 
was  scarcely  mentioned  in  the  Northwest  nor 
in  New  England.2  The  southern  cry  that  Lin 
coln  was  a  sectional  candidate  could  have  been 
answered  by  the  statement  that  Breckenridge 
was  no  less  so.  The  poets,  Bryant,  Longfellow, 
Whittier,  Holmes,  Lowell,  and  also  George  Will 
iam  Curtis,  Henry  Ward  Beecher,  and  many  other 

1  There  was  no  Douglas  ticket  in  Texas,  and  in  South  Caro 
lina  the  electors  were  chosen  by  the  legislature. 

2  Breckenridge    had  some  following  in  Connecticut,  and  in 
most  northern  States  he  received  a  few  scattering  votes. 


THE   PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION   OF   1860       21 

representative  men  were  arrayed  on  the  side  of 
Lincoln.  There  was  a  large  Union  party  in  the 
South  who  voted  for  Bell  and  Everett,  while 
the  Breckenridge  party  openly  avowed  that,  if 
Lincoln  were  elected,  disunion  would  inevitably 
follow.  Douglas  and  Bell  both  expressed  their 
gravest  fears  that  Lincoln's  election  would  result 
in  secession,  but  the  Lincoln  people  professed 
to  believe  no  such  thing. 

Speculations  were  rife  as  to  the  probable  out 
come  of  the  battle.  Breckenridge  could  not 
hope  to  carry  any  of  the  free  States,  and  the 
unanimous  vote  of  the  slave  States  could  not 
elect  him,  hence  his  election  was  impossible. 
Douglas  made  a  heroic  fight,  but  he  was  not  the 
first  choice  of  the  people  either  north  or  south 
of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line.  The  remaining  con 
tingents  were,  the  election  of  Lincoln,  or  a  fail 
ure  to  elect,  which  would  throw  the  choosing  of 
a  President  into  the  House  of  Representatives. 
Lincoln  could  hope  for  nothing  from  the  House, 
as  that  body  was  not  under  the  control  of  the 
Republicans.  The  Democratic  majority,  how 
ever,  was  hopelessly  divided,  and  had  it  devolved 
on  them  to  choose  a  chief  magistrate,  there 


22       SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN    HISTORY 

would  doubtless  have  been  a  deadlock.  But 
the  Lincoln  supporters  were  sanguine  of  carry 
ing  the  election,  and  to  do  this  it  was  necessary 
to  secure  the  votes  of  two  or  more  of  the  northern 
States  which  Fremont  had  failed  to  carry  in  the 
preceding  National  struggle,  viz.  New  Jersey, 
Pennsylvania,  Indiana,  Illinois,  and  California. 
Of  those  Mr.  Lincoln  was  morally  sure  of  carry 
ing  Illinois ;  but  two  others,  including  Pennsyl 
vania  or  three  without  that  State,  were  also 
needed. 

Had  the  Douglas  and  Breckenridge  parties 
united  on  a  compromise  platform  at  any  time 
during  the  summer  or  early  autumn,  it  might 
still  have  been  possible  to  defeat  Lincoln;  but 
not  so  after  the  October  elections  in  a  few 
northern  States.  Of  the  October  States  Penn 
sylvania  had  attracted  most  attention ;  and  when 
the  Lincoln  party  carried  the  State  and  elected 
Mr.  Curtin  governor  by  a  majority  above  thirty- 
two  thousand,  the  last  hope  of  successful  opposi 
tion  was  crushed.  The  election  of  Lincoln  was 
assured.  Next  to  the  election  of  their  own 
candidate,  the  extreme  pro-slavery  party  of  the 
South  desired  the  election  of  the  Republican 


THE   PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION   OF    1860        23 

candidate ;  for  the  success  of  Douglas,  they 
said,  would  leave  their  section  in  a  still  divided 
condition,  while  the  success  of  Lincoln  would 
unite  the  people  of  the  South  against  the  North 
and  furnish  them  with  an  adequate  pretext  for 
seceding  from  the  Union.1 

The  great  presidential  battle  was  fought  on 
November  6,  and  some  hours  before  midnight 
it  was  known  through  the  country  that  Abraham 
Lincoln  had  been  chosen  by  the  people  as  Chief 
Magistrate.  A  few  days  later  it  was  found  that 
all  the  free  States,  except  New  Jersey,  had  cast 
their  votes  for  the  rail-splitter,  and  owing  to  a 
miscarriage  of  attempted  fusion  in  New  Jersey, 
he  received  four  electoral  votes  from  that  State, 
giving  him  in  all  180,  while  but  152  were  needed 
to  elect.  The  electoral  college  gave  Brecken- 
ridge  72,  while  Bell  captured  three  of  the  slave 
States,  —  Virginia,  Kentucky,  and  his  own  State, 
Tennessee,  which  gave  him  a  total  vote  of  39. 
Douglas  received  a  much  higher  popular  vote 
than  Breckenridge  or  Bell,  but  his  electoral  vote 
was  ridiculously  small.  He  carried  Missouri  by 
a  narrow  margin  over  Bell,  receiving  the  9  votes 

1Greeley,  Vol.  I.  p.  329. 


24       SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

of  that  State  and  but  3  besides  —  from  New  Jer 
sey.  Lincoln's  popular  vote  was  the  largest  of 
all,  but  he  fell  considerably  short  of  receiving  a 
majority  over  all. 

The  political  revolution  of  1860  was  one  of 
vast  importance,  its  only  parallel  in  our  history 
being  that  of  1800,  when  Thomas  Jefferson  was 
elected  over  John  Adams.  The  meaning  of 
Lincoln's  election  was  not  difficult  to  under 
stand  :  it  announced  to  the  world  that  the  people 
of  the  North  had  decided  that  the  institution  of 
slavery  should  extend  no  farther  on  free  soil. 


CHAPTER   II 

SECESSION 

To  relate  in  a  general  way  the  story  of  the 
secession  of  the  eleven  slave  States  which 
brought  on  the  Civil  War  would  be  to  give  the 
reader  facts  too  familiar  to  be  interesting,  while 
a  detailed  account  of  the  same  would  be  too 
unimportant  to  be  instructive.  Let  us  therefore 
devote  the  larger  part  of  this  chapter  to  a  brief 
account  of  the  history  of  the  secession  idea,  the 
spirit  of  disunion,  from  the  beginning  of  the 
Federal  Government  down  to  its  culmination  in 
the  sixties. 

When  men  enter  into  any  great  or  unusual 
political  movement  they  must  have  a  pretext,  a 
ground  on  which  to  base  their  action,  if  they 
would  command  the  respect  of  any  considerable 
portion  of  their  fellow-men.  And  the  South 
based  its  right  to  secede  from  the  Union,  not 
simply  on  the  right  of  revolution,  which  for  ade 
quate  cause  is  inherent  in  all  peoples,  but  on 
25 


26        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  "AMERICAN   HISTORY 

the  ground  of    State  Sovereignty,  usually  mis 
named  States'  Rights. 

State  Sovereignty  in   Theory 

The  doctrine  of  State  Sovereignty  is  older 
than  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and 
it  was  held  by  a  large  portion  of  the  people  for 
nearly  a  century  —  until  the  question  was  settled 
negatively  by  the  Civil  War.  It  is  simply  the 
theory  that  the  colonies,  on  gaining  their  inde 
pendence  from  England,  became  independent 
and  sovereign  States;  that  in  ratifying  the 
Constitution  they  voluntarily  joined  the  Union 
for  mutual  benefit,  and  that  each  retained  to 
itself  all  the  essence  of  sovereignty.  This,  of 
course,  includes  the  right  of  secession.  There 
is  much  documentary  support  to  this  theory  in 
our  early  records.  The  States  again  and  again 
declared  themselves  sovereign.  The  State  con 
stitutions  formed  during  the  Revolutionary  pe 
riod  generally  avowed  this  theory.  In  that  of 
Massachusetts,  adopted  in  1780,  we  find  this, 
"  The  people  of  this  commonwealth  have  the 
sole  and  exclusive  right  of  governing  them 
selves  as  a  free,  sovereign,  and  independent 


SECESSION  27 

State."  Similar  statements  are  found  in  the 
early  constitutions  of  New  York,  South  Caro 
lina,  and  of  other  States. 

The  articles  of  Confederation  declare  that 
"  Each  State  retains  its  sovereignty,  freedom, 
and  independence."  The  treaty  of  peace  of 
1783  with  England  recognized,  not  the  nation 
as  a  whole,  but  the  several  states  as  "free,  sov 
ereign  and  independent,"  giving  the  name  of 
each. 

All  our  early  political  writings,  including  the 
Federal  Constitution,  speak  of  the  United  States 
in  the  plural  and  seldom  or  never  as  a  unit,  a 
nation. 

Hundreds  of  citations  similar  to  the  above 
might  be  adduced  to  show  that  the  creed  of 
State  Sovereignty  was  widely  accepted.  After 
the  organization  of  the  Federal  Government 
these  expressions  became  less  common,  but  by 
no  means  did  they  die  out.  Nor  were  they 
confined  to  the  South.  As  late  as  1859  tne 
legislature  of  Wisconsin,  nettled  at  a  Supreme 
Court  decision  against  the  personal  liberty  law 
of  that  State,  gave  vent  to  its  feeling  in  the 
following  words,  "The  several  States  which 


28        SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

formed  that  instrument  (the  Constitution)  being 
sovereign  and  independent,  have  the  unques 
tionable  right  to  judge  of  its  infractions." 
Throughout  the  long  struggle  between  the 
National  idea  and  State  Sovereignty,  covering 
the  period  between  1789  and  the  Civil  War, 
there  was  scarcely  a  State  in  the  Union  that  did 
not,  at  some  time,  declare  its  own  sovereignty. 
This  claim  grew  less  serious  in  the  North,  dur 
ing  this  period,  while  the  South  seized  upon  it 
as  the  most  available  weapon  in  battling  for  the 
rights  of  slavery. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  expressions  against 
State  Sovereignty  are  equally  positive  and 
almost  as  numerous  as  those  in  favor  of  it.  Let 
us  cite  a  few  from  the  earlier  period. 

The  Declaration  of  Independence  is  an  ex 
pression  of  the  whole  people  through  their 
representatives,  and  no  notice  is  taken  of  the 
separate  States.  This  was  obviously  the  voice 
of  a  united  people,  a  nation.  Charles  C.  Pinck- 
ney,  a  signer  and  one  of  the  foremost  men  of 
the  time,  said  that,  "  The  separate  independence 
and  sovereignty  of  the  several  States  was  never 
thought  of  by  the  patriots  who  framed  the  Dec- 


SECESSION  2Q 

laration  of  Independence ;  the  States  are  not 
even  mentioned  by  name  in  any  part  of  it." 
The  Constitution  begins,  not  with  "We  the 
States,"  nor  with  "  We  the  people  of  the  States," 
but  with  "  We  the  people  of  the  United  States.'" 
This  form  of  words  embodies  the  National  idea, 
and  its  adoption  was  strongly  opposed  by  the 
States'  Rights  party  in  the  convention.  Many 
other  examples  might  be  given  to  show  that 
the  idea  of  nationality,  of  "  the  Union,  one  and 
inseparable,"  was  not  new  in  1830  when  Web 
ster  made  his  great  speech  in  the  Senate. 

State  Sovereignty  in  Practice 

Again  and  again,  during  the  first  half-century 
of  our  national  history,  the  States  declared  them 
selves  sovereign.  It  was  heard  from  the  public 
platform,  from  State  legislatures,  and  voiced  in 
the  State  constitutions.  If  declarations  and 
resolutions  alone  were  sufficient  to  establish 
the  sovereignty  of  the  States,  their  separate 
independence  from  the  first  could  not  be 
denied ;  but  mere  resolutions  are  of  little 
weight  when  it  comes  to  dealing  with  actual 
facts.  As  Alexander  Johnson  says,  it  is  like 


30       SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

the  protests  of  a  drowning  man  in  the  midst 
of  a  resistless  current.  His  declarations  that 
he  will  not  drown  can  hardly  save  him  without 
the  added  exertion  of  swimming. 

In  point  of  fact,  the  States  are  not  and  have 
never  been  sovereign.  The  Nation  may  calmly 
ignore  the  multitude  of  resolutions  as  long  as 
they  are  confined  to  theory ;  but  any  attempt 
to  enforce  them  would  speedily  be  crushed. 
No  State  has  ever  exercised  the  prerogatives 
of  sovereignty.  No  State  except  Texas  has 
ever  been  recognized  by  the  nations  as  an 
independent  power;  no  State  has  sent  or  re 
ceived  an  ambassador,  made  a  treaty,  waged 
war,  or  concluded  a  peace.1 

No  State  has  been  able  to  stand  alone,  though 
several  have  had  the  opportunity  to  try.  At 
the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution  the  rupture 
was  between  England  and  a  single  colony,  — 
Massachusetts;  and  while  that  colony  bravely 
faced  the  issue,  she  at  the  same  time  called 
frantically  upon  her  sister  colonies  for  help. 
When  our  Federal  Government  was  organized 

1  Lalor's  "  Cyclopedia  of  Political  and  Social  Science,"  Vol. 
III.  p.  794. 


SECESSION  3 1 

in  1789  two  States,  Rhode  Island  and  North 
Carolina,  failing  to  ratify  the  Constitution, 
remained  out  of  the  Union  for  a  time;  but  in 
less  than  two  years  both  had  joined  it,  thus 
confessing  their  inability  to  stand  alone.  South 
Carolina  was  on  the  verge  of  secession  in  1832, 
but,  receiving  no  support  from  the  other  States, 
she  soon  settled  back  into  her  rightful  place. 
Even  in  1861  the  seceding  States  did  not 
attempt  to  remain  separate  and  independent 
powers.  They  immediately  banded  together 
in  a  confederacy. 

But  the  most  conclusive  and  unanswerable 
argument  against  State  Sovereignty  is,  not  only 
that  the  Federal  Constitution  forbids  the  exer 
cise  of  sovereign  powers  to  the  States,  but 
especially  the  fact  that  the  Constitution  is 
subject  to  almost  unlimited  amendment  with 
out  the  consent  of  any  particular  State.1  The 
people  of  a  State  may  be  unanimously  opposed 
to  any  particular  amendment,  which  may  never 
theless  be  adopted  and  become  binding  on  that 
State.  When  a  nation  as  a  whole  has  such 
power  over  its  several  parts,  it  is  idle  and 

1  Ibid.,  p.  796. 


32        SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

absurd  to  attribute  sovereignty  to  any  of   the 
parts.1 

True  sovereignty  in  the  United  States  rests, 
not  with  the  States,  nor  even  with  the  Federal 
Government,  but  with  the  people  of  the  nation. 
The  National  will,  humanly  speaking,  is  abso 
lutely  supreme.  It  is  above  all  laws,  con 
gresses,  courts,  and  constitutions,  and  can 
change  them  at  its  pleasure.  The  National 
will  alone  is  sovereign.  But  the  voice  of  the 
Nation  is  seldom  heard  except  through  the 
ordinary  channels  of  law.  It  is  only  some 
great  emergency,  as  the  adoption  of  the  Con 
stitution,  or  the  Civil  War,  that  brings  forth 
an  extra  expression  of  the  National  will,  and  at 
such  times  the  sound  is  indescribably  vast. 

Early  Threats  of  Disunion 

Scarcely  had  our  National  Government  been 
organized  when  threats  of  secession  and  disunion 

1  The  reader  should  carefully  distinguish  between  State  Sov 
ereignty  and  States'  Rights.  No  one  denies  the  existence  of  the 
latter.  It  is  necessary  to  our  form  of  government ;  but  for  many 
years  before  the  war  the  term  was  misused  until  it  almost  lost  its 
true  signification.  See  "  Side  Lights,"  Vol.  I.  p.  384. 


SECESSION  33 

were  first  heard,  and  from  that  time  to  the  Civil 
War  not  a  decade  passed  in  which  the  same 
cry  was  not  renewed.  From  the  Congressional 
halls,  from  the  public  platform,  and  through  the 
press  the  threat  of  dismembering  the  Union  has 
been  reiterated  over  and  over  again.  Sometimes 
this  disunion  fever  took  the  milder  form  of 
simple  prediction  that  the  Union  could  endure 
but  a  short  time,  at  other  times  it  would  break 
forth  in  the  wildest  and  most  intemperate  threats 
of  secession  from  the  disappointed  and  the 
aggrieved.  Only  a  few  of  the  more  notable 
examples  can  here  be  given. 

Some  years  after  the  Government  had  been 
organized,  Elbridge  Gerry,  one  of  the  framers 
of  the  Constitution  and  afterward  Vice-Presi- 
dent,  pronounced  the.  Republic  a  failure  and 
openly  predicted  that  it  could  not  long  continue. 
Scores  of  similar  expressions  were  heard  from 
members  of  Congress  and  other  public  men,  but 
it  was  left  for  the  Louisiana  Purchase  to  call 
forth  the  first  serious  threats  of  disunion.  The 
old  New  England  Federalists  sternly  resisted 
the  acquisition  of  the  new  territory.  New  Eng 
land,  they  claimed,  will  be  rendered  powerless 

VOL.  II.  —  D 


34       SIDE  LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

when  a  dozen  or  more  new  States  peopled  with 
the  wild  men  of  Missouri  shall  be  added  to  the 
Union.  The  Constitution  was  made  only  for 
the  original  territory  of  the  United  States ;  the 
act  is  therefore  unconditional  and  void.  In  Jan 
uary,  1 8 1 1 ,  when  the  bill  to  admit  Louisiana  as 
a  State  into  the  Union  was  debated  in  Congress, 
Josiah  Quincy  of  Massachusetts  spoke  as  fol 
lows,  "  It  is  my  deliberate  opinion,  that,  if  this 
bill  passes,  the  bonds  of  this  Union  are  virtually 
dissolved ;  that  the  States  which  compose  it  are 
free  from  their  moral  obligations ;  and  that,  as 
it  will  be  the  right  of  all,  so  it  will  be  the  duty 
of  some,  to  prepare  definitely  for  a  separation, 
amicably  if  they  can,  forcibly  if  they  must." 

The  embargo  of  President  Jefferson  was  an 
other  source  from  which,  the  disunion  spirit  em 
anated.  The  embargo  became  so  unpopular  in 
commercial  New  England  that  the  Federal  lead 
ers  decided  to  break  it,  and  to  withdraw  the  New 
England  States  from  the  Union,  if  the  Govern 
ment  attempted  to  use  force.  It  was  also  broadly 
rumored  that  unofficial  negotiations  had  already 
begun  toward  securing  British  aid  in  breaking 
up  the  Union. 


SECESSION  35 

The  War  of  1812  furnished  another  occasion 
for  a  serious  menace  to  hover  over  the  Union, 
and  again  it  was  New  England  that  was  disaf' 
fected.  When  the  first  call  to  arms  was  issued, 
the  governors  of  three  New  England  States,  — 
Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  and  Rhode  Island, 
—  defied  the  Government  and  refused  to  send 
soldiers.  As  the  war  progressed  the  Federalists 
continued  their  opposition,  and,  there  is  every 
reason  to  believe,  connived  with  the  enemy  with 
a  view  of  separating  New  England  from  the 
rest  of  the  Union.  This  feeling  had  its  culmi 
nation  in  the  Hartford  Convention  of  1814; 
but  peace  was  at  hand,  and  all  unpatriotic 
intrigues  came  to  naught. 

The  decade  following  the  Treaty  of  Ghent  of 
1814,  which  included  the  "  era  of  good  feeling," 
may  be  pronounced  the  first  period  of  real  pros 
perity  in  the  history  of  the  United  States.  For 
the  first  time  the  country  was  comparatively  free 
from  foreign  annoyance ;  the  stream  of  foreign 
immigration  began  its  ceaseless  flow  unto  our 
shores ;  the  eyes  of  the  world  could  no  longer 
be  blinded  to  the  fact  that  America  was  a  rising 
giant  and  demanded  their  respect;  and  above 


36       SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

all,  the  American  people  were  filled  with  hope- 
fulness  for  the  future  of  the  nation  as  never 
before  since  the  closing  years  of  the  Revolution. 

During  this  period  there  was  no  serious  men 
ace  to  the  integrity  of  the  Union.  The  reptile 
secession  lay  dormant  for  more  than  fifteen 
years,  when  it  again  showed  its  hideous  form 
in  the  nullification  movement  of  South  Carolina. 
It  is  true  that  nullification  and  secession  are  not 
identical,  but  they  are  very  nearly  related,  and 
the  former  necessarily  leads  to  the  latter.  While 
nullification  in  South  Carolina  did  not  reach  the 
acute  stage  of  secession,  it  bears  the  distinction 
of  being  the  first  movement  in  that  direction 
which  resulted  in  official  overt  acts. 

All  subsequent  threats  ^of  secession  are  insep 
arably  linked  with  the  institution  of  slavery  and 
they  are  invariably  brought  forth  under  the 
shield  of  State  Sovereignty.  In  the  early 
forties  when  the  Texas  question  absorbed  public 
attention,  the  free-soil  Whigs  heartily  opposed 
annexation  because  of  their  hostility  to  extend 
ing  slave  territory.  And  even  so  conservative 
a  statesman  as  John  Quincy  Adams,  in  an  ad 
dress  to  his  constituents,  stated  that  annex- 


SECESSION  37 

ation  "would  result  in,  and  fully  justify,  a 
dissolution  of  the  Union." 

William  Lloyd  Garrison,  at  an  anti-annexa 
tion  meeting  in  Boston,  moved  that  Massa 
chusetts  call  a  convention  to  declare  the  Union 
dissolved  and  .to  invite  other  States  to  join 
with  her  in  a  new  union  based  on  the  prin 
ciples  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 
His  motion  was  not  carried,  but  it  received 
vigorous  applause. 

It  was  from  the  South,  however,  that  the 
most  serious  menaces  were  heard.  Calhoun 
was  for  many  years  the  great  champion  of  the 
rights  of  slavery,  and  while  he  was  sincerely 
devoted  to  the  Union,  he  warned  the  north 
ern  people  again  and  again  that,  unless  they 
ceased  to  encroach  upon  the  rights  of  the  slave 
holders,  the  inevitable  result  must  be  a  dissolu 
tion  of  the  Union.  In  his  last  great  speech  in 
the  Senate,  March,  1850,  he  pointed  out  how 
the  political  and  social  ties  between  the  North 
and  the  South  had  been  severed,  how  the 
leading  religious  bodies  were  being  divided  in 
twain,  and  how  one  cord  after  another  that 
bound  the  sections  together  would  snap  until 


38       SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

nothing  was  left,  and  a  final  separation  must 
inevitably  follow. 

In  January,  1849,  a  caucus  of  southern 
members  of  Congress  met  and  issued  an  ad 
dress  declaring  that  the  South  ought  to  secede 
rather  than  submit  to  the  Wilmot  Proviso.1 
Still  greater  was  the  menace  to  the  Union  m 
1850,  when  California  sought  admission  as  a 
free  State.  Early  in  the  year  Henry  Clay 
came  forward  with  his  compromise  measures 
(known  as  the  Omnibus  Bill)  one  of  which 
was  to  admit  California  as  a  free  State.  This 
measure  was  deeply  offensive  to  the  people 
of  the  South.  They  had  fondly  hoped  that 
the  princely  domain  won  from  Mexico  in  the 
recent  war  would  eventually  be  carved  into 
slave  States,  and  now  to  have  the  fairest  por 
tion  forever  snatched  from  their  grasp  was 
enough,  as  they  thought,  to  fire  the  southern 
heart  to  renewed  threats  of  destroying  the 
Union.2  From  all  quarters  came  the  threat  — 
from  the  governors  of  the  States  down  to  the 
petty  politician  —  to  secede  from  the  Union, 

1  Schouler,  Vol.  V.  p.  118. 

2  "  Side  Lights,"  Vol.  I.  Chap.  XIII. 


SECESSION  39 

if  California  were  not  divided  and  the  southern 
half  made  a  slave  State.  The  correspondence 
of  the  southern  governors  bristles  with  refer 
ence  to  muskets,  field-pieces,  and  foundries. 
A  convention  of  southern  leaders  met  at 
Nashville,  and  by  a  two-thirds  vote  decided 
that  any  State  had  the  right  to  secede  from 
the  Union.  Not  one  little  State,  as  in  1832, 
but  almost  the  entire  South  seemed  on  the 
verge  of  taking  the  fatal  step.  Had  secession 
been  accomplished  at  this  time  on  so  large  a 
scale  as  that  of  ten  years  later,  what  might 
have  been  the  result  ?  Jackson  was  in  his 
grave,  and  Lincoln  was  unknown,  nor  was 
there  any  great  political  party  pledged  to  the 
maintenance  of  our  National  integrity. 

Had  the  secession  of  the  sixties  occurred 
ten  years  earlier,  there  is  little  doubt  that  our 
glorious  Union  must  have  perished.  But 
milder  counsels  prevailed.  The  South  at 
length  decided  to  accept  the  Omnibus  Bill  as 
a  finality  —  California  should  come  in  as  a 
free  State  without  further  protest  —  on  condi 
tion  that  the  North  accept  in  good  faith  the 
Fugitive  Slave  Law.  Thus  for  a  season  was 


.40        SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

the   inevitable    rupture    between   the    two    sec 
tions  postponed. 

For  several  years,  following  this  mid-century 
compromise,  less  was  heard  of  disunion  than 
during  the  preceding  years;  but  in  1856  the 
leaders  of  the  slave  States  openly  avowed 
that  the  election  of  Fremont  would  result  in 
secession.  But  the  time  had  not  yet  come. 
The  Providential  Hand  is  plainly  seen  in  avert 
ing  the  calamity.  Fremont  lacked  the  stay 
ing  qualities  necessary  to  put  down  the  rising 
monster,  nor  was  the  new-born  party  he  rep 
resented  yet  in  condition  to  cope  with  so  great 
an  enemy.  Fremont  was  defeated,  and  the 
dragon  slumbered  for  four  years  more. 

Secession  of  South  Carolina 

The  great  secession  movement  in  the  sixties 
was  composed  of  the  separate  acts  of  the  sev 
eral  seceding  States  without  any  concerted 
official  action,  but  with  the  tacit  understand 
ing,  it  is  true,  that  the  seceded  States  would 
join  in  a  southern  Confederacy.  As  a  type 
of  the  methods  of  secession  and  of  the  spirit 
that  produced  it,  let  us  note  with  some  detail 


SECESSION  41 

the  action  of  South  Carolina,  the  State  that 
began  the  movement  which  resulted  in  the 
greatest  of  civil  wars. 

A  few  days  before  the  National  election  of 
November  6,  1860,  Governor  Gist  of  South 
Carolina  convened  the  legislature  in  extra 
session  for  the  purpose  of  choosing  presiden 
tial  electors.1  In  his  message  to  that  body 
the  governor  thus  expresses  himself :  "  I 
would  earnestly  recommend  that  in  the  event 
of  Abraham  Lincoln's  election  to  the  presi 
dency,  a  convention  of  the  people  of  this  State 
be  immediately  called  to  consider  and  deter 
mine  for  themselves  the  mode  and  measure  of 
redress.  ...  I  am  constrained  to  say  that 
the  only  alternative  left,  in  my  judgment,  is 
the  secession  of  South  Carolina  from  the  Fed 
eral  Union." 

In  writing  this,  the  governor  but  voiced  the 
opinion  of  a  very  large  majority  of  the  peo 
ple  of  his  State. 

For   some   weeks   before   the   national   elec- 

1  South  Carolina  did  not  choose  electors  by  popular  vote 
until  after  the  Civil  War.  The  Constitution  is  silent  as  to  the 
manner  of  choosing  them. 


42        SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

tion,  when  it  was  practically  certain  that  the 
Republican  candidates  would  win,  the  people 
of  South  Carolina  rejoiced  at  the  prospect ; 
for,  in  that  event,  they  claimed,  their  State 
would  have  ample  cause  for  separating  from 
the  Union.  On  the  night  of  the  election, 
when  the  news  that  a  majority  of  Lincoln 
electors  had  been  chosen  reached  Charleston, 
the  crowds  broke  forth  in  cheers.  Next  morn 
ing,  the  city  was  aglow  with  enthusiasm.  Men 
meeting  in  th'e  street  grasped  each  other's 
hands  and  expressed  their  unbounded  joy  at 
the  glad  tidings.1  The  happy  day  had  at  last 
come  when  they  had  sufficient  grounds  for 
secession.  The  North  had  elected  a  "  Black 
Republican "  President  who  openly  declared 
slavery  to  be  wrong.  What  other  pretext 
could  they  desire  ?  A  palmetto  and  lone 
star  flag  was  stretched  across  the  street  from 
the  upper  windows  of  the  Mercury  office,  and 
was  hailed  with  cheers  and  expressions  of 
passionate  attachment.2  The  people  compared 
themselves  to  the  people  of  Boston  on  the 

1  Greeley's  "American  Conflict,"  Vol.  I.  p.  332. 

2  Charleston  Mercury,  November  8. 


SECESSION  43 

eve  of  the  Revolution.  Still  greater  was  the 
exultation  of  the  people  when  a  few  days 
later  the  legislature  passed  a  bill  by  a  unani 
mous  vote  providing  for  a  convention  of  the 
people  of  South  Carolina  to  be  held  December 
the  /th  for  the  purpose  of  considering  the 
relations  of  the  State  with  the  northern  States 
and  the  government  of  the  United  States.1 
The  holding  of  great  mass  meetings,  raising 
of  liberty-poles,  the  singing  of  the  Marseillaise, 
amid  the  booming  of  cannon,  became  the  or 
der  of  the  day,  and  continued  throughout  the 
remaining  autumn  weeks. 

These  demonstrations  were  not  the  work  of 
the  rabble,  but  of  the  business  men,  the  pro 
fessional  men,  and  the  artisans  —  in  short 
the  solidest  and  best  citizens  of  the  State. 
The  proceedings  were  usually  opened  with 
prayer,  and  a  day  was  solemnly  set  apart  by 
the  legislature  as  a  day  of  prayer.  No  one 
can  doubt  the  sincerity  of  the  people.  They 
were  honest  in  their  belief  that  they  had 
suffered  from  the  aggressions  of  the  North 
until  they  could  endure  it  no  longer. 

1  Rhodes,  Vol.  III.  p.  118. 


44        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

The  election  of  delegates  to  the  secession 
convention  took  place  on  December  6.  With 
out  party  division,  the  best  men  of  the  State 
were  generally  chosen.  Many  of  them  en 
joyed  a  national  reputation ;  five  had  been 
governors  of  the  State,  and  many  had  been 
members  of  Congress.  The  condition  of  the 
people  reached  fever  heat  by  the  time  the 
convention  met.  "The  excitement  of  the  great 
masses  of  the  people  is  great  under  a  sense 
of  deep  wrongs,"  wrote  the  newly  elected 
Governor  Pickens  on  the  day  of  the  first 
session.  Business  was  paralyzed  in  all  its 
branches,  it  is  true,  but  the  people  were 
jubilant  over  their  prospects  of  independence, 
as  they  expressed  it,  and  few  believed  that  the 
Government  at  Washington  would  attempt  to 
coerce  a  State  and  preserve  the  Union  by  force. 

The  convention,  driven  from  Columbia  by  an 
epidemic  of  the  smallpox,  met  in  St.  Andrew's 
Hall,  Charleston.  The  demeanor  of  the  dele 
gates  was  grave ;  they  realized  that  the  move 
ment  they  were  about  to  make  was  one  of 
vast  significance.  But  none  hesitated  or  took 
a  backward  step.  The  "  Declaration  of  Inde- 


SECESSION  45 

pendence,"  solemnly  read  to  the  assembly, 
began  with  these  words :  "  We,  the  people 
of  the  State  of  South  Carolina,  in  convention 
assembled,  do  declare  and  ordain  .  .  .  that  the 
union  now  subsisting  between  South  Carolina 
and  other  States  under  the  name  of  '  The 
United  States  of  America '  is  hereby  dis 
solved."  Not  an  hour  passed  after  the  read 
ing  of  the  declaration  when  the  vote  was 
taken,  and  the  entire  assembly,  without  a  dis 
senting  voice,  voted  in  the  affirmative.  The 
scene  in  Charleston  on  that  twentieth  day  of 
December,  1860,  defies  description.  The  ses 
sion  of  the  convention  was  held  in  secret,  but 
the  news  of  its  action  soon  spread. to  the  im 
patient  multitudes  that  thronged  the  streets 
of  the  city,  and  the  cheers  that  rent  the  air 
resembled  those  that  had  greeted  the  ring 
ing  of  the  Liberty  Bell  in  Philadelphia  nearly 
a  century  before.  Palmetto  flags  were  hoisted 
in  all  parts  of  the  city,  all  the  church  bells 
were  rung,  and  the  boom  of  cannon  announced 
the  glad  tidings  to  the  outlying  sections.  On 
the  evening  of  that  day  the  signing  of  the 
Ordinance  of  Secession  by  the  members  of 


46        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

the  convention  that  had  passed  it  took  place 
in  the  largest  hall  in  the  city.  The  hall  was 
crowded  to  its  utmost  capacity.  After  a  rever 
ent  invocation  for  the  blessing  of  the  Almighty 
God  on  the  action  of  the  State,  the  Ordinance 
of  Secession  was  solemnly  read  to  the  multitude 
and  signed  by  the  members  of  the  convention 
amid  wild  and  unrestrained  enthusiasm. 

South  Carolina  had  thus  crossed  the  Rubicon, 
had  taken  the  first  step  toward  forming,  as  the 
people  believed,  a  southern  republic,  which 
should  make  slavery,  the  stone  which  the 
builders  rejected,  the  chief  corner-stone.  Little 
did  the  people  realize  at  that  moment  what 
dreadful  disasters  would  overtake  their  beloved 
State  within  the  next  few  years.  Little  did 
they  dream  of  the  destruction  of  property,  the 
desolation  of  their  homes,  the  sacrifice  of  their 
loved  ones,  that  their  act  would  bring  upon 
them.  The  world  must  condemn  the  cause  in 
which  they  fought ;  but  their  devotion  to  that 
cause,  their  prowess  on  the  battle-field,  and  their 
powers  of  endurance  have  marked  them  as  true 
Americans,  and  must  ever  elicit  the  admiration 
of  mankind. 


CHAPTER   III 

GREAT  LEADERS  IN  CONGRESS  DURING  THE 
WAR 

THERE  is  a  tradition  among  the  Indians  that 
the  ancestors  from  which  they  sprung  were  a 
race  of  giants,  of  beings  far  superior  to  them 
selves.  This  tendency  to  idealize  the  heroes 
of  the  past  is  not  confined  to  the  red  race.  We 
are  all  to  some  extent  affected  by  the  enchant 
ment  lent  by  distance ;  we  look  to  a  past  age 
for  our  models  of  heroism  and  of  intellectual 
superiority.  Our  own  country  is  still  in  its 
youth,  and  yet  the  times  of  its  beginning  seem 
like  ancient  times,  and  the  statesmen  and  heroes 
of  that  day  have  been  idealized  in  popular  fancy 
until  they  have  almost  become  demigods.  Few 
realize  that  in  later  times,  even  in  our  own  day, 
there  may  be  found,  here  and  there,  a  public 
man  of  patriotism  as  pure,  and  ability  as  great, 
as  those  of  a  century  ago. 
47 


48        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

It  is  a  curious  fact  that  during  the  Revolu 
tionary  period  there  was  but  one  man  whose 
military  record  brought  him  great  and  enduring 
fame,  while  numerous  are  the  great  names  from 
the  field  of  legislation  that  are  placed  in  the 
highest  column  of  American  celebrities.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  Civil  War  brought  out 
several  great  military  leaders,  but  only  one 
from  civil  life  whose  achievements  brought  him 
immortal  renown.1 

In  our  heaping  honors  on  the  great  war 
President  and  the  leading  commanders  in  the 
field,  we  are  apt  to  forget  to  give  due  honor 
to  the  memory  of  those  secondary  lights  who 
shaped  the  vast  work  of  Congress  during  that 

1  Washington  stands  without  a  second  as  the  military  leader 
of  the  Revolution.  Greene  and  Lafayette,  who  come  next,  must 
be  classed  far  below  him.  But  Franklin,  Jefferson,  Patrick 
Henry,  and  John  and  Samuel  Adams  are  all  among  the  first- 
rank  heroes  in  the  popular  mind.  The  Civil  War  gave  us 
Grant,  Sherman,  Sheridan,  and  Farragut,  closely  seconded  by 
Meade  and  Thomas,  and,  if  we  include  the  other  side,  Lee  and 
Jackson.  But  outside  the  battle-field  Lincoln  stands  grandly 
alone.  Other  great  names  we  have  :  there  were  Seward,  Sum- 
ner,  Chase,  Fessenden,  Wade,  and  Stevens  ;  but  most  of  them 
had  reached  their  acme  of  fame  before  the  war,  and  none  of 
the  galaxy  are  classed  in  popular  fancy  as  stars  of  the  first  mag 
nitude. 


LEADERS   IN  CONGRESS  DURING  THE  WAR       49 

memorable  period.  To  a  notice  of  a  few  of 
these  this  chapter  will  be  devoted.  But  first 
let  us  give  a  passing  glance  at  a  few  of  the 


Leading  Spirits  of  the  South. 

Among  the  leading  statesmen  who  resigned 
their  seats  in  Congress  to  cast  their  lot  with  the 
South,  Jefferson  Davis  stands  foremost.  Abra 
ham  Lincoln  and  Jefferson  Davis,  the  great 
opposing  chieftains  during  the  war,  were  born 
in  the  same  State,  but  a  year  apart.  Both  left 
their  native  State  in  early  life,  the  one  drifting 
northward  and  absorbing  the  free  soil  senti 
ments  of  his  adopted  section  until  it  became  the 
guiding  principle  of  his  life ;  the  other,  migrat 
ing  in  the  opposite  direction,  made  his  home  in 
Mississippi,  espoused  the  cause  of  the  slave 
holder,  and  rose  in  public  life  until  he  became 
the  recognized  leader  of  the  far-famed  aristoc 
racy  of  the  South.  What  might  have  been  the 
effect  on  our  history  had  the  direction  of  the 
migrating  of  these  two  been  reversed,  we  can 
only  conjecture.  Certain  it  is  that  environment 
has  much  to  do  in  shaping  a  man's  course  and 
moulding  his  destiny. 


VOL.  II. 


5O       SIDE  LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Jefferson  Davis  was  graduated  at  West  Point 
at  the  age  of  twenty.  He  saw  service  in  the 
Black  Hawk  War  and  was  sent  to  Congress 
from  Mississippi  in  1845.  On  making  his  first 
speech  in  the  House  the  venerable  John  Quincy 
Adams  is  said  to  have  exclaimed,  "  That  young 
man  will  yet  make  his  mark  in  American  his 
tory."  Davis  resigned  his  seat  in  Congress  and 
became  a  colonel  in  the  Mexican  War,  where  he 
served  under  his  father-in-law,  Zachary  Taylor, 
and  showed  himself  a  brave  soldier  at  Monterey 
and  Buena  Vista.  This  experience  won  for  him 
an  election  to  the  United  States  Senate,  in 
which  he  served  continuously  to  the  Civil  War, 
with  the  exception  of  the  four  years  he  spent  as 
secretary  of  war  in  the  cabinet  of  Franklin 
Pierce. 

On  the  death  of  the  great  Calhoun,  who  had 
for  many  years  shaped  at  his  will  the  political 
conscience  of  the  South,  Davis  became  his  suc 
cessor  and  heir  to  his  political  fortunes ;  but  it 
must  be  added  that  Davis  never  won  the  south 
ern  heart  as  Calhoun  had  done.  His  career, 
nevertheless,  was  a  notable  one  and  his  success 
unbroken  (save  a  defeat  for  the  governorship 


LEADERS   IN   CONGRESS   DURING  THE   WAR       51 

of  his  State)  until  the  Civil  War.  When  the 
seceding  States  joined  together  in  a  confedera 
tion,  Davis  was  easily  chosen  to  preside  at  the 
helm  of  the  newly  launched  vessel.  The  choice 
seemed  to  be  a  happy  one,  for  he  was  thoroughly 
trained  both  in  military  affairs  and  in  national 
politics.  But  the  duties  of  the  great  office  were 
too  much  for  him  ;  he  had  reached  the  limit  of 
his  capacity.  He  was  no  match  in  ability  for 
the  great  war  President  of  the  North.  The 
southern  writers  attribute  much  of  the  ill  for 
tune  of  the  South  to  the  want  of  capacity  in 
President  Davis.  It  is  certain  that  he  made 
many  blunders,  the  most  disastrous,  perhaps, 
being  his  supplanting  the  Fabian-like  Johnston 
with  the  impetuous  Hood  to  oppose  Sherman 
before  Atlanta. 

Jefferson  Davis  was  at  heart  a  sincere  man. 
He  was  a  man  of  high  moral  and  religious  prin 
ciples.  He  represented  the  radical  element  of 
the  slavocracy,  but  there  is  every  reason  to 
believe  that  his  motives  were  honest.  When  he 
took  leave  of  the  United  States  Senate  in  Jan 
uary,  1 86 1,  he  uttered  no  word  of  bravado  nor 
idle  boast.  He  deplored  the  situation  from  the 


52        SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

depth  of  his  soul,  and  his  audience  was  affected 
to  tears  by  the  "  plaintive  music  of  his  voice, 
the  sincerity  of  his  manner,  and  the  pathos  of 
his  words."  1  That  night  he  wrestled  with  God 
in  prayer  for  peace. 

Had  the  great  rebellion  succeeded,  the  name 
of  Jefferson  Davis  would  stand  among  the  first 
in  history.  But  the  cause  in  which  he  labored 
was  not  the  cause  of  humanity,  and  the  future 
will  probably  suffer  his  name  to  perish. 

Another  conspicuous  figure  of  the  South 
was  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  Vice-President  of 
the  Confederacy.  Stephens  was  the  grandson 
of  a  captain  in  the  Revolution  who  had  also 
served  in  the  French  and  Indian  War.  His 
people  moved  from  Pennsylvania  to  Georgia 
soon  after  the  Revolution,  and  here  Alexander 
was  born  in  the  first  year  of  our  second  war 
with  England.  As  a  boy  he  was  sickly,  thought 
ful,  solitary,  spending  his  youth  in  various 
schools,  in  each  of  which  he  took  the  highest 
rank  in  his  class.  As  a  man  he  was  frail  of 
body,  low  of  stature,  and  never  weighed  a  hun 
dred  pounds.  Entering  Congress  as  a  Whig  in 

i  Rhodes,  Vol.  III.  p  272. 


LEADERS   IN   CONGRESS   DURING  THE   WAR       53 

1843,  he  served  until  1859,  when  he  resigned, 
saying  that  he  "  saw  that  there  was  bound  to  be 
a  smash-up  on  the  road,  and  resolved  to  jump 
off  at  the  first  station." 

He  was  a  man  of  remarkable  physical  courage, 
On  one  occasion  when  in  a  fight  with  a  Georgia 
judge  he  was  pinned  to  the  ground  and  terribly 
slashed  with  a  knife.  His  antagonist  then 
raised  the  knife,  and  shouted,  "  If  you  don't 
retract,  I'll  cut  your  throat."  "  Never  !  cut !  " 
answered  Stephens,  defiantly,  and  he  grasped  the 
descending  blade,  -cutting  his  hand  to  the  bone. 

Unlike  Jefferson  Davis,  Stephens  represented 
the  conservative  element  of  the  South.  He  was 
a  true  friend  of  slavery,  but  opposed  secession 
with  all  his  strength.  When  the  Georgia  con 
vention  met  for  the  purpose  of  passing  a  seces 
sion  ordinance,  he  made  a  most  courageous 
stand  for  the  Union,  but,  being  overruled,  he 
conscientiously  went  with  his  State  and  cast  his 
lot  with  the  South. 

After  being  chosen  Vice-President  of  the 
Confederate  States,  he  made  a  great  speech  at 
Savannah,  in  which  he  sounded  the  key-note  of 
the  doctrine  of  the  slave  power.  With  great 


54       SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

force  he  argued  that  the  negro  race  is  by  nature 
inferior  to  the  white  race,  and  its  normal  con 
dition  that  of  servitude ;  that  the  Creator  "  has, 
for  His  own  purpose,  made  one  race  to  differ 
from  another,  as  He  has  made  one  star  to  differ 
from  another  in  glory;  .  .  .  that  the  Confed 
eracy  is  founded  upon  principles  in  strict  con 
formity  with  God's  laws ;  that  the  stone  which 
was  rejected  by  the  first  builders  is  become  the 
chief  stone  of  the  corner  in  the  new  edifice." 

Stephens  was  faithful  to  the  southern  cause 
during  the  war,  but  when  he  saw  that  the  South 
was  playing  a  losing  game  he  was  one  of  the 
first  to  honestly  seek  for  peace,  and  after  the 
war  was  over  he  again  displayed  his  high  moral 
courage  by  defending  the  rights  of  the  black 
man.  He  became  thoroughly  reconciled  to  the 
results  of  the  war,  and  spent  several  years  of  his 
old  age  as  a  member  of  the  National  Legislature 
of  the  reconstructed  Union. 

One  of  the  ablest  and  most  vehement  of  the 
leaders  for  secession  was  Robert  Toombs  of 
Georgia.  Mr.  Toombs  had  been  a  Whig  and  a 
co-worker  with  Stephens  for  many  years,  and 
the  two  had  dealt  a  stunning  blow  to  their  party 


LEADERS  IN  CONGRESS  DURING  THE   WAR       55 

in  refusing  to  support  Scott  in  1852.  Toombs 
differed  from  Stephens,  however,  in  being  far 
more  extreme  and  uncompromising  than  the 
latter.  He  was  radical,  impatient,  violent. 
What  William  Lloyd  Garrison  was  to  the  cause 
of  abolition,  Robert  Toombs  was  to  the  cause  of 
secession.  He  denounced  all  opposition  in  un 
measured  terms.  He  pronounced  Abraham 
Lincoln  "  an  enemy  of  the  human  race,  deserv 
ing  the  execration  of  all  mankind."  l  Toombs 
it  was  who  pronounced  this  government  a 
slavery  government,  as  slavery  was  written  on 
its  heart,  the  Constitution.  It  was  Toombs  who 
prophesied  that  slavery  would  overspread  the 
whole  land,  and  that  he  would  live  to  call  the 
roll  of  his  slaves  at  the  foot  of  Bunker  Hill 
monument. 

As  a  debater  in  Congress  he  was  a  veritable 
Boanerges.  In  this  respect  he  may  be  com 
pared  with  John  Adams  during  the  Revolution 
ary  period.  During  the  war  Toombs  served  at 
different  times  in  the  Confederate  Congress, 
President  Davis's  cabinet,,  and  as  a  commander 
in  the  field.  The  war  over,  he,  like  Davis,  was 

1  Elaine,  Vol.  I.  p.  247. 


56       SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

one  of  the  few  southern  leaders  who  declined 
to  accept  a  pardon  and  refused  to  become  a 
citizen  of  the  reconstructed  Union. 

Another  of  the  "fire-eaters"  of  the  South  was 
Judah  P.  Benjamin,  United  States  senator  from 
Louisiana.  Born  in  the  West  Indies,  of  Hebrew 
parents,  he  came  to  the  United  States,  was  edu 
cated  at  Yale,  and  made  his  home  in  Louisiana, 
where  he  became  the  most  learned  lawyer  in 
the  State.  In  his  farewell  address  to  the  Sen 
ate  he  made  an  ingenious  but  fallacious  argu 
ment  to  show  that  Louisiana,  notwithstanding 
the  fact  that  the  territory  had  been  ceded  and 
retroceded  by  France  and  Spain,  and  finally 
purchased  by  the  United  States,  still  retained 
all  the  essentials  of  sovereignty  and  had  a  right 
to  secede  from  the  Union.  Benjamin  served 
the  Confederacy  with  much  ability  during  its 
brief  career,  and  when  it  collapsed  he  made  his 
escape  to  England,  where  he  afterward  resided. 
In  England  he  became  a  queen's  counsel  and 
rose  to  be  one  of  the  leading  lawyers  in  the 
kingdom. 

One  of  the  most  brilliant  of  the  southern 
chieftains  was  John  C.  Brecken ridge,  Vice-Pres- 


LEADERS   IN  CONGRESS   DURING  THE   WAR       57 

/dent  during  the  four  years  preceding  the  war, 
and  candidate  of  the  ultra  slaveholders  for  the 
presidency  in  1860.  Breckenridge  was  a  grand 
son  of  a  cabinet  officer  of  Thomas  Jefferson. 
He  belonged  to  one  of  the  most  cultured  families 
of  the  South,  and  became  the  natural  successor 
in  public  esteem  in  Kentucky  to  the  great 
Henry  Clay.  When  Kentucky  refused  to  secede 
and  practically  decided  for  the  Union,  Brecken 
ridge  sacrificed  his  great  popularity  and  went 
with  the  South,  which  he  served  with  marked 
ability  on  the  battle-field  and  in  the  cabinet  of 
Jefferson  Davis.  John  C.  Breckenridge  was  a 
brilliant  orator,  most  attractive  in  personal  ap 
pearance  and  an  all-round  high-bred  gentleman. 
It  was  generally  believed  that  he  blighted  and 
sacrificed  an  illustrious  career  by  casting  his 
fortunes  with  the  South. 

Other  noted  statesmen  of  the  South  were 
William  L.  Yancey  of  Alabama,  who  belonged 
to  the  radical  wing,  and  who  did  so  much  to 
"fire  the  southern  heart";  Robert  B.  Rhett, 
also  of  the  extreme  class  of  secessionists ; 
Isham  G.  Harris,  governor  of  Tennessee  at 
the  outbreak  of  the  war,  served  the  cause  of 


58        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

slavery  for  four  years  with  his  whole  heart, 
but  afterward  learned  to  love  the  old  Union 
and  spent  twenty  years  of  his  later  life  in  the 
United  States  Senate ;  and  Henry  A.  Wise, 
who  had  done  more  to  destroy  the  Know-Noth- 
ing  party  than  any  other  man,  and  who,  as 
governor  of  Virginia,  conducted  the  execution 
of  John  Brown.  These  and  many  other  char 
acters  must  be  brought  into  review  by  the  stu 
dent  who  would  make  himself  acquainted  with 
the  great  rebellion.  We  turn  now  to  a  brief 
notice  of  a  few  of  the  Northern  legislators, 
beginning  with 

Sumner  and  Fessenden. 

Charles  Sumner  was  on  the  whole  the  great 
est  figure  in  Congress  during  the  war.  Sprung 
from  the  sternest  New  England  stock,  he  dis 
played  the  strongest  traits  of  the  Puritan  char 
acter.  As  a  youth  Charles  Sumner  was  very 
studious  and  ambitious ;  he  seemed  to  feel  that 
he  was  predestined  to  fill  some  great  position 
and  to  labor  in  some  great  cause.  His  aim  in 
early  life  was  to  become  a  jurist,  and  the  one 
great  man  whom  he  admired  and  imitated 


LEADERS   IN   CONGRESS   DURING  THE   WAR       59 

above  all  others  was  Joseph  Story.1  Sumner's 
learning  was  very  extensive,  rather  broad  than 
profound.  A  three  years'  sojourn  in  Europe, 
where  he  moved  in  the  highest  social  circles, 
rounded  out  his  education  and  made  of  him  a 
man  of  the  world.  He  returned  from  Europe 
in  1845,  and  s.oon  afterward  attracted  wide 
attention  through  a  Fourth  of  July  oration. 
His  age  was  now  thirty-four,  and  from  this 
time  his  fame  extended  in  ever  widening  cir 
cles  until  it  compassed  the  civilized  world. 

In  1847  Sumner  openly  espoused  the  cause 
of  the  Free  Soil  party,  and  by  so  doing  he  in 
curred  the  displeasure  of  the  elite  of  Boston. 
The  doors  of  the  fashionable,  in  whose  homes 
he  had  been  a  familiar  figure,  were  now  closed 
in  his  face.  This  he  felt  keenly,  for  he  was 
a  born  aristocrat,  but  on  no  condition  did  he 
permit  his  principles  to  be  disturbed  by  public 
disapproval. 

The  opening  of  a  great  career  came  to  Sum 
ner  in  1851,  when  the  Free  Soilers  and  Demo 
crats  joined  hands  and  elected  him  to  the 
United  States  Senate  —  without  his  having 

1  Dawes's  "  Charles  Sumner,"  p.  13. 


60        SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

served  the  usual  apprenticeship  in  the  Lower 
House.  Within  the  same  year  he  made  an 
antislavery  speech,  his  maiden  speech  in  the 
Senate,  and  a  great  effort  it  was.  His  key 
note  was  "  Freedom  is  national,  slavery  sec 
tional."  The  speech  marked  an  epoch  in  the 
great  battle  against  slavery,  .and  henceforth 
Sumner  was  looked  upon  as  the  prophet  of 
freedom.  By  this  speech  he  won  a  National 
fame  which  never  waned  to  the  end  of  his 
life.  From  this  day  onward  he  stood  shoulder 
to  shoulder  with  Seward,  Chase,  Hale,  and 
Wade,  and  his  light  was  never  dimmed  by 
contact  with  theirs. 

Charles  Sumner  was  not  a  ready  debater; 
he  studied  his  subject  with  great  care,  wrote 
out  his  speeches  in  full,  and  committed  or  read 
them.  Sumner  was  never  a  party  leader;  he 
was  ill  adapted  to  the  tedious  work  of  law- 
making,  and  took  little  part  in  the  routine 
work  of  the  Senate.  He  was  a  student  of 
great  questions,  an  idealist,  a  theorist,  and  his 
theories  were  not  always  practical.  He  was 
not  able  to  read  the  popular  mind ;  he  stood 
aloof  from  the  common  crowd,  and,  like  Web- 


LEADERS   IN   CONGRESS   DURING  THE   WAR       6 1 

ster,  won  the  admiration  rather  than  the  love 
of  the  people.  The  great  subject  nearest  his 
heart  for  many  years  was  the  freeing  of  the 
slaves,  and  he  did  more  than  any  other  man 
to  make  the  Republican  party  an  antislavery 
party. 

In  debate  Sumner  was  dogmatic  and  opin 
ionated,  severe  and  caustic  with  an  opponent, 
and  scathing  in  his  denunciations.  He  was  so 
absorbed  in  his  own  views  that  he  could  not 
tolerate  an  adverse  opinion,  nor  give  an  oppo 
nent  credit  for  honestly  differing  with  him. 
His  greatest  defect  was  his  egotism,  which 
was  based  on  his  lifelong  belief  that  he  was 
no  ordinary  person,  but  was  ordained  to  a 
great  career.  It  was  not.infrequent  that  when 
§ome  admirer  would  introduce  himself  to  Sum 
ner,  the  latter  would  ask,  "What  have  you 
ever  done  to  merit  notice  from  me  ? " 

But  Charles  Sumner  was  right  at  heart,  and 
his  long  championship  of  the  rights  of  the 
black  man  sprung  from  the  sincerest  of 
motives.  In  1856,  after  Sumner  had  made 
his  great  speech  on  ''The  Crime  against  Kan 
sas,"  in  which  he  bitterly  denounced  Senator 


62        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

Butler  of  South  Carolina,  he  was  murderously 
assaulted  in  the  senate-chamber  by  Preston 
Brooks,  a  nephew  of  Mr.  Butler  and  member 
of  the  Lower  House.  So  great  were  Mr. 
Sumner's  injuries,  that  four  years  passed  be 
fore  he  regained  his  normal  health.  His  later 
years  were  embittered  in  various  ways.  His 
twin  sister  had  died  in  early  life,  and  all  his 
people  had  been  called  away,  one  by  one, 
until  he  was  left  without  immediate  relatives. 
Soon  after  his  assault  by  Brooks,  one  of  his 
favorite  brothers,  whose  house  was  to  Charles 
a  second  home,  perished,  with  all  his  family, 
by  shipwreck.  To  these  misfortunes  must  be 
added  a  very  unhappy  marriage,  contracted 
long  after  he  passed  middle  age,  and  finally 
his  unfortunate  quarrel  with  President  Grant 
during  the  closing  years  of  his  life. 

Charles  Sumner  was  a  great  constitutional 
lawyer,  a  profound  student  of  books,  but  not 
of  men,  an  orator,  and  a  patriot  of  the  highest 
motives,  but  he  cannot  be  placed  in  the  first 
rank  as  a  statesman. 

Another  great  son  of  New  England  whose 
services  in  the  Senate  during  the  war  became 


LEADERS   IN   CONGRESS   DURING   THE   WAR       63 

conspicuous  was  William  Pitt  Fessenden.  Dur 
ing  part  of  his  senatorial  service  he  had  two 
brothers  in  the  House, —  the  only  instance  in 
our  history  in  which  three  brothers  served  in 
Congress  at  the  same  time.1  Fessenden  was 
born  among  the  hills  of  New  Hampshire ;  he 
received  a  thorough  education,  chose  the  legal 
profession,  settled  in  Portland,  Maine,  at  the 
age  of  twenty-three,  and  in  a  few  years  was 
the  acknowledged  leader  of  the  Maine  bar.  By 
the  time  he  reached  middle  age  he  had  no 
superior  as  a  lawyer  in  the  United  States.  In 
1843,  after  several  years'  service  in  the  legis 
lature  of  his  adopted  State,  he  was  elected  to 
the  Lower  House  of  Congress;  ten  years  later 
he  became  a  member  of  the  United  States  Sen 
ate,  where  he  at  once  took  his  place  at  the 
forefront  among  the  leaders  of  that  body. 
Like  Sumner,  Fessenden  was  a  man  of  the 
purest  character  and  looked  with  contempt 
upon  the  demagogue ;  he  was  possessed  of 
unlimited  courage  and  was  saturated  with  anti- 
slavery  doctrine ;  his  attitude  toward  the  public 
was  rather  cold  and  distant,  but  in  spite  of  this, 

1  Elaine,  Vol.  I.  p.  316. 


64        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

he  had  made  a  most  favorable  impression  upon 
the  country  and  had  won  National  fame  some 
years  before  the  war. 

But,  unlike  the  great  Massachusetts  senator, 
Fessenden  was  always  considerate  of  the  rights, 
and  charitable  in  judging  the  motives,  of  an 
opponent.  He  was  a  ready  debater.  He  spoke 
without  apparent  effort,  and  his  speeches  are 
models  of  correct  English,  clearness,  and  accu 
rate  reasoning.  His  speech  against  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Bill  must  be  classed  among  the  best 
that  were  brought  out  by  that  famous  legisla 
tion.  In  the  years  following  Fessenden  drew 
the  attention  of  the  entire  country  by  his 
speeches  on  the  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty,  thfc 
Dred  Scott  decision,  and  the  Lecompton  Con 
stitution.  He  was  one  of  the  chief  founders  of 
the  Republican  party,  and  to  the  end  of  his 
life  stood  among  the  first  in  its  councils ;  but 
he  never  wanted  courage  to  criticise  its  acts 
with  the  utmost  candor  when  his  judgment 
so  dictated. 

In  1864,  when  Secretary  Chase  resigned  from 
the  treasury,  Fessenden  became  his  successor, 
but  resigned  from  the  treasury  the  following 


LEADERS   IN   CONGRESS   DURING  THE   WAR       65 

year,  and  was,  for  a  third  time,  elected  to  the 
United  States  Senate. 

The  one  act  by  which  Fessenden  will  be 
longest  remembered  in  American  history  is  the 
position  he  took  at  the  trial  of  President  John 
son.  When  this  closing  tragedy  of  the  great 
drama  of  the  Civil  War  was  attracting  the 
attention  of  the  world ;  when  the  House  had 
impeached  the  President  with  indecent  haste, 
and  the.  Republican  party  was  clamoring  for 
his  conviction  by  the  Senate,  it  was  Fessenden 
who,  amid  the  execrations  of  his  party  and  with 
a  moral  courage  that  approaches  the  sublime, 
led  the  little  band  of  Republicans  who  voted 
for  acquittal.  It  is  now  agreed  by  all  parties 
that  the  conviction  and  deposing  of  President 
Johnson  on  the  charges  brought  against  him 
would  have  been  a  National  calamity,  and  the 
one  man  to  whom,  above  all  others,  the  Nation 
owes  the  happy  result  is  William  Pitt  Fessenden. 

Other  Senatorial  Lights 

We  must  not  omit  from  this  list  of  notables 
the  famous  senator  from  Ohio,  the  man  who 
would  have  become  President  of  the  United 

VOL.  II.  —  F 


66        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

States  had  Andrew  Johnson  been  convicted  by 
the  Senate  in  1868  —  Benjamin  Franklin  Wade. 
He  was  born  in  Massachusetts  in  1800,  and  at 
the  age  of  twenty-one  migrated  to  the  State  of 
Ohio,  where  he  became  a  true  pioneer,  clearing 
away  the  forest,  working  as  a  common  laborer, 
and  teaching  school.  He  was  late  in  acquiring 
his  education,  which,  however,  was  nevei  very 
extensive.  He  entered  the  Senate  the  same 
year  with  Sumner,  1851,  and  the  two.  were  co- 
laborers  in  the  same  cause  in  that  body  for 
eighteen  years.  As  a  radical,  uncompromis 
ing  enemy  of  slavery,  Wade  even  surpassed 
Sumner. 

For  vigorous,  dashing  energy,  and  unflinch 
ing  courage,  Benjamin  Wade  may  be  compared 
to  General  Andrew  Jackson.  When  the  battle 
of  Bull  Run  resulted  in  the  rout  of  the  Union 
soldiers,  Senator  Wade,  who  had  driven  out  to 
witness  an  exhibition  of  American  valor,  was  so 
exasperated  at  their  retreat  that  he  and  a  few 
friends  who  had  accompanied  him  leaped  from 
their  carriage,  and  with  drawn  revolvers  kept 
back  the  rushing  tide  of  fugitives  for  a  quarter 
of  an  hour ! 


LEADERS   IN   CONGRESS   DURING  THE   WAR       6/ 

Senator  Wade  vehemently  opposed  the  recon 
struction  policy  of  President  Lincoln,  and,  in 
the  summer  of  1864,  in  conjunction  with  Henry 
Winter  Davis,  wrote  a  scathing  denunciation  of 
the  President's  course  in  opposing  the  will  of 
Congress  on  that  important  subject.  Benjamin 
Wade,  with  all  his  shortcomings,  must  be 
classed  among  the  ablest,  the  bravest,  and  the 
purest  defenders  of  the  National  cause  during 
the  dark  days  of  the  Civil  War. 

Other  prominent  figures  in  the  Senate  deserve 
far  more  notice  than  our  limited  space  will 
admit.  There  was  Jacob  Collamer  of  Vermont, 
who  had  been  justice  of  the  supreme  court  of 
his  State  and  had  been  postmaster-general  in 
the  cabinet  of  the  Soldier-President,  Zachary 
Taylor.  His  forty  years  of  public  life  before 
the  war  gave  him  the  wisdom  that  comes  with 
long  experience,  and  no  man  in  the  Senate  ex 
celled  him  in  wise,  conservative  judgment,  nor 
was  there  any  whose  counsels  commanded  a  pro- 
founder  respect.  Zachariah  Chandler  was  one 
of  the  many  brilliant  men  of  New  England  birth 
who  had  sought  a  home  in  the  growing  West. 
He  had  made  Michigan  his  home,  and  after  a 


68        SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

business  career  that  brought  him  wealth,  he 
entered  the  field  of  politics.  As  his  adopted 
State  changed  its  political  complexion  during 
the  turmoil  preceding  the  war,  Chandler  in 
herited  the  mantle  worn  so  many  years  by  that 
Democratic  leader  whose  name  had  stood  first 
in  Michigan  since  the  War  of  1812  —  General 
Lewis  Cass.  Chandler  was  ever  a  friend  to  the 
slave,  and  had  been  interested  in  the  under 
ground  railroad.  As  a  member  of  the  Senate 
he  was  intolerant  and  radical,  but  always  patri 
otic  and  incorruptible.  Edward  Baker  was  the 
brilliant  senator  from  Oregon  who  gave  his  life 
to  the  cause  of  the  Union  ere  the  first  year  of 
the  war  had  closed.  Born  in  England,  he 
came  to  the  United  States  in  early  life,  first 
made  his  home  in  Philadelphia,  then  in  Illinois, 
where  he  rose  to  distinction,  became  the  life 
long  friend  of  Lincoln,  served  in  the  Mexican 
War,  and  soon  after  made  his  home  on  the 
Pacific  Coast,  whence  he  returned  East  as  a 
United  States  senator  in  1861.  Baker  was 
handsome,  winning  in  manners,  irresistibly 
charming  as  an  orator,1  and  filled  with  an 

1  Biaine,  Vol.  I.  p.  321. 


LEADERS   IN  CONGRESS   DURING  THE   WAR       69 

uncompromising  love  of  his  adopted  country. 
His  appearance  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate  in 
full  uniform  when  he  delivered  one  of  the  most 
eloquent  speeches  heard  by  that  body  during 
the  war  period  left  a  glowing  picture  in  the 
minds  of  all ;  but  a  few  days  later  the  country 
was  shocked  by  his  tragic  end.  While  leading 
his  forces  with  reckless  bravery  at  the  fateful 
Ball's  Bluff,  a  bullet  pierced  his  brain,  and  the 
brilliant  soldier-senator  fell  dead  upon  the  field 
of  glory. 

Others  can  only  be  mentioned  :  Henry  Wil 
son,  the  lifelong  foe  of  the  slave  power,  who 
afterward  became  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States ;  David  Wilmot,  who  had  given  his 
name  to  the  famous  proviso  of  the  preceding 
period  ;  Lyman  Trumbull,  the  learned  lawyer 
from  Illinois  who  ranked  high  among  the 
statesmen  that  made  the  Prairie  State  famous 
during  antebellum  days ;  and  John  Sherman, 
lately  transferred  from  the  House,  still  in  his 
youth,  and  destined  yet  to  spend  more  than  a 
third  of  a  century  in  the  political  arena  and 
to  make  a  great  name  in  the  Senate  and  the 
cabinet. 


/O       SIDE  LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Great  Leaders  in  the  House 

The  most  striking  personage  in  the  Lower 
House  of  Congress  during  the  war  period  was 
"  The  Great  Commoner,"  Thaddeus  Stevens  of 
Pennsylvania.  Born  in  Vermont  eight  years 
before  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
he  had  long  passed  middle  life  when  the  Civil 
War  began.  After  completing  his  education 
at  Dartmouth,  he  made  his  home  in  the  Key 
stone  State,  where  for  nearly  half  a  century 
he  was  a  most  conspicuous  figure. 

Stevens  first  attracted  National  attention  as 
a  leader  of  the  Anti-Masons  in  the  early 
thirties;  in  1835  he  won  a  remarkable  vic 
tory  in  the  Pennsylvania  legislature  in  a  great 
speech  defending  the  common  school  system 
of  that  State ;  he  attracted  National  attention 
as  an  opponent  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  in 
1850;  he  held  the  reins  in  the  Lower  House 
during  the  war  as  no  other  man  could  ;  but 
the  most  notable  work  of  his  great  life  was 
the  part  he  took  in  reconstruction,  which  will 
be  treated  in  a  later  chapter. 

As  Sumner  and  Wade  represented  the  radi- 


LEADERS   IN   CONGRESS   DURING  THE   WAR       /I 

cal  antislavery  element  in  the  Senate,  Stevens 
represented  it  in  the  House.  The  one  great 
passion  of  his  life  was  to  destroy  the  slave 
power  and  to  elevate  the  black  man.  In  his 
zeal  he  even  reminds  us  of  the  misguided 
John  Brown ;  he  seemed  to  love  the  African 
race  better  than  his  own  race,  and  before  his 
death  he  directed  that  his  body  be  laid  to 
rest  in  a  private  cemetery  because  the  public 
cemeteries  had  been  limited  in  their  charters 
to  the  white  race.  Stevens  was  extremely 
severe  in  denunciation,  radical,  and  intolerant. 
He  belonged  to  that  class  in  the  North  whose 
attitude  toward  the  South  was  characterized 
by  bitter  personal  feeling  —  who  could  not 
forgive  a  conquered  and  prostrate  foe,  but 
hastened  to  place  the  grinding  heel  upon  his 
neck. 

There  was  no  more  interesting  figure  in  the 
House  at  the  time  we  are  treating  than  the 
venerable  John  J.  Crittenden  of  Kentucky. 
Born  in  the  year  of  the  framing  of  the  Con 
stitution,  he  had  passed  the  allotted  three 
score  years  and  ten,  and  indeed  was  looked 
upon  as  a  patriarch  among  his  fellows,  a  rep- 


72       SIDE  LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

resentative  of  a  former  generation.  Critten- 
den  had  served  in  the  War  of  1812,  and  had 
entered  the  Senate  on  the  last  day  of  the 
administration  of  James  Madison.  Six  times 
in  all  he  was  elected  to  the  Senate,  usually, 
however,  serving  less  than  a  full  term.  In 
the  meantime  he  had  graced  the  cabinets 
of  Harrison  and  Fillmore ;  and  now  in  the 
December  of  life  he  was  elected  to  the 
Lower  House  of  Congress,  where,  despite 
his  weight  of  years,  he  was  one  of  the  most 
active  members. 

Crittenden  had  watched  with  painful  inter 
est  the  long  years  of  increasing  strife  between 
the  North  and  the  South,  and  now,  when  the 
open  rupture  threatened  the  life  of  the  Re 
public  that  he  had  loved  and  served  so  long, 
he  could  not  hesitate,  though  from  a  slave 
State,  to  throw  the  powerful  weight  of  his 
influence  in  the  balance  of  the  North.  It 
was  John  J.  Crittenden,  above  all  men,  that 
prevented  the  secession  of  Kentucky  in  1861. 
The  most  conspicuous  work  of  his  congres 
sional  career  was,  like  that  of  David  Wilmot, 
the  bringing  forward  of  a  measure  that  did 


LEADERS   IN  CONGRESS  DURING  THE   WAR       73 

not  become  law — the  Crittenden  Compromise. 
The  aged  Kentuckian  was  greatly  devoted  to 
the  restoration  of  the  Union,  but  his  eyes 
were  permitted  only  to  behold  afar  the  land 
of  promise  when  he  was  called,  in  1863,  to 
join  the  silent  majority. 

Justin  S.  Morrill,  who  died  in  1898  after 
the  longest  continuous  service  in  the.  Senate 
in  American  history,  was  a  member  of  the 
House  during  the  war,  and  was  the  author 
of  the  famous  Morrill  Tariff,  which  became 
a  law  in  the  closing  days  of  Buchanan's 
administration. 

During  the  whole  or  part  of  the  war 
period  we  find  in  the  House  many  men 
who  were  then,  or  afterward  became,  famous 
in  our  National  Legislature.  From  Illinois 
we  have  Elihu  B.  Washburn,  the  unswerving 
friend  of  General  Grant,  the  "  Watchdog  of 
the  Treasury,"  afterward  minister  to  France 
during  the  siege  of  1870;  John  A.  McClernard 
and  John  A.  Logan,  afterward  noted  generals 
in  the  army,  and  Owen  Lovejoy,  brother  of 
the  famous  editor  who  had  been  killed  by  a 
proslavery  mob  in  1837.  From  Indiana  came 


74       SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

William  S.  Holman,  for  many  years  known 
as  the  "  Great  Objector "  to  extravagant  use 
of  public  money  ;  Schuyler  Colfax,  afterward 
Vice-President ;  George  W.  Julian,  Free  Soil 
candidate  for  Vice-President  in  1852,  and  later 
one  of  the  founders  of  the  Republican  party, 
and  Daniel  W.  Voorhees  whose  after  sena 
torial  career  won  him  National  fame.  In  the 
New  York  delegation  we  find  the  brilliant  and 
dashing  Roscoe  Conkling;  William  A.  Whee 
ler,  afterward  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States,  and  E.  G.  Spaulding,  the  author  of  our 
system  of  National  banks.  From  Massachu 
setts  came  George  S.  Boutwell,  the  able  mana 
ger  of  President  Johnson's  impeachment,  United 
States  senator  and  secretary  of  the  treasury 
under  Grant,  and  the  notorious  Oakes  Ames 
of  Credit  Mobilier  fame.  From  Maine,  the 
State  that  has  furnished  so  many  great  men 
in  the  last  quarter  century,  came  the  only 
man  in  our  later  history  who  can  be  classed 
as  a  party  leader  with  Jefferson,  Jackson,  and 
Clay  —  James  G.  Elaine.  Many  other  States 
sent  able  men  to  Congress  during  the  war,  the 
most  noted  being  Ohio.  From  this  State  we 


LEADERS   IN   CONGRESS   DURING  THE  WAR       75 

find  George  H.  Pendleton  ;  James  M.  Ashley, 
the  mover  of  the  thirteenth  amendment  to 
the  Constitution ;  Samuel  S.  Cox,  who  as  a 
wit  had  no  equal  in  Congress  since  the  days 
of  John  Randolph ;  Clement  L.  Vallandigham, 
whose  somewhat  erratic  career  brought  him 
at  least  the  credit  of  unlimited  courage  ;  and 
Robert  C.  Schenck,  whose  powers  of  leader 
ship  in  the  House  threatened  for  a  time  the 
prestige  of  the  "  Great  Commoner  "  from  Penn 
sylvania. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  Ohio  began  that 
remarkable  career  in  National  politics  which  no 
other  State  can  parallel  in  our  history,  except 
Virginia.1 

1  It  is  a  notable  fact  that  the  three  most  famous  generals  of 
the  Civil  War  were  natives  of  Ohio —  Grant,  Sherman,  Sheridan. 
Of  the  seven  Presidents  since  the  war,  three,  Hayes,  Garfield, 
and  McKinley,  were  born  in  and  elected  from  Ohio,  while  two 
others,  Grant  and  Harrison,  were  natives  of  Ohio.  Vice- Presi 
dent  Hendricks  was  born  in  Ohio  ;  Cleveland's  running  mate  in 
1888,  Allen  G.  Thurman,  was  an  Ohioan  ;  Harrison's  running 
mate  in  1892,  Whitelaw  Reid,  is  a  native  of  the  same  State. 
The  record  is  a  very  remarkable  one  and  may  not  be  duplicated 
by  any  State  for  centuries  to  come.  It  may  be  added  that  the 
two  ablest  Indian  warriors  ever  known  to  the  white  race  were 
both  born  on  Ohio  soil  —  Pontiac  and  Tecumseh. 


CHAPTER   IV 

EVENTS  LEADING  UP  TO  THE  CIVIL  WAR 
Cause  of  the  War 

THE  cause  of  the  great  Civil  War  in  Amer 
ica  was  slavery.  Some  writers  have  endeav 
ored  to  show  that  there  were  various  causes 
that  brought  about  that  great  conflict ;  but 
they  may  all  be  condensed  into  one  great, 
sweeping  cause  of  causes  —  slavery.  The 
immediate  occasion  of  the  opening  of  hostili 
ties  was,  as  every  one  knows,  secession ;  the 
war  was  essentially  a  war  for  the  Union  in 
its  early  stages,  a  war  against  secession ;  but 
secession  was  the  outgrowth  of  the  long  strife 
engendered  by  slavery.  The  election  of  Lin 
coln  precipitated  secession,  it  is  true ;  but 
why  was  Lincoln  objectionable  to  the  South  ? 
Because  of  his  views  and  the  views  of  his 
party  on  the  extension  of  slavery.  The  fierce 
struggle  for  Kansas  hastened  the  great  con- 
76 


EVENTS   LEADING  UP  TO  THE  CIVIL  WAR        77 

flict;  but  that  was  a  struggle  for  and  against 
slavery ;  it  was  a  child  of  the  Kansas-Ne 
braska  Bill,  and  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill 
was  a  slavery  measure.  The  Dred  Scott  deci 
sion  did  much  to  widen  the  breach  between 
the  North  and  the  South,  but  there  would 
have  been  no  Dred  Scott  decision  without 
slavery. 

It  is  true  that  the  civilization  of  the  South 
was  quite  unlike  that  of  the  North,  that  there 
was  much  prejudice  on  each  side,  and  that 
the  two  sections  had  grown  apart  for  many 
years ;  but  the  underlying  cause  of  this  differ 
ence  was  that  slavery  existed  in  the  one  sec 
tion  and  not  in  the  other.  It  is  a  fact  that 
the  people  of  the  South  loved  their  respective 
States  better  than  they  loved  the  Union ;  they 
honestly  believed  in  State  Sovereignty,  mis 
called  States'  Rights,  and  the  conviction  that 
they  were  defending  their  sovereign  States 
from  invasion  did  much  to  animate  the  com 
mon  soldier  in  battle.  But  those  who  looked 
beneath  the  surface  could  not  fail  to  see  that 
the  doctrine  of  State  Sovereignty  was  not 
more  accepted  at  the  South  than  at  the  North 


78        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

during  the  first  decades  of  the  government's 
existence,  that  it  had  been  developed  and 
nurtured  by  the  South  only  as  an  effective 
weapon  with  which  to  fight  the  battles  of 
slavery.  The  climate  and  soil  of  the  South 
conduce  to  establish  a  different  form  of  in 
dustry  from  that  of  the  North,  and  in  some 
degree  they  affect  the  general  status  and  civ 
ilization  of  the  people;  but  this  slight  differ 
ence  could  in  no  way  engender  a  mortal 
strife  between  the  two  sections.  Why  should 
the  Southern  planter  be  less  loyal  to  the  Union 
which  his  fathers  had  aided  in  establishing 
than  the  Massachusetts,  manufacturer  or  the 
Ohio  farmer  ?  It  was  not  so  at  the  beginning 
of  the  century ;  it  is  not  so  to-day,  since  the 
apple  of  discord  has  been  removed.  In  point 
of  fact,  there  was  but  one  basal  cause  of  the 
long  years  of  strife  between  the  great  sections 
of  our  country,  resulting  in  the  Civil  War,  and 
that  was  slavery. 

Slavery  was  a  political  question  and  it  was 
a  moral  question.  The  slaveholders  sought 
to  extend  their  peculiar  institution  so  as  to 
maintain  their  political  power  and  thus  pre- 


EVENTS   LEADING  UP  TO  THE  CIVIL  WAR      79 

vent  unfriendly  legislation  in  Congress.  But 
as  free  labor  and  slave  labor  could  not  flourish 
in  the  same  locality,  the  free  States  sought  to 
restrict  slavery,  or  at  least  to  prevent  its  exten 
sion.  Hence  arose  a  strife  in  the  National 
Legislature  in  the  first  quarter  of  the  century, 
and  it  increased  in  violence  for  many  years. 

The  question  was  also  a  moral  one.  There 
was  a  large  and  increasing  number  of  people 
in  the  North  who  believed  slavery  to  be  mor 
ally  wrong.  Hence  arose  the  Abolitionists, 
the  Lundys,  the  Love  joys,  the  Garrisons,  the 
John  Browns.  It  is  difficult  to  say  which  of 
these  two  forces  was  the  stronger,  the  moral 
or  the  political.  Certain  it  is  that  the  two 
working  together  brought  about  the  estrange 
ment  of  the  two  great  sections  of  the  country, 
resulting  finally  in  the  great  Civil  War. 

Beginning  of  the  Long  Strife 

The  friction  between  the  North-  and  the 
South  on  account  of  slavery  was  almost  con 
stant  for  forty  years  before  the  war.  At 
times  the  agitation  subsided,  and  the  subject 
seemed  to  slumber  for  several  years,  when  it 


8O       SIDE  LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

would  burst  forth  again  with  increased  vio 
lence.  Each  of  these  jostlings  of  the  two 
great  forces  left  its  mark,  each  made  the 
wound  a  little  deeper,  each  played  its  part  in 
bringing  on  the  final  crisis. 

The  most  serious  of  these  early  conflicts 
was  that  of  1820,  resulting  in  the  Missouri 
Compromise.  After  a  severe  struggle  in  Con 
gress,  covering  nearly  two  years  and  extend 
ing  to  every  part  of  the  country,  the  question 
was  settled.  The  compromise  line  was  con- 
ceded  by  the  South  to  appease  the  North  and 
to  win  northern  votes ;  but  the  real  victory 
rested  with  the  South  in  that  Missouri  was 
admitted  to  the  Union  as  a  slave  State. 

Next  came  the  Indian  wars  in  the  South 
during  the  thirties.  The  proximity  of  the 
red  man  was  a  constant  menace  to  the  peace 
ful  possession  of  the  black-man  by  the  slave 
holder.  The  latter,  therefore,  demanded  of 
the  General  Government  that  he  be  protected 
in  the  quiet  possession  of  his  human  property, 
whatever  the  cost  might  be.  The  Government, 
heedful  of  its  master's  voice,  waged  war  on 
the  Indian,  exterminating  some  tribes,  moving 


EVENTS   LEADING  UP  TO  THE  CIVIL  WAR      8 1 

others  bodily  and  without  provocation  to  the 
untrodden  wilderness  beyond  the  Mississippi, 
keeping  up  the  wars  for  seven  or  ^ight  years, 
and  spending  $30,000,000  —  all  for  the  slave 
holder.  Behold  another  victory  for  the  South! 
Then  came  the  Texas  question.  The  South 
was  hungry  for  Texas.  What  a  fine  exten 
sion  of  slave  territory  it  would  make!  The 
slaveholder  thereupon  demanded  that  Texas 
be  admitted  into  the  Union.  The  North  ob 
jected,  at  first  feebly,  then  more  vigorously, 
but  still  too  feebly,  to  withstand  the  impetu 
ous  South,  and  Texas  was  admitted  as  a  slave 
State. 

If  •  j.J"i>'t7Ji:    ,^/iOf.!  • 

The  Mexican   War  and  the  Omnibus  Bill 

Hard  upon  this  follows  the  Mexican  War, 
waged,  not  because  of  a  boundry  dispute,  as  the 
world  was  made  to  believe,  but  because  Ahab 
coveted  Naboth's  vineyard  —  because  the  slave 
holder  cast  his  eyes  upon  the  vast,  fertile  South 
west,  and  desired  it  for  his  own.  The  Govern 
ment  again  heeded  his  call  to  arms,  and  Mexico 
was  dismembered,  and  the  California  country 
came  into  the  possession  of  the  United  States. 

VOL.  II.  —  G 


82        SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Another  victory  for  the  South  ?  Apparently, 
but  not  quite.  It  happened  that  California  was 
settled  by  the  people  and  not  by  the  politicians, 
and  consequently  it  became  a  free,  and  not  a 
slave,  State.  Had  the  matter  been  decided  at 
Washington,  it  would  have  been  otherwise,  as 
foreshadowed  by  the  fate  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso. 

The  Omnibus  Bill,  or  Compromise  Measures 
of  1850,  next  claimed  the  country's  attention. 
This  did  not  precipitate  a  contest  between  the 
sections,  but  it  involved  the  question  in  dispute, 
and  one  of  its  provisions  became  one  of  the  most 
irritating  that  disturbed  a  long-suffering  public 
during  those  troublous  times.  The  Omnibus 
Bill  was,  on  the  whole,  favorable  to  the  South. 
It  is  true  California  was  received  as  a  free 
State ;  but  in  receiving  it  Congress  only  ratified 
what  the  people  had  already  done.  The  pro 
hibition  of  the  slave-trade  in  the  District  of 
Columbia  is  also  regarded  as  a  northern  victory  ; 
but  it  was  little  more  than  a  sop  thrown  by  the 
slave  power  to  the  clamorous  Abolitionists.  Of 
the  three  remaining  items,  one,  the  erection  of 
Utah  and  New  Mexico  into  Territories  without 
mention  of  slavery,  may  be  considered  neutral, 


EVENTS   LEADING  UP  TO  THE  CIVIL  WAR      83 

while  the  other  two,  the  payment  by  the  Gov 
ernment  of  $10,000,000  to  Texas  for  her  claims 
on  New  Mexico,  and  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law, 
are  distinctively  southern  measures.  The  latter, 
indeed,  became  the  most  prominent  feature  of 
this  famous  mid-century  legislation  and  prac 
tically  gave  it  its  character.1  As  a  whole,  there 
fore,  the  Omnibus  Bill  was  favorable  to  the  South. 

Far  more  one-sided,  however,  was  the  great 
measure  that  followed  a  few  years  later — the 
Kansas-Nebraska  Bill.  Despite  the  fact  that 
it  was  born  in  the  brain  of  a  northern  senator, 
it  was  a  slave  measure  pure  and  simple,  and 
was  but  the  normal  product  of  a  soil  that  had 
long  been  under  the  tillage  of  the  slavocracy. 

A  little  later  the  Dred  Scott  decision  gave  the 
northern  people  another  shock,  and  led  them  to 
believe  that  the  judiciary  was  under  the  same 
mesmeric  influence  as  the  other  two  branches 
of  the  Government. 

One  more  of  these  antebellum  skirmishes  and 
our  list  is  completed  —  the  fight  for  the  posses 
sion  of  Kansas.  The  administration  did  all  in 

1  See  chapter  on  "  The  Underground  Railroad,"  "  Side  Lights," 
VoL  I. 


84       SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

its  power  to  make  Kansas  a  slave  State,  but 
there  were  forces  at  work  in  Kansas  which  the 
administration  could  not  control,  and  the  ultimate 
outcome  was  a  defeat  of  the  slave  power. 

It  will  be  noticed  by  the  foregoing  that  in 
every  encounter  except  two  between  the  forces 
of  freedom  and  of  slavery  the  latter  bore  away 
the  victor's  palm.  And  it  is  a  remarkable  fact 
that  in  deciding  these  two,  the  admission  of 
California  and  the  struggle  for  Kansas,  and 
in  these  only,  the  people  had  an  opportunity  to 
render  the  ultimate  verdict.  In  view  of  these 
facts  two  conclusions  are  forced  upon  any  one 
who  looks  the  facts  squarely  in  the  face :  first, 
that  for  a  generation  before  the  war  the  most 
potent  voice  in  the  Government  as  such  was  the 
voice  of  the  slaveholder ;  second,  that  the  slave 
holder,  with  all  his  power  over  the  politicians, 
with  all  the  prestige  of  party  machinery,  never 
succeeded  in  winning  and  controlling  the  great 
body  of  the  people.  Thus  we  have  the  anom 
alous  condition  of  a  government  being  for  many 
years  out  of  harmony  with  the  people  by  whose 
authority  it  existed,  on  the  greatest  public  ques 
tion  of  the  time. 


EVENTS   LEADING  UP  TO  THE  CIVIL  WAR      85 

It  might  be  asked,  Why  did  the  people,  if 
they  opposed  the  domination  of  the  slaveholder, 
wait  so  many  years  before  rebuking  him  at  the 
polls  ?  Be  it  remembered  that  the  specific 
causes  of  these  encounters  were  sectional  and 
not  partisan  questions ;  and  in  no  way  could  the 
people  rebuke  the  Government  through  the 
elections  except  by  reorganizing  parties  on  sec 
tional  lines,  and  that  is  what  they  actually  did  in 
the  organizing  of  the  Republican  party.  But  even 
before  this  party  was  born,  the  people  rebuked 
the  Government  for  truckling  to  the  slave  power 
when  opportunity  offered.  Let  us  examine. 

In  1820  there  was  no  way  in  which  the  voters 
could  express  their  disapproval  of  the  decision 
of  Congress  (as  both  contestants  belonged  to 
the  same  party),  except  to  form  a  new  party,  and 
even  this  could  not  have  reversed  the  decision, 
for  Missouri  had  already  been  admitted  as  a 
slave  State. 

Again,  when  the  Texas  question  came  up  for 
decision,  the  voter  who  had  strong  convictions 
against  annexation  scarcely  knew  what  to  do, 
for  both  political  parties  stood  on  similar  ground. 
The  Democratic  platform  pronounced  in  favor 


86       SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN    HISTORY 

of  admitting  Texas  in  1844,  while  the  Whig 
party,  some  months  later,  actually  brought  about 
annexation.  It  is  true  that  the  Tyler  adminis 
tration,  which  admitted  Texas,  was  not  strictly 
a  Whig  administration,  though  Tyler  had  been 
elected  by  that  party,  nor  is  it  fair  to  the  party 
to  regard  annexation  as  a  purely  Whig  measure. 
Yet  it  is  true  that  many  of  the  Whigs  favored 
annexation,  and  even  Clay  in  his  famous  Ala 
bama  letter  expressed  his  willingness  to  see 
Texas  admitted.  Neither  party,  therefore,  as  a 
party,  was  positively  opposed  to  extending  slave 
territory  by  adding  this  new  slave  State.  The 
voter  who  did  oppose  such  extension  found 
himself  out  of  harmony  with  both  the  great 
political  parties. 

But  note  what  follows.  The  Government, 
through  the  Democratic  party,  waged  the  Mexi 
can  War,  the  real  object  of  which  was  to 
extend  slave  territory ;  but  the  people  reversed 
the  decision  and  made  California  a  free 
State ;  and  more,  they  defeated  that  party  in 
the  ensuing  presidential  election.  Again,  the 
Whig  party  fathered  the  Omnibus  Bill ;  and 
the  people,  at  the  next  National  election,  gave 


EVENTS   LEADING   UP  TO  THE   CIVIL   WAR      8/ 

the  party  such  a  blow  that  it  fell  to  rise  no 
more.  Still  again,  the  Government,  through 
the  Democratic  party,  enacted  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Law.  The  people  were  offended, 
and  there  being  no  rival  party  through  which 
they  could  chasten  the  offending  one,  they 
formed  a  new  party,  and  the  political  revolu 
tion  of  1860  was  the  result. 

The  people  had  therefore  registered  their 
disapproval  of  the  slaveholder's  rule  on  vari 
ous  occasions  ;  they  had  defeated  each  political 
party  in  turn  for  yielding  to  this  southern 
master;  and  finally,  unable  to  control  either 
party,  they  organized  a  new  one  whose  very 
corner-stone  was  non-extension  of  slave  terri 
tory.  This  reorganization  of  party  lines  had 
its  root,  not  in  high  political  circles,  but  in 
the  conscience  of  the  Nation.  Calhoun  was 
right  when  he  claimed  that,  if  the  moral  con 
sciousness  of  a  majority  of  the  people  opposed 
slavery,  slavery  must  fall.  And  this  was  be 
yond  a  doubt  the  condition  of  the  country 
during  the  years  just  preceding  the  war. 

It  must  be  noticed,  however,  that  the  newly 
formed  party  did  not,  during  the  first  years 


88        SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

of  its  existence,  command  a  majority  of  the 
electors,  and  even  in  1860  the  election  of 
Lincoln  would  have  been  doubtful  but  for 
the  fatal  split  in  the  Democratic  party.  This 
fact  seems  to  indicate  that,  after  all,  the 
majority  of  the  people  were  not  with  the 
new  movement.  But  this  is  not  difficult  to 
explain  :  first,  there  were  thousands  of  voters 
who  were  in  sympathy  with  the  non-extension 
sentiment,  but  their  party  allegiance  was  so 
deep-seated,  their  interest  in  the  history  and 
achievements  of  their  party  was  so  great,  that 
it  was  not  an  easy  matter  to  break  away  from 
it ;  second,  there  were  other  thousands  wjho 
were  willing  to  rebuke  the  slaveholder  by  an 
adverse  vote  now  and  then ;  but  they  were 
too  timid  to  openly  provoke  him  to  renewed 
violence  and  threats  of  destroying  the  Union. 
It  may  often  be  a  subject  of  wonder  that 
the  slaveholder  held  such  sway  in  National 
politics  for  so  long  a  time.  Why  were  there 
so  many  "  Northern  men  with  Southern  prin 
ciples  "  ?  Because  the  statesmen  of  the  South 
were  not  only  better  schooled  in  politics  than 
their  brothers  from  the  North,  but  because 


EVENTS   LEADING   UP   TO  THE  CIVIL   WAR      89 

they  were  united  on  the  one  great  subject 
nearest  their  heart,  and  they  were  exacting 
and  unyielding  in  the  demands  upon  those 
who  sought  their  support  for  high  position. 
For  many  years  before  the  war  no  man  could 
hope  to  be  elected  President  who  had  shown 
an  unfriendly  spirit  at  any  time  in  his  career 
toward  the  interests  of  slavery.  Such  a  one 
would  find  himself  opposed  by  a  united  South, 
and  the  North  was  not  sufficiently  united  to 
successfully  compete  with  it.  The  result  was 
that  northern  politicians  were  not  only  care 
ful  not  to  oppose  the  slave  owner,  but  were 
ready  to  lend  him  a  helping  hand  when  called 
upon  to  do  so.  When,  therefore,  the  slave 
holder  desired  to  enact  some  special  law  for 
his  own  benefit,  he  found  little  difficulty  in 
securing  northern  support. 

The  Slaveholder  s  Blunder 

But  the  southerner  made  some  serious  blun 
ders,  not  the  least  of  which  was  his  continu 
ous  thrusting  of  the  despised  subject  on  the 
northern  conscience.  The  people  of  the  North, 
with  the  exception  of  the  few  Abolitionists, 


90       SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

might  have  allowed  the  matter  to  rest  in  statu 
quo  for  indefinite  years  ;  but  the  southerner  re 
fused  to  let  it  alone.  Not  content  with  adding 
Missouri  and  Arkansas  and  Florida  and  Texas 
to  his  domain,  he  forced  on  the  country  the 
Fugitive  Slave  Law,  which  did  more  to  arouse 
the  moral  sentiment  of  the  North  than  the 
arguments  of  the  Abolitionists  had  done  in 
many  years.1  The  people  of  the  free  States 
were  thus  led,  or  rather  forced,  to  look  more 
deeply  into  the  subject,  and  it  was  only  the 
repulsive  features  of  slavery  that  they  saw. 

The  relation  between  the  master  and  slave 
was,  in  the  great  majority  of  cases,  a  pleas 
ant  and  happy  relation  ;  but  this  feature  the 
northerner  did  not  see ;  he  saw  only  the  fugi 
tive  and  heard  his  tale  of  woe;  again,  he  saw 
the  fleeing  black  man  captured  and  hustled 
back  under  the  lash  to  the  land  of  bondage. 
The  Fugitive  Slave  Law  forced  him  to  see 
these  things,  and  it  quickened  his  conscience 
against  the  institution  of  slavery  itself  as  noth 
ing  else  could  have  done.  The  slaveholder 
blamed  the  North  for  agitating  the  subject  ; 

1  Channing's  "  Student's  History,"  p.  462. 


EVENTS  LEADING  UP  TO  THE  CIVIL  WAR     91 

but  it  is  certainly  true  that  he  caused  much  of 
the  agitation  by  forcing  upon  it  such  enact 
ments  as  this  odious  law. 

The  slaveholder  knew  that  modern  civiliza 
tion  had  condemned  slavery.  Why,  then,  did 
he  not  remain  as  quiet  and  unobserved  as 
possible  ?  His  aim  seemed  to  be  to  force  the 
North  to  acknowledge  that  slavery  is  right,  but 
his  efforts  had  the  opposite  effect.  He  seemed 
as  one  who  advocates,  a  cause  in  which  he  but 
half  believes  —  he  argues  the  louder  and  the 
harder  that  he  may  convince  himself  as  well 
as  his  opponent. 

The  most  serious  blunder  of  the  slaveholder 
was  his  forcing  the  war  by  an  attempt  to  break 
up  the  Union.  He  had  been  protected  by  the 
Constitution  and  by  his  influence  over  the  north 
ern  politician ;  but  in  seceding  from  the  Union 
he  shattered  the  Constitution  and  alienated  his 
northern  friends  who  still  loved  the  Union. 
How  could  he  hope  to  win  in  a  final  appeal  to 
arms  ?  He  knew  that  the  North  was  far  stronger 
than  the  South.  Perhaps  he  underestimated  the 
love  for  the  old  flag  in  the  free  States ;  perhaps 
he  believed  that  the  North  could  not  be  united 


92        SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN  HISTORY 

against  the  South  ;  perhaps  he  relied  on  foreign 
recognition  and  aid.  He  must  have  foreseen 
that,  in  an  exhaustive  war,  a  fight  to  the  finish, 
between  the  Union  and  the  Slave  Power,  both 
could  not  survive  —  the  Union  or  slavery  must 
perish.  The  slaveholder  therefore  took  a  grave 
risk  when  he  defied  the  Union  without  having 
measured  its  strength.  It  was  a  leap  in  the 
dark,  and  it  proved  to  be  a  fatal  blunder. 

His  action  was  practically  taking  his  case  from 
the  lower  court,  the  Constitution  and  the  Na 
tional  Legislature,  to  the  higher  tribunal  —  the 
People.  Strange  that  he  had  not  learned  by  the 
fate  of  California  and  of  Kansas,  of  the  Whig 
party  and  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Democrats, 
that  the  people  were  not  with  him.  By  his 
action  he  invoked  against  himself  the  war  power 
of  the  President ;  and  that  included,  not  only  the 
armies  and  navies  of  the  United  States,  but  also 
the  entire  resources  of  the  loyal  people.  The 
slaveholder  was  admirably  brave  and  daring, 
but  he  was  rash  and  hasty  —  almost  foolhardy  ; 
he  staked  his  all  and  lost  all. 

Finally,  it  cannot  be  denied  by  any  fair- 
minded  observer  that  the  people  of  the  South 


EVENTS  LEADING  UP  TO  THE  CIVIL  WAR     93 

were  generally  sincere  in  battling  against  the 
Union.  No  people  could  fight  with  such  valor, 
such  devotion  to  a  cause,  such  marvellous  self- 
denial,  as  did  the  people  of  the  South  unless 
they  believed  their  cause  to  be  right.  The 
southern  people  had  not  learned  to  love  the 
Union  as  had  the  people  of  the  North  ;  they  be 
lieved  the  State  had  an  inherent  right  to  secede. 
They  had  been  taught  from  childhood  to  love 
the  State  above  the  Nation,  and  the  North  they 
regarded  almost  as  a  foreign  people.  Nor  did 
they  regard  themselves  as  rebels  against  their 
government,  but  rather  as  an  independent  peo 
ple  (after  secession  had  been  accomplished), 
repelling  invasion  and  conquest  of  their  own  soil. 
The  people  of  the  North  were  equally  sin 
cere.  They  denied  the  right  of  secession  ;  they 
denied  the  right  of  the  State  to  seize  United 
States  forts  and  arsenals.  And,  above  all,  they 
felt  that  they  were  fighting  the  battles  of  human 
ity  in  preserving  the  principle  of  self-govern 
ment.  Had  the  South  succeeded,  the  future 
would  doubtless  have  witnessed  further  seces 
sions  and  subdivisions  until  North  America 
would  be  divided,  like  South  America,  into  petty 


94        SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

warring  states.  Republican  government  would 
have  been  put  back  for  centuries  and  the  march 
of  modern  civilization  greatly  impeded.  This, 
then,  was  the  great  underlying  principle  which 
•ed  the  Government  to  preserve  its  integrity  by 
force  of  arms.  And  who  among  the  friends  of 
self-government,  the  lovers  of  liberty  in  the 
North  or  in  the  South,  or  from  any  part  of  the 
earth,  does  not  rejoice  that  we  were  able  to 
prove  to  the  world  that  a  great  people  are 
capable  of  self-government  and  able  to  main 
tain  their  national  integrity? 


^  CHAPTER  V 
THE  BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 

A  DETAILED  knowledge  of  the  movements 
of  armies  and  their  operations  in  battle  is  not  of 
primary  importance  to  the  ordinary  student  of 
history.  This  belongs  to  the  province  of  the 
military  student.  We  have  chosen,  however,  to 
devote  this  chapter  to  a  notice  of  the  greatest 
battle  in  the  greatest  of  civil  wars  —  the  Battle 
of  Gettysburg.  The  military  operations  of  the 
Civil  War  were  carried  on,  for  the  most  part, 
south  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line ;  but  this  most 
famous  of  the  battles  was  fought  on  northern 
soil,  on  the  soil  of  the  old  Keystone  State,  which 
had  given  birth  to  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence  and  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States. 

Gettysburg  is  a  quiet  hamlet  nestled  among 
the  hills  in  Adams  county,  Pennsylvania,  and 
in  1863  contained  about  fifteen  hundred  inhabi 
tants.  It  had  been  founded  in  1780  by  James 

95 


96       SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Gettys,  who  perhaps  never  dreamed  that  his 
name,  thus  given  to  the  village,  would,  through 
apparently  accidental  circumstances,  become  fa- 

« 

mous  in  history  for  all  time. 

The  hills  surrounding  Gettysburg  are  not 
rugged  nor  precipitous ;  they  are  little  more 
than  gentle  swells  of  ground,  and  most  of  them 
were  covered  with  timber  at  the  time  of  the 
famous  battle. 

The  village  is  the  radiating  point  of  several 
important  roads,  known  by  the  names  of  the 
respective  towns  to  which  they  lead.1  The 
one  leading  directly  northward  from  the  town 
is  known  as  the  Carlisle  road,  which,  passing 
through  the  village  and  deflecting  to  the  south 
east,  becomes  the  Baltimore  turnpike.  East  of 
the  Carlisle  road  is  the  Harrisburg  road  and  west 
of  it  the  Mummasburgroad.  This  latter  crosses 
a  wooded  ridge  known  as  Oak  Hill,  a  mile  or 
more  northwest  of  the  town,  and  this  hill  became 
the  centre  of  operations  on  the  first  day  of 
the  battle.  West  of  the  village  about  half  a 

1  A  brief  notice  of  the  topography  of  the  battle-ground  is 
here  necessary.  The  points  mentioned  should  be  carefully  noted 
by  the  reader  and  reference  made  to  the  accompanying  map. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG  97 

mile  is  situated  on  a  ridge  a  Lutheran  Theologi 
cal  Seminary,  and  this  ridge,  extending  north 
and  south,  is  called  Seminary  Ridge.  Directly 
south  of  Gettysburg,  almost  parallel  with  Sem 
inary  Ridge  and  about  a  mile  from  it,  lies 
Cemetery  Ridge.  Three  miles  from  the  town 
Cemetery  Ridge  culminates  in  a  bold,  rocky 
peak,  with  steep,  rugged  slopes  several  hun 
dred  feet  in  height,  called  Round  Top.  North 
of  Round  Top  and  quite  near  it  there  is  a 
similar  peak  about  half  as  high  called  Little 
Round  Top.  A  mile  and  a  half  west  of  the 
village  flows  Willoughby  Run,  while  at  about 
the  same  distance  on  the  east  and  nearly  par 
allel  to  it  flows  a  somewhat  larger  stream 
called  Rock  Creek.  Between  Rock  Creek  and 
the  northern  extremity  of  Cemetery  Ridge  is 
situated  Gulp's  Hill,  one  of  the  most  strategic 
points  of  the  three  days'  fight.  The  area  of  the 
entire  battle-ground  is  something  over  twenty- 
five  square  miles,  all  of  which  may  be  seen  at  a 
glance  from  any  one  of  the  five  observatories 
recently  erected  on  the  ground  by  the  Gov 
ernment. 


VOL.  II.  —  H 


98        SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Advance  Movements 

The  Army  of  Northern  Virginia,  led  by  the 
matchless  commander,  Robert  E.  Lee,  was 
flushed  with  victory  during  the  spring  and 
early  summer  of  1863.  With  the  exception 
of  the  drawn  battle  of  Antietam  and  a  few 
others  of  lesser  note,  this  army  had  been  gen 
erally  successful,  their  most  noted  victories 
being  the  first  and  last  of  the  two  years'  war 
fare  —  Bull  Run  and  Chancellorsville.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  led  suc 
cessively  by  McDowell,  McClellan,  Pope,  Burn- 
side,  and  Hooker,  had,  under  its  many  masters, 
met  with  one  discouragement  after  another; 
and  while  no  one  could  doubt  its  patriotism 
and  its  valor,  the  history  of  its  two  years'  ex 
perience  showed  but  few  bright  pages  to  cheer 
the  heart  of  the  war-broken  soldier  and  to  in 
spire  the  hopes  of  an  anxious  public.  The 
more  disheartening  was  this  when  contrasted 
with  the  almost  unbroken  success  of  the  Union 
arms  in  the  Mississippi  Valley. 

The  most  disastrous  defeat  they  had  suffered 
since  Bull  Run  was  at  Chancellorsville  in  May 


THE   BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG  99 

of  this  year.  Yet  the  Confederate  victory 
at  Chancellorsville  was  a  loss  rather  than  a 
gain,  owing  to  the  death  of  the  brilliant,  mete 
oric,  Napoleonic  Stonewall  Jackson.  Better 
could  the  South  have  spared  the  victory  and 
thousands  of  common  soldiers  than  this  dash 
ing,  successful  leader.  Nevertheless,  southern 
hopes  were  high  after  Chancellorsville,  and 
public  opinion  was  unanimous  in  demanding 
an  invasion  of  the  North.  Lee  decided,  there 
fore,  to  move  northward,  cross  Mason  and 
Dixon's  line,  and  to  make  Harrisburg,  the  cap 
ital  of  Pennsylvania,  the  objective  point.  It  was 
hoped  that  Philadelphia  would  also  fall  into 
the  hands  of  the  Confederate  army.  Leaving 
General  Stewart  with  ten  thousand  cavalry  to 
watch  Hooker  and  prevent  his  following  in 
pursuit,  Lee  crossed  the  Potomac  early  in 
June,  and  concentrated  his  army  at  Hagers- 
town,  Maryland.  Everything  now  seemed  to 
promise  a  successful  invasion  of  the  Keystone 
State.  Lee's  army  was  divided  into'  three 
corps,  commanded  respectively  by  Generals 
Longstreet,  Ewell,  and  A.  P.  Hill.  As  they 
came  near  Chambersburg,  Lee  decided  to  ap- 


100     SIDE  LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

proach  Harrisburg  with  the  main  portion  of  the 
army  by  way  of  the  Cumberland  Valley  through 
Chambersburg,  Carlisle,  and  Bridgeport,  while 
he  sent  General  Early  with  a  division  of  Ewell's 
corps  across  the  South  Mountain  and  ordered 
him  to  move  upon  Harrisburg  by  way  of  the 
Susquehanna  Valley,  passing  through  Gettys 
burg  and  York,  and  crossing  the  Susque 
hanna  River  at  Columbia.  The  towns  along 
both  routes  were  to  be  assessed  for  large  sums 
of  money,  and  payment  enforced  by  threats  to 
burn  the  towns,  if  they  refused. 

As  the  close  of  June  approached,  and  the 
Confederate  army  was  scattered  over  the 
Cumberland  Valley  with  Early's  division  thirty 
miles  east  of  Gettysburg,  a  scout  brought  Gen 
eral  Lee  the  startling  news  that  Stewart  had 
failed  to  detain  Hooker  south  of  the  Potomac 
River,  that  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  was 
now  in  Maryland  and  in  hot  pursuit  of  the 
southern  invaders  of  northern  soil.  Lee  was 
quick  to  perceive  the  necessity  of  abandoning, 
at  least  for  the  time,  his  proposed  invasion  of 
the  North,  and  of  turning  back  to  encounter 
his  deadly  foe  on  the  field  of  battle. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG      IOI 

General  Hooker  was  no  longer  commander 
of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  He  had  re 
quested  of  General  Halleck,  the  commander- 
in-chief  with  headquarters  at  Washington,  the 
use  of  ten  thousand  men  stationed  on  Mary 
land  Heights  above  Harper's  Ferry  under 
General  French.  Halleck,  who  lacked  the 
military  wisdom  to  grasp  the  situation,  and 
whose  dislike  for  Hooker  was  an  open  secret, 
refused  the  request.  Hooker  instantly  re 
signed  the  command,  and  General  George  G. 
Meade,  one  of  the  ablest  of  the  corps  com 
manders,  was  appointed  in  his  stead. 

The  two  great  armies  were  now  scattered 
through  Maryland  and  southern  Pennsylvania. 
They  were  moving  each  toward  the  other, 
and  every  one  saw  that  there  was  soon  to  be 
a  clash  of  arms  more  terrific,  no  doubt,  than 
they  had  yet  experienced  in  their  two  years' 
strife  ;  but  at  what  point  the  shock  of  battle 
would  occur  no  one  could  tell.  Lee  had  or 
dered  Longstreet  and  Hill  to  cross  the  South 
Mountain  eastward  from  Chambersburg,  and 
Ewell  to  return  southwestward  from  York. 
Their  natural  meeting-place  would  be  the 


102     SIDE  LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

vicinity  of  Gettysburg.  Meantime  Meade, 
whose  headquarters  were  at  Taneytown,  Mary 
land,  had  ordered  a  general  movement  of  the 
Union  army  toward  Harrisburg,  the  object 
being  to  encounter  Lee  as  soon  as  it  was  pos 
sible  to  meet  him.  He  had  sent  General  Bu- 
ford  with  four  thousand  cavalry  to  meet  and 
hold  in  check  the  advance  guard  of  the  Con 
federate  columns,  and  Buford,  on  the  evening 
of  June  30,  passed  through  the  little  city  of 
Gettysburg  and  spent  the  night  a  mile  west 
of  it  between  Oak  Hill  and  Seminary  Ridge. 
This  was  the  only  portion  of  the  two  armies 
that  occupied  the  coming  battle-ground  at 
dawn  of  the  first  morning  of  that  fatal  July, 
and  Buford  is  credited  with  having  first  chosen 
this  site  as  a  suitable  battle-ground.1 

The  First  Dafs  Battle 

On  Wednesday  morning,  the  ist  of  July,  the 
forces  of  the  two  commanders  were  still  scat 
tered,  the  extremes  being  more  than  forty  miles 
apart.  General  Sickles  with  the  sixth  corps  of 

1  Count  of  Paris,  "History  of  the  Civil  War,"  Vol.  III.  p.  545. 


THE   BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG  1 03 

the  Army  of  the  Potomac,1  was  at  Manchester, 
over  thirty  miles  away,  while  Sykes  with  the 
fifth  corps  was  at  Union  Mills,  twenty-three 
miles  from  Gettysburg;  Hancock  with  the 
second  corps  was  at  Taneytown ;  but  General 
Reynolds  with  the  first,  third,  and  eleventh 
corps,  was  at  Marsh  Creek,  but  few  miles  away 
and  hastening  to  the  scene  of  the  battle.  Long- 
street,  about  the  same  distance  away,  was 
approaching  by  way  of  the  Chambersburg  pike, 
while  Hill  was  in  advance  of  him  and  near 
enough  to  open  the  battle  with  Buford  in  the 
early  forenoon. 

The  firing  began  about  nine  o'clock.  Buford 
had  ordered  his  men  to  dismount,  and  he  so 
placed  them  as  to  give  the  enemy  the  impres 
sion  that  his  force  was  much  greater  than  it 
really  was ;  at  the  same  time  he  sent  word  to 
Reynolds,  urging  him  to  bring  up  the  infantry 
with  the  utmost  speed,  as  the  enemy  was  before 
him  in  great  force.  Reynolds  soon  joined  Bu- 

1The  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  divided  into  seven  corps, 
known  as  the  First,  Second,  Third,  Fifth,  Sixth,  Eleventh,  and 
Twelfth,  commanded  respectively  by  Generals  Reynolds,  Han 
cock,  Sickles,  Sykes,  Sedgwick,  Howard,  and  Slocum. 


104    SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

ford  in  the  cupola  of  the  Lutheran  Seminary, 
which  offered  an  excellent  view  of  the  whole 
ground  of  operation,  and  his  keen  eye  taking 
in  at  a  glance  the  importance  of  the  situation, 
he  immediately  sent  word  to  Meade  that  in  his 
opinion  a  decisive  battle  should  be  fought  at 
Gettysburg. 

He  then  rode  back  to  the  advance  division 
of  his  command  under  General  Wadsworth,  and 
sent  it  with  double-quick  time  to  join  Buford's 
cavalry.  About  ten  o'clock  Reynolds  rode  out 
to  an  elevation  between  Seminary  Ridge  and 
Willoughby  Run,  where  the  battle  was  raging 
with  great  vigor.  As  he  sat  on  his  horse  in  a 
clump  of  trees  about  two  hundred  yards  south 
of  the  Chambersburg  pike,  a  sharpshooter's 
bullet  pierced  his  brain  and  he  fell  from  his 
horse.  He  was  borne  to  the  rear  by  tender 
hands,  but  nothing  could  restore  him  to  con 
sciousness,  and  in  a  few  minutes  he  was  dead. 

John  F.  Reynolds  was  born  in  1820.  He 
served  through  the  Mexican  War  and  was  pro 
moted  for  gallantry  at  Monterey  and  Buena 
Vista.  He  was  one  of  the  bravest,  ablest,  and 
most  promising  young  officers  in  the  army.  He 


THE  BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG  IO$ 

was  mourned  more  generally  by  the  North  than 
was  any  other  man  who  fell  during  the  war, 
with  the  possible  exception  of  General  McPher- 
son,  who  was  killed  in  a  similar  manner  about 
a  year  later  before  Atlanta. 

But  even  so  great  a  loss  could  not  check  the 
fury  of  the  battle.  General  Abner  Doubleday 
succeeded  him  as  corps  commander,  but  some 
time  later,  General  O.  O.  Howard,  arriving  on 
the  field  and  ranking  Doubleday,  succeeded  him. 
The  fighting  became  very  severe  around  the 
spot  where  Reynolds  fell.  As  a  brigade  under 
Wadsworth,  known  as  the  "Iron  Brigade,"  were 
hotly  engaged  in  the  edge  of  a  grove,  they  saw 
a  brigade  led  by  General  Archer, 1  a  portion  of 
Heth's  division,  Hill's  corps,  running  to  the 
same  grove.  The  Iron  Brigade  pressed  boldly 
forward,  made  a  desperate  dash,  and  captured 
Archer  with  two-thirds  of  his  men,  the  remain 
der  having  fled.  Not  far  from  the  same  point 

JIn  so  brief  a  description  of  this  battle  it  will' be  impossible 
to  give  separate  notice  to  the  minor  organizations  of  the  armies 
—  divisions,  brigades,  battalions,  companies,  and  their  com 
manders.  Only  those  specially  distingnished  will  be  mentioned. 
The  aim  has  been  to  give  that  which  will  interest,  not  the  mili 
tary  student,  but  the  general  reader. 


106     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

a  whole  New  York  regiment  was  captured,  but 
were  afterward  rescued  by  a  gallant  and  impet 
uous  charge  of  two  other  New  York  regiments 
and  one  from  Wisconsin. 

By  one  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  the  arrival 
of  large  portions  of  the  second  and  eleventh 
corps  swelled  the  Federal  forces  to  a  formidable 
army,  but  still  greater  were  the  reinforcements 
of  the  Confederates  by  the  arrival  of  Ewell  from 
Heidlersburg.  The  battle  now  became  general 
and  extended  from  the  Chambersburg  pike 
across  the  Mummasburg  road  south  of  Oak  Hill 
and  eastward  almost  to  Rock  Creek.  The 
eastern  portion  of  the  Union  lines  was  held  by 
Generals  Carl  Schurz  and  Barlow,  who  were 
opposed  by  Early's  division  of  Ewell's  corps; 
that  facing  Oak  Hill  was  commanded  by  Robin 
son  with  two  brigades  under  Paul  and  Baxter, 
Wadsworth  being  just  west  of  them,  and  these 
were  opposed  by  Rhodes's  division  of  Ewell's 
corps  and  a  large  portion  of  Hill's  corps.  The 
fighting  line  was  about  a  mile  north  and  north 
west  from  the  town  of  Gettysburg. 

The  battle  continued  for  several  hours  with 
unabated  fury.  The  Confederates  far  outnum- 


THE  BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG  IO/ 

bered  their  antagonists,  and,  having  seized  Oak 
Hill,  they  had  the  greater  advantage ;  but  until 
the  middle  of  the  afternoon  it  was  impossible  to 
say  which  would  win  the  day.  The  roar  of 
artillery  and  the  unceasing  rattle  of  musketry 
told  the  story  of  sacrifice  and  slaughter  as  no 
pen  can  tell  it.  At  length,  as  a  gentle  wind 
lifted  the  smoke  that  enveloped  the  scene,  the 
Union  lines  were  seen  to  waver.  Schurz,  who 
commanded  the  eleventh  corps,  soon  fell  back 
to  the  town,  leaving  nearly  half  his  soldiers  dead 
or  disabled  on  the  field.  Ewell  ordered  a  pursuit, 
and  as  the  remains  of  the  eleventh  corps  were 
scattered  in  disorder  through  the  streets  of  the 
village,  the  Confederates  overtook  them  and 
made  five  thousand  of  them  prisoners.1 

Doubleday  fell  back  in  much  better  order  and 
made  a  brief  stand  on  Seminary  Ridge,  where 
he  had  thrown  up  an  embankment  in  the  morn 
ing  for  just  such  an  emergency.  But  he  was 

1  The  writer  visiting  the  battle-field  on  the  thirty-sixth  anni 
versary  of  the  battle,  counted,  on  the  western  side  of  the  old 
toll  house  on  the  Chambersburg  pike,  forty-two  bullet-holes 
within  a  space  eight  feet  square,  fourteen  of  which  were  in  the 
shutters  of  a  small  window.  In  the  same  space  were  three  large 
holes  torn  by  shell. 


108     SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

soon  forced  to  abandon  this  position,  and  fel\ 
back  to  Cemetery  Hill  just  south  of  the  town, 
which  Howard  had  selected  as  a  general  centre 
for  the  army  and  as  the  most  suitable  ground 
from  which  to  make  a  final  stand  against  the 
enemy.  Howard  afterward  received  the  thanks 
of  Congress  for  making  this  selection. 

It  sometimes  happens  that  the  sudden  arrival 
of  some  commanding  personage  on  a  battle-field 
during  an  engagement  has  a  magic  effect  on  a 
half-defeated  army.  Such  was  the  case  when 
Sheridan  arrived  on  the  field  of  Cedar  Creek 
from  Winchester,  and  such  was  the  effect  of 
Hancock's  arrival  on  the  battle-field  of  Gettys 
burg  in  the  afternoon  of  the  first  day's  fight. 
Meade  was  still  at  Taneytown,  nine  miles  away. 
On  hearing  early  in  the  afternoon  of  the  death 
of  Reynolds,  he  immediately  despatched  Han 
cock  to  take  general  charge  of  the  battle. 
Hancock  rode  at  full  speed  to  the  scene  and 
arrived  about  four  o'clock.  His  presence  soon 
brought  order  out  of  chaos.  His  superb  bear 
ing,  his  air  of  confidence,  his  promise  of  heavy 
reinforcements  during  the  night,  all  tended  to 
inspire  the  retreating  army  with  hope.  Hancock 


THE  BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG      IOQ 

placed  Wadsworth  with  the  remains  of  his 
division  on  Gulp's  Hill;  Geary,  with  the  ad 
vance  of  Slocum's  corps,  just  coming  up  by  the 
way  of  the  Emmittsburg  road,  he  stationed  near 
Round  Top.  Thus,  with  the  main  part  of  the 
army  on  Cemetery  Ridge  between  these  .two 
extremes,  a  curved  line  was  formed  with  the 
convex  side  facing  the  enemy. 

There  was  no  more  fighting  that  day.  Only 
the  advanced  portion  of  both  armies  had  been 
engaged  thus  far ;  yet  this  first  day's  fight  was 
a  formidable  battle  in  itself,  and  had  this  been 
the  end  of  it,  the  usual  story  of  the  defeat  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  would  have  gone  forth  to 
the  world.  But  no  one  could  be  blamed;  the 
Union  troops  had  fought  nobly,  valiantly,  and 
had  retreated  before  a  stronger  force  only  when 
there  was  nothing  left  for  them  except  retreat  or 
utter  rout.  The  loss  to  the  northern  army  was 
exceedingly  severe  on  July  the  ist.  A  great 
commander  had  fallen  in  the  midst  of  the  strife, 
General  Paul  had  been  shot  through  both  eyes, 
General  Barlow  was  wounded  and  left  for  dead 
on  the  field,  while  the  rank  and  file  had  suffered 
the  enormous  loss  of  ten  thousand  men. 


IIO     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY      , 

The  battle  of  Gettysburg  was  only  begun. 
Meade  had  now  chosen  to  make  this  field,  on 
which  the  advance  corps  of  the  two  armies  had 
accidently  met,  the  ground  for  a  general  engage 
ment  with  the  invaders  of  northern  soil.  He 
ordered  all  the  outlying  legions  of  his  army  to 
hasten  with  all  speed  to  the  field  at  Gettysburg. 
Slocum  and  Sickles  had  reached  the  field  early 
in  the  evening  of  the  first,  but  Sedgwick  with 
sixteen  thousand  men  was  still  at  Manchester, 
thirty  miles  away ;  Hancock's  corps  was  hurry 
ing  forward  from  Taneytown ;  Sykes's  corps 
reached  the  ground  at  midnight  after  a  forced 
march  of  twenty-three  miles  from  Union  Mills. 

Lee  had  also  decided  on  a  decisive  battle  at 
Gettysburg,  and  his  army,  on  the  night  of  the 
first,  was  all  on  the  ground  except  his  cavalry 
and  Pickett's  division  of  Longstreet's  corps. 
Had  the  Confederate  chieftain  known  of  the 
condition  of  his  antagonist  on  the  evening  of 
the  first  day,  he  would  doubtless  have  followed 
up  his  victory ;  and,  had  he  done  so,  the  battle 
of  Gettysburg  would  have  been  another  Bull 
Run.  But  he  allowed  the  three  or  four  remain 
ing  hours  of  daylight  to  slip  away  without 


THE  BATTLE  OF   GETTYSBURG  III 

improving  them,  and  thus  he  gave  Meade  the 
entire  night  in  which  to  arrange  his  army  for 
a  defensive  battle.  From  this  serious  mistake 
Lee  and  his  army  never  recovered  to  the  end 
of  the  war.  Nevertheless,  Lee  determined  to 
fight  it  out  at  Gettysburg.  Indeed,  he  could 
not  do  otherwise  than  give  battle.  He  had 
begun  an  invasion  of  the  North,  but  this  inva 
sion  could  not  possibly  have  been  continued 
in  a  hostile  country  with  a  great  army  at  his 
heels,  and  between  him  and  his  supplies  —  an 
army  equal  in  valor  and  in  strength  to  his  own. 
Had  Lee  continued  his  march  through  Pennsyl 
vania  with  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  following, 
he  must  needs  keep  his  forces  together  to  watch 
his  antagonist,  and  that  would  have  meant 
starvation,  while  Meade's  army  would  have 
been  fed  by  the  willing  hands  of  the  surround 
ing  populace.  Again,  had  Lee  scattered  his 
forces  that  they  might  secure  the  necessaries 
of  life,  the  various  parts  would  have  been 
attacked -singly  and  annihilated. 

Before  Lee  could  continue  his  invasion, 
therefore,  he  must  turn  and  smite  the  pursuing 
foe  and  disable  him.  But  that  foe  was  a  giant 


112     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

of  unlimited  strength  and  courage ;  and  the 
coming  together  of  two  such  forces  for  a  final, 
decisive  death-struggle,  meant  that  a  great 
battle  had  to  be  fought  —  a  greater  battle  than 
this  Western  World  had  hitherto  known  ! 

One  other  alternative  remained  to  Lee,  and 
that  was  to  return  to  Virginia  without  striking 
a  decisive  blow.  But  public  opinion  at  the 
South  and  in  the  army  would  not  have  per 
mitted  this.  Public  opinion  in  America  is  the 
ultimate  arbiter  of  great  questions.  No  states 
man  or  warrior  can  afford  to  trample  on  or  dis 
regard  it;  all  must  bow  to  this  great,  final, 
National  tribunal  —  Public  Opinion.  It  was 
this  universal  master  that  had  sent  the  Confed 
erate  leader  northward  on  his  mission  of  destruc 
tion  ;  and,  had  he  abandoned  the  project  without 
a  determined  effort,  even  the  magic  name  of 
Robert  E.  Lee  would  have  lost  its  magic  at  the 
South.  A  battle  was  necessary  to  the  southern 
commander ;  and  why  not  at  Gettysburg,  where 
the  army  was  now  collected  and  was-  flushed 
with  the  victory  of  the  preliminary  struggle  of 
the  first  day  ?  But  Lee's  disadvantages  were 
great.  He  had  lost  his  ablest  corps  commander, 


THE  BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG      113 

Jackson ;  he  was  without  Stewart  and  his  ten 
thousand  cavalry,  who  had  not  yet  joined  the 
main  army ;  he  was  on  foreign  soil  with  which 
he  was  not  familiar  as  with  the  soil  of  his  own 
Virginia. 

And,  further,  Meade  had  the  advantage  of 
position.  The  Union  army,  with  its  centre  on 
Cemetery  Hill,  its  right  swung  around  to  Gulp's 
Hill  and  its  left  to  the  base  of  Round  Top, 
with  the  valley  of  Rock  Creek  in  the  rear, 
where  all  manoeuvres  of  the  army  were  unseen 
by  the  foe,  was  in  an  excellent  position  to  fight 
a  defensive  battle.  Lee's  army  rested  its  centre 
on  Seminary  Ridge,  its  left  on  the  banks  of 
Rock  Creek  north  of  Gettysburg,  while  its  right 
occupied  the  ridge  back  of  the  Emmittsburg  road 
opposite  Round  Top.  It  thus  formed  a  grand 
semicircle  five  or  six  miles  in  length,  half 
surrounding  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  The 
disadvantage  of  Lee's  position  was  twofold : 
first,  there  was  no  unseen  valley  in  the  rear, 
and  all  the  general  movements  had  to  be  made 
in  view  of  the  enemy ;  second,  his  battle-line, 
forming  the  outer  circle,  was  much  longer  than 
that  of  Meade,  and  communications  from  one 

VOL.  II.  —  I 


114     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

part   of   the  army  to  another  were  made  with 
greater  difficulty. 

Thus  during  the  night  of  July  the  1st,  1863, 
lay  the  two  vast  armies  awaiting  the  coming 
dawn,  as  a  wild  beast  crouches  to  spring  upon 
his  prey.  It  seemed  that  at  last  the  forces  cf 
freedom  and  of  slavery  were  ready  to  grapple 
in  a  final,  deadly  struggle  for  supremacy  —  that 
the  fate  of  the  great  Republic  hung  in  the 
balance  —  and  the  people  of  the  North  and  of 
the  South  awaited  with  breathless  eagerness 
the  decision  now  about  to  be  made  at  Gettys 
burg. 

The  Second  Day's  Battle 

The  dawn  on  July  the  2d  betokened  a  beau 
tiful  summer  day  in  southern  Pennsylvania. 
The  hours  of  the  night  had  been  used  by  the 
two  armies  in  marshalling  of  battalions  and 
manoeuvring  of  corps  and  divisions  —  in  prep 
aration  for  the  terrible  business  of  the  coming 
day.  But,  when  morning  dawned,  both  armies 
hesitated  as  if  unwilling  to  begin  the  dreadful 
task  of  slaughter  and  bloodshed.  They  re 
mained  inactive,  except  for  a  stray  shot  here 
and  there,  until  near  four  o'clock  in  the  after- 


THE  BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG      115 

noon.  The  two  commanders-in-chief  had  been 
absent  at  the  opening  of  the  battle,  but  were 
now  on  the  ground,  Lee  arriving  late  in  the 
afternoon  of  the  ist,  and  Meade  about  one 
o'clock  the  next  morning. 

The  fighting  on  this  day  was  confined  to  the 
left  and  right  wings,  the  centres  of  the  two 
armies  remaining  comparatively  'inactive.  Lee 
had  ordered  Longstreet,  who  commanded  his 
right  wing,  to  make  a  general  assault  on  the 
Union  left  under  Sickles,  and  Ewell  with  the 
left  wing  to  attack  the  Union  right  at  Gulp's 
Hill,  while  Hill  was  to  hold  the  centre  in  a 
menacing,  attitude  and  thus  prevent  Meade's 
centre  from  aiding  the  engaged  portions.1 

General  Sickles  had  been  stationed  by  order 
of  General  Meade  just  west  of  the  Round  Tops, 
with  his  right  extending  northward  to  join  Han 
cock's  left  on  Cemetery  Ridge,  thus  forming  an 
unbroken  line.  But  Sickles  advanced  without 

1  The  exact  strength  of  the  two  armies  is  not  known.  Judg 
ing  from  the  best  sources  of  information,  we  would  place  the 
Union  army  at  a  little  over  one  hundred  thousand  men,  includ 
ing  ten  thousand  cavalry  and  seven  thousand  artillery.  The 
Confederate  army  probably  numbered  about  ten  thousand  less 
than  its  antagonist. 


Il6     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

orders  about  half  a  mile  to  and  beyond  the 
Emmittsburg  road,  breaking  his  connection  with 
Hancock's  corps  and  leaving  a  wide  gap  be 
tween  them.  Sickles's  corps  now  formed  an 
angle  at  a  peach  orchard  and  faced  about  half 
the  Confederate  army.1  Meade  rode  out  to 
Sickles's  headquarters  and  remonstrated  against 
such  unnecessary  exposure,  whereupon  Sickles 
offered  to  withdraw.  But  Meade  expressed  his 
fear  that  such  a  move  would  not  be  permitted  by 
the  enemy.  While  he  was  speaking  the  boom 
of  cannon  from  Longstreet's  batteries  announced 
the  opening  of  the  second  day's  battle.  Lee 
had  ordered  Longstreet  to  attack  Sickles  in  full 
force.  The  fire  was  soon  answered  by  the 
Union  troops,  and  in  a  few  minutes  the  fight 
extended  from  the  peach  orchard  through  a 
wheat  field  and  along  the  whole  line  to  the  base 
of  Little  Round  Top.  The  musketry  opened 
with  stray  volleys  here  and  there  —  then  more 
and  faster  until  there  was  one  continuous  roll, 
e.nd  no  ear  could  distinguish  one  shot  from 
another.  Longstreet  swept  forward  in  a  mag- 

1  Greel§y's  "  American  Conflict."  Vol.  II.  p.  381. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG  II 7 

nificent  line  of  battle  a  mile  and  a  half  long. 
He  pressed  back  the  Union  line,  and  was 
seriously  threatening  the  batteries. 

At  the  extreme  left  Captain  Biglow  com 
manded  a  Massachusetts  battery.  He  was 
ordered  to  hold  his  position  at  all  hazards  un 
til  reenforced.  With  double  charges  of  grape 
and  canister  again  and  again  he  tore  great  gaps 
in  the  advancing  line,  but  the  line  reformed  and 
pressed  onward  until  they  reached  the  very 
muzzles  of  his  guns !  Again  he  fires,  but  the 
heroic  band  must  at  last  give  way  to  the  in 
creasing  numbers  of  the  enemy.  Biglow  was 
wounded,  half  of  his  men  were  left  on  the 
bloody  field ;  while  he  lost  eighty  out  of  eighty- 
eight  horses,  and  four  of  six  guns.  This  is  a 
sample  of  the  heroism  displayed  at  Gettysburg. 

But  the  most  desperate  single  struggle  of  the 
day  was  the  fight  for  the  possession  of  Little 
Round  Top.  It  was  late  in  the  afternoon,  while 
the  battle  in  the  valley  below  was  at  its  height, 
that  General  Warren,  the  chief  engineer  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  happened  to  come  upon 
that  wild,  rocky  eminence.  It  was  unoccupied 
at  the  time,  and  Warren  quickly  saw  the  great 


Il8     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

importance  of  preventing  its  occupation  by  the 
enemy,  for  the  hill  was  the  key  to  the  whole 
battle-ground  west  and  south  of  Cemetery  Ridge. 
At  that  moment  Warren  saw  that  Hood's  divi 
sion  of  Longstreet's  corps  was  moving  steadily 
toward  the  hill  and  had  evidently  determined  to 
occupy  it.  Had  he  succeeded,  the  result  would 
have  been  most  disastrous  to  the  Union  army, 
for  the  enemy  could  then  have  reached  the  entire 
Union  lines  on  the  western  edge  of  Cemetery 
Ridge  with  an  enfilading  fire.  Warren  acted 
with  the  haste  of  desperation.  A  battery  com 
manded  by  Colonel  Hazlitt  was  dragged  by 
hand  up  the  rugged  steep  and  planted  on  the 
summit.  At  the  same  time  Sykes's  corps,  hasten 
ing  from  Gulp's  Hill  to  the  support  of  Sickles, 
was  passing  near  by,  and  Warren  detached  a 
brigade  under  General  Vincent  with  which  to 
hold  the  coveted  position.  Meantime  Hood's 
forces  had  come  up  the  hill,  and  were  now  run 
ning  to  possess  the  summit.  Then  occurred  one 
of  the  most  dreadful  hand-to-hand  conflicts  of 
the  war  —  one  of  the  kind  in  which  men  forget 
that  they  are  human,  and  tear  each  other  like 
wild  beasts.  The  opposing  forces,  not  having 


THE  BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG  IIQ 

time  to  reload,  charged  each  other  with  the 
bayonet  —  men  beat  out  each  other's  brains  with 
clubbed  muskets  — •  the  blue  and  the  gray  grap 
pled  in  mortal  combat  and  fell  dead  side  by  side 
—  -the  front  column  of  privates  falling  in  their 
tracks,  the  officers  sprung  forward,  seized  the 
muskets  from  their  dying  hands,  and  continued 
the  struggle !  This  went  on  for  half  an  hour, 
when  Hood's  forces  gave  way  and  were  pressed 
down  the  hillside.  But  they  rallied  and  advanced 
again  by  way  of  a  ravine  on  the  left,  and  again, 
after  a  most  valiant  charge,  were  driven  back 
at  the  point  of  the  bayonet ! 

Little  Round  Top  was  saved  to  the  Union 
army,  but  the  cost  was  severe  indeed.  The 
hill  was  covered  with  hundreds  of  the  slain. 
Colonels  O'Rourke  and  Vincent  were  dead. 
General  Weed  was  dying ;  and  as  Hazlitt  was 
stooping  to  receive  his  last  message,  a  sharp 
shooter's  bullet  laid  him  dead  across  the  body 
of  his  friend ! 

During  this  siege,  and  for  some  hours  there 
after,  the  battle  continued  in  the  valley  below 
on  a  grander  scale  and  with  demon-like  fury. 
Here  many  thousands  were  engaged.  Sickles 


I2O     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

would  no  doubt  have  been  utterly  defeated, 
but  for  the  arrival  of  Sykes  and  the  support 
he  received  from  Hancock.  As  it  was,  his 
whole  line  was  pressed  back  to  the  base  of 
the  hill  from  which  it  had  advanced  in  the 
morning.  Sickles  had  a  leg  shattered  by  a 
shell,  necessitating  amputation,  while  scores 
of  his  brave  officers  and  thousands  of  his 
men  lay  on  the  field  of  glory  when  the  battle 
ceased  at  nightfall.  This  valley  has  been 
appropriately  named  the  Valley  of  Death. 

Before  the  close  of  this  main  part  of  the 
second  day's  battle  there  was  another  clash 
of  arms,  fierce  but  of  short  duration,  at  the 
other  extreme  of  the  line.  Lee  had  ordered 
Ewell  to  attack  Cemetery  Ridge  on  the  north, 
and  Gulp's  Hill,  held  by  Slocum.  It  was  late 
in  the  afternoon,  almost  sunset,  when  Ewell 
sent  Early  to  make  an  attack  on  Cemetery 
Hill.  He  was  repulsed  only  after  a  bloody 
and  desperate  hand-to-hand  fight,  in  which 
not  only  muskets  and  bayonets  were  used,  but 
rammers,  clubs,  and  stones.  Ewell's  attack 
on  Gulp's  Hill  was  more  successful.  After  a 
severe  struggle  of  half  an  hour  the  Confeder- 


THE   BATTLE   OF  GETTYSBURG  121 

ate  forces  gained  possession  of  part  of  the  hill 
and  of  the  valley  lying  toward  Rock  Creek. 
This  position  they  held  during  the  night. 

Thus  closed  the  second  day's  battle  at 
Gettysburg.  The  harvest  of  death  had  been 
frightful.  The  Union  loss  during  the  two 
days  had  exceeded  twenty  thousand  men,  the 
Confederate  loss  had  reached  about  the  same 
figure.  The  Confederate  army  had  gained 
an  apparent  advantage  in  forcing  Sickles's 
advanced  line  back,  and  a  real  advantage  in 
penetrating  the  Union  breastworks  on  Gulp's 
Hill.  But  the  real  Union  lines,  except  on 
Gulp's  Hill,  were  unbroken.  On  the  night 
of  the  2d,  Lee  and  his  generals  held  a  coun 
cil  of  war  and  decided  to  make  a  grand 
final  assault  on  Meade's  centre  next  day. 
Against  this  decision,  Longstreet  protested 
in  vain.  His  counsel  was  that  Lee  with 
draw  his  army  to  the  mountains,  compel 
Meade  to  follow,  and  then  turn  and  attack 
him.  But  Lee  was  encouraged  by  the  arrival 
of  Pickett's  division  and  of  Stewart's  cavalry, 
and  Longstreet's  objections  were  overruled. 
Meade  and  his  corps  commanders  had  met 


122     SIDE  LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN  HISTORY 

and  made  a  like  decision  —  that  there  should 
be  a  fight  to  the  finish  at  Gettysburg. 

As  night  overspread  the  valley  and  the 
hills,  the  weary  legions  in  blue  and  in  gray 
sank  down  upon  the  ground  for  a  few  hours' 
rest,  that  they  might  the  better  endure  the 
terrible  ordeal  of  the  morrow. 

The  Third  Days  Battle 

On  July  the  3d  the  inhabitants  of  Gettys 
burg  were  awakened  from  sleep  at  break  of 
day  by  the  roar  of  artillery.  Long  and  dark 
lines  of  soldiers  occupied  the  surrounding  hills, 
but  these,  for  the  most  part,  were  inactive ; 
the  battle  was  confined  for  several  hours  to 
the  eastern  extremity  of  the  lines.  A  score 
of  heavy  guns  had  been  massed  during  the 
night  by  order  of  Meade  against  the  enemy 
on  Gulp's  Hill,  with  the  determination  to  dis 
lodge  him  from  the  position  he  had  gained 
the  previous  evening.  After  four  hours  of 
heavy  firing,  beginning  at  four  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  the  enemy  was  driven  from  the  hill 
and  the  Union  line  reestablished  as  on  the 
day  before. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG      123 

We  turn  now  to  the  greater  struggle  that 
occurred  in  another  part  of  the  field  at  a  later 
hour  —  indeed,  the  most  famous  portion  of  the 
three  days'  fight  at  Gettysburg  —  the  ill-fated 
charge  of  Pickett  on  Cemetery  Ridge,  preceded 
by  two  hours  of  the  heaviest  cannonading  ever 
known  on  the  American  continent. 

The  hour  of  noon  had  passed.  Gulp's  Hill 
had  been  carried  in  the  early  morning  hours. 
A  fierce  cavalry  fight  had  taken  place  a  few 
miles  east  of  Rock  Creek.  Now  there  was 
a  lull  over  the  entire  field  —  almost  a  deep 
silence ;  but  it  was  the  ominous  calm  that 
precedes  the  storm.  Lee  had  been  massing 
artillery  along  Seminary  Ridge  until  the  whole 
hill  for  two  miles  bristled  with  mounted  can 
non.  At  one  o'clock  the  silence  was  broken 
by  the  firing  of  a  signal  gun,  and  instantly 
there  was  a  terrific  outburst  from  one  hundred 
and  fifty  guns  and  the  entire  crest  of  Semi 
nary  Ridge  was  a  line  of  fire.  A  few  minutes 
later  the  Union  batteries  on  Cemetery  Hill 
opened  with  near  a  hundred  guns,  and  can 
non  answered  cannon  until  the  hills  were 
shaken  to  their  base.  The  air  was  filled  with 


124     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

screaming  shells,  and  it  seemed  as  if  heaven 
were  raining  fire  and  iron.  The  ground  was 
torn  and  gashed  by  the  bursting  shells.  Lee's 
fire  was  well  directed,  and  many  of  the  Union 
batteries  were  disabled.  Many  were  the  brave 
warriors  who  laid  down  their  lives  on  that 
fatal  field,  and  ere  nightfall  the  old  cemetery 
contained  more  dead  above  the  ground  than 
beneath  it.  For  nearly  two  hours  the  artillery 
duel  continued,  when  it  slowly  abated.  But 
the  end  was  not  yet.  The  army  now  braced 
itself  for  the  more  deadly  charge  of  infantry 
that  was  sure  to  follow. 

The  charge  now  made,  known  as  Pickett's 
Charge,  was  one  of  the  most  brilliant  and  daring 
in  the  annals  of  human  warfare.  It  reminds 
one  of  the  charge  of  the  noble  Six  Hundred  at 
Balaklava,  or  of  the  brave  stand  of  Leonidas 
and  his  heroes  against  the  Persian  host  at 
Thermopylae.  It  is  said  that  Longstreet,  see 
ing  the  hopelessness  of  the  task  and  not  wish 
ing  to  sacrifice  his  brave  Virginians,  the  flower 
of  the  army,  opposed  making  the  charge,  but 
Lee  insisted  that  it  be  made.  At  length,  when 
Pickett  came  to  Longstreet  for  final  orders  to 


THE  BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG  125 

go,  the  latter  simply  nodded  his  head  and  burst 
into  tears. 

The  Confederates,  fifteen  thousand  strong, 
emerged  at  four  o'clock  from  the  wooded  crest 
of  Seminary  Ridge  in  a  grand  double  column, 
and  began  their  march  of  a  mile  across  the  plain 
to  the  Union  stronghold.  In  stately  grandeur, 
with  flying  banners  and  glittering  bayonets,  they 
sweep  across,  that  fated  valley.  Ere  they  have 
traversed  half  the  space  a  tremendous  cannon 
ade  from  the  Union  batteries  pours  into  their 
devoted  lines  a  storm  of  grape  and  canister  and 
shell ;  but  onward  they  sweep  like  a  tidal  wave. 
As  they  approach  the  Union  front  the  left  wing 
of  the  advancing  lines,  under  Pettigrew,  unable 
to  stem  the  tempest  of  lead  and  iron,  breaks 
and  flees  in  disorder;  but  the  main  column 
under  Pickett  is  unbroken.  Great  gaps  are  cut 
in  their  ranks  by  the  Federal  cannon ;  but  the 
gaps  are  instantly  filled  with  living  men  and  the 
lines  press  on.  When  in  musket  range  a  terrific 
fire  is  poured  into  them  from  Hancock's  infan 
try,  but  Pickett' s  valiant  band  only  quicken 
their  pace,  returning  the  fire  with  volley  after 
volley  as  they  dash  up  the  slope  to  the  very 


126     SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

cannon's  mouth !  They  bayonet  the  gunners, 
shoot  their  horses,  capture  their  batteries.  It 
seems  for  a  moment  that  they  will  reach 
their  goal,  that  they*  will  capture  the  Union 
works  on  Cemetery  Hill  and  split  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac  in  twain.  A  low  stone  wall,  from 
behind  which  many  of  Hancock's  men  had 
fought,  is  now  abandoned,  and  General  Armi- 
stead,  leading  Pickett's  advance  guard,  leaps 
upon  the  wall  within  the  Union  lines  and  waves 
the  Confederate  banner  in  frenzied  momentary 
triumph.  The  next  instant  he  falls  mortally 
wounded  —  and  with  him  fall  the  hopes  of  the 
slaveholders'  rebellion  —  not  yet  slain,  but 
mortally  wounded.  Pickett  had  penetrated  a 
death-trap.  In  vain  did  he  now  charge  with  all 
the  desperation  of  frenzied  valor.  His  brave  Vir 
ginians  were  surrounded  on  three  sides,  and  vol- 
leys  of  musketry  were  poured  into  them  in  front 
and  from  the  right  and  from  the  left.  Hundreds 
fell  dead  on  the  gory  field,  hundreds  were  dis 
abled,  thousands  threw  up  their  hands  and  sur 
rendered,  and  the  remainder  fled  in  disorder.1 

1The  losses  of  the  two  armies  during  the  three  days'  fight  at 
Gettysburg  reached  the  frightful  total  of  near  fifty  thousand 


THE  BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG      127 

Back  they  went  over  the  same  route  on  which 
they  had  marched  so  proudly  but  an  hour  ago, 
but  now  only  a  fourth  of  their  original  number 
—  then  an  organized  body  with  orderly  step, 
with  waving  banners,  with  high  hopes  of  vic 
tory  and  glory  —  now  a  straggling  mass  of 
blood-stained,  defeated  soldiers  fleeing  a  victo 
rious  foe. 

Pickett's  desperate  assault  had  failed.  The 
battle  of  Gettysburg  was  over  and  the  Union 
arms  were  victorious.  Lee  could  do  nothing 
now  but  abandon  his  proposed  invasion  of  the 
North  and  lead  his  army  back  to  their  familiar 
haunts  of  Virginia. 

It  is  generally  considered  that  the  battle  of 
Gettysburg  was  the  turning-point,  the  high- 
water  mark,  of  the  Civil  War.  The  victory 
was  not  a  very  decisive  one,  but,  being  power 
fully  supported  by  the  fall  of  Vicksburg,  which 
occurred  at  the  same  time,  the  moral  effect  upon 


men.  Of  these  more  than  six  thousand  fell  dead  upon  the  field 
of  battle  ;  some  thirty  thousand  were  wounded  and  the  rest 
made  prisoners.  The  Union  loss  exceeded  twenty-three  thou 
sand  in  all,  while  the  Confederate  loss  was  no  doubt  greater,  but 
could  never  be  accurately  ascertained. 


128     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

the  Nation  and  the  world  was  far-reaching 
indeed.  It  marks  the  end  of  uncertainty  as 
to  the  final  outcome  of  the  Civil  War.  From 
this  moment  it  required  but  little  prophetic 
vision  to  foresee  that  the  Union  would  survive 
the  dreadful  shock  of  arms,  and  that  slavery 
must  perish.1 

1The  space  just  west  of  the  old  cemetery  was  set  apart  for  a 
National  cemetery.  This  was  dedicated  on  November  19,  1863, 
when  President  Lincoln  made  his  memorable  address,  which  is 
pronounced  one  of  the  brightest  literary  gems  in  the  language. 
In  this  cemetery  3564  bodies  were  interred,  some  of  which  have 
since  been  removed.  The  entire  battle-ground  has  in  recent 
years  become  the  property  of  the  Government,  and  scattered 
over  it  are  some  five  hundred  monuments,  statues,  and  markers, 
many  of  rare  beauty.  The  macadamized  drives  about  the 
grounds  aggregate  about  twenty-two  miles. 


CHAPTER  VI 

CAUSES  OF  NORTHERN  SUCCESS 

OTHER  things  being  equal,  it  is  the  stronger 
of  two  peoples  that  wins  in  war.  But  it  often 
happens  that  other  things  are  not  equal.  The 
weaker  side  may  win  through  greater  devotion 
to  a  cause,  through  superior  leadership  and  the 
like.  Many  instances  in  history  have  proved 
that  the  victory  is  not  always  to  the  strong. 
Had  this  criterion  of  strength  alone  been  taken 
in  our  late  Civil  War,  the  North  must  neces 
sarily  have  been  successful,  for  it  was  immeas 
urably  stronger  than  the  South.  There  were 
twenty-two  States  against  eleven,  twenty-two 
million  people  against  nine  million,  one-third 
of  whom  were  slaves.  And  further,  it  was 
the  manufacturer  and  the  farmer  against  the 
planter.  This  want  of  manufactories  in  the 
South  constituted  the  most  vital  difference  in 
the  material  strength  of  the  combatants.  The 
resources  of  the  South,  while  inferior  to  those 
VOL.  ii.  —  K  129 


130     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

of  the  North,  were  nevertheless  vast  and  prac 
tically  inexhaustible.  The  soil  of  the  southern 
States  was  capable  of  feeding  its  armies  for 
any  length  of  time ;  its  mineral  wealth  was 
inexhaustible;  as  to  men  for  the  army,  the 
boy  of  twelve  years  in  1860  was  able  to  bear 
arms  in  1865,  and  thus  the  depleted  ranks 
might  have  been  refilled  and  the  war  prolonged 
for  indefinite  years,  but  for  the  one  thing  need 
ful  —  the  South  could  not  work  its  own  mate 
rials.  Could  the  South  have  worked  its  own 
cotton,  could  it  have  made  its  munitions  of  war 
and  its  machinery,  who  can  tell  how  long  the 
struggle  might  have  continued  or  how  it  might 
have  ended  ?  for  it  had  all  the  material  at  hand 
and  lacked  only  the  ability  to  use  it. 

The  South  owed  its  inability  to  manufacture 
its  own  goods  to  slavery.  Slave  labor  had  not 
the  brains  to  manufacture ;  it  could  only  delve 
the  soil.  Free  labor  could  not  exist  by  the  side 
of  slave  labor,  hence  the  rich  minerals  of  the 
South  were  left  in  the  earth,  and  the  cotton 
mills  were  built  in  New  England  and  Liverpool. 

Thus  slavery  not  only  brought  about  seces 
sion  and  the  war,  but,  the  war  once  begun,  it 


CAUSES   OF  NORTHERN   SUCCESS  131 

insured  the  ultimate  success  of  the  North. 
But  the  difference  in  resources  between  the 
two  sections  did  not  alone  bring  about  the 
result.  Nor  was  it  superior  generalship,  or 
greater  devotion  of  its  soldiery.  The  North 
was  vaster  in  extent  than  the  South ;  it  had 
more  men  and  more  money;  it  could  work  its 
own  mines,  make  its  own  guns  and  clothing 
and  machinery.  These  were  valuable  factors 
indeed  in  bringing  victory ;  but  there  were 
other  causes  that  contributed  very  greatly  to 
northern  success,  the  most  important  of  which 

was 

The  Blockade. 

It  was  on  April  the  iQth,  that  ominous  date 
in  American  history  which  witnessed  the  first 
bloodshed  of  the  Revolution  and  of  the  Civil 
War,  which  witnessed  also  the  proclamation 
of  peace  by  General  Washington  in  1783,  and 
the  resolution  by  Congress  in  1898  authoriz 
ing  the  President  to  make  war  upon  Spain  in 
defence  of  downtrodden  Cuba  —  it  was  on  this 
day  in  1861  that  Abraham  Lincoln  proclaimed 
a  blockade  of  the  ports  of  the  seceded  States. 

The  blockade  seemed  at  first  almost  ridicu- 


132     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

lous ;  many  did  not  take  it  seriously,  and  there 
was  adequate  ground  for  such  a  view  of  it. 
The  United  States  navy  at  that  time  consisted 
of  but  forty-two  wooden  vessels,  three-fourths 
of  which  were  in  foreign  waters  —  scattered 
through  various  parts  of  the  world.  The 
blockade  certainly  seemed  open  to  the  charge 
of  being  a  paper  blockade.  Three  thousand 
miles  of  coast  to  be  blockaded  by  a  nation 
whose  entire  navy  could  not  have  withstood 
one  modern  first-class  battleship!  Was  it  a 
great  game  of  bluff?  or  was  it  the  deliberate 
decision  of  a  great  mind? 

Cortez,  lying  half  dead  with  wounds  and  sur 
rounded  by  a  few  half-hearted,  defeated  fol 
lowers,  was  planning  to  take  the  Mexican 
capital  —  and  he  did  it.  His  decision  would 
have  seemed  folly  to  one  who  did  not  know  the 
man.  Hannibal  determined  to  conquer  Rome 
with  a  single  army  —  and  almost  accomplished 
it.  Lincoln  proclaimed  a  blockade  of  three 
thousand  miles  of  coast,  and  had  no  means  to 
carry  it  into  effect.  The  South  laughed  at 
his  pretensions.  The  world  was  undecided 
whether  it  was  the  work  of  a  dreamer  or  of  a 


CAUSES  OF  NORTHERN   SUCCESS  133 

genius.  Lincoln  was  still  new  to  the  world  and 
he  had  not  yet  been  classified.  For  some 
months  the  proclamation  had  but  little  effect 
on  the  southern  coast.  But  erelong  the  ves 
sels  began  to  arrive  from  foreign  waters,  mer 
chant  vessels  were  fitted  out  and  pressed  into 
the  service  of  the  Government,  the  northern 
shipyards  were  in  operation  day  and  night 
turning  out  new  vessels.  First  one  port  and 
then  another  was  actually  blockaded  by  armed 
vessels  of  war.  At  the  beginning  of  the  year 
1862  an  expedition  fitted  out  in  New  York  was 
sent  southward  under  the  command  of  Gen 
eral  Burnside  and  Commodore  Goldsborough. 
Albemarle  Sound  was  soon  closed  to  the  com 
merce  of  the  world.  Newbern,  the  chief  port 
of  North  Carolina,  next  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  northern  fleet.  Fort  Macon  met  the  same 
fate.  Meantime  the  great  Farragut  had  closed 
the  Mississippi  River.  These  operations  all 
took  place  within  the  first  year  after  the 
blockade  had  been  instituted.  The  next  year 
Charleston  was  hemmed  in  by  a  cordon  of 
northern  vessels,  and  the  next  witnessed  the 
fall  of  Mobile,  and  that  port  henceforth  was 


134     SIDE  LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

closed.  Thus  month  by  month  the  grip  of 
the  blockade  tightened,  and  the  business  of 
the  blockade-runner  became  a  perilous  busi 
ness.  The  freight  rates  charged  by  these  run 
ners  rose  to  five  hundred  dollars  per  ton,  and 
this  meant,  of  course,  that  no  bulky  goods  were 
conveyed  in  them.  By  the  close  of  1864  the 
Confederate  States  were  hemmed  in  so  effect 
ually  that  they  had  little  communication  with 
the  outside  world.  Great  stacks  of  cotton  piled 
along  the  seaboard  could  be  bought  for  four 
cents  a  pound,  while  it  was  worth  two  dollars 
and  fifty  cents  at  Liverpool.  A  ton  of  salt, 
worth  seven  dollars  and  a  half  at  Nassau,  was 
worth  seventeen  hundred  dollars  in  gold  at 
Richmond.  The  South  was  in  the  greatest 
need  of  arms  and  many  other  articles,  but  it 
had  not  learned  to  manufacture  them,  nor 
could  they  be  had  from  abroad.  It  was  not 
possible  for  the  people  of  the  South  to  begin 
manufacturing  on  any  great  scale  at  this  time, 
when  nearly  all  their  best  men  were  in  the 
army.  They  were  therefore  peculiarly  dis 
tressed  by  the  blockade. 

It  was  not  chiefly  the  depletion  of  the  armies 


CAUSES  OF  NORTHERN   SUCCESS  135 

that  weakened  the  South.  It  was  the  blockade 
that  shut  off  the  Confederate  States  from  the 
markets  of  the  world,  that  prevented  the  sale  of 
cotton  and  tobacco,  that  bankrupted  the  treas 
ury.  It  was  the  blockade,  more  than  anything 
else,  that  brought  about  the  ultimate  exhaustion 
and  collapse  of  the  South.  Had  the  markets  of 
the  world  been  open  to  the  South,  its  conquest 
by  the  North  would  hardly  have  been  possible. 


The  Border  States 

The  border  States  were  those  slave  States 
lying  nearest  the  free  States  —  Delaware,  Mary 
land,  Virginia,  Kentucky,  and  Missouri.  Some 
times,  also,  North  Carolina,  Tennessee,  and 
Arkansas  were  included  among  the  border 
States,  as  distinguished  from  the  cotton  or  Gulf 
States.  During  the  war,  however,  the  term 
usually  referred  to  the  four  slave  States  that 
did  not  secede  from  the  Union,  —  namely,  Dela 
ware,  Maryland,  Kentucky,  and  Missouri.  Of 
the  fifteen  slave  States,  therefore,  but  eleven 
seceded.  As  between  free  and  slave  States, 
one  of  the  latter,  Delaware,  was  looked  upon 
as  almost  a  neutral.  The  form  of  slavery  in 


136     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

this  State  was  mild,  nor  was  the  size  of  the 
State  such  as  to  give  it  great  importance  in  the 
great  conflict;  but  it  was  confidently  expected 
by  the  South  that  the  other  three  border  States 
would  join  the  Confederacy.  In  this  hope  they 
•were  disappointed,  and  in  this  fact  lay  one  of 
the  weaknesses  of  the  South,  and  one  of  the 
important  causes  of  northern  success. 

It  was  the  skill  of  President  Lincoln,  above 
all  things,  that  saved  the  border  States  from 
secession.  When  a  large  portion  of  the  north 
ern  people  were  clamoring  for  immediate  eman 
cipation,  the  far-sighted  President  hesitated.  So 
long  did  he  hesitate,  that  many  grew  weary 
with  waiting.  Exasperated,  they  denounced 
him  as  slow  and  phlegmatic,  and  unfit  to  fill 
the  great  office  at  such  a  momentous  period. 
They  did  not  know  that  the  sagacious  Lincoln 
was  hesitating  for  the  wisest  of  reasons,  one  of 
which  was  his  fear  of  offending  the  border 
States  and  driving  them  into  the  Confederacy. 
When  the  Hotspurs  in  Congress  and  elsewhere 
were  denouncing  the  slaveholder  and  the  insti 
tution  of  slavery  in  unmeasured  terms,  Lincoln 
was  holding  conferences  with  the  leading  men 


CAUSES  OF  NORTHERN   SUCCESS  137 

—  slaveholders  —  of  the  border  States.  He 
urged  them  to  lead  their  States  to  accept  com 
pensated  emancipation,  while  at  the  same  time 
he  was  planning  to  lead  Congress  to  offer  it. 
This  judicious  course  of  the  President  was  very 
effective  in  winning  the  good  will  of  the  border 
States  and  in  holding  them  in  the  Union. 

If,  however,  these  four  States  had  joined  the 
Confederacy,  the  North  would  still  have  been 
much  stronger  than  the  South  —  greater  in  ex 
tent,  greater  in  population  and  wealth.  Never 
theless,  the  South  would  have  gained  an 
immense  advantage.  The  material  gain  would 
have  been  great,  the  moral  gain  still  greater. 
Had  the  entire  fifteen  slave  States  presented  a 
solid  front  to  the  world,  they  would  have  won  a 
respect  that  they  could  not  do  as  it  was.  If  the 
countries  of  Europe  were  contemplating  a  recog 
nition  of  the  Confederacy,  they  must  have  been 
checked  by  the  fact  that  the  slave  States  were 
not  united.  Again,  throughout  the  North  there 
was  a  strong  feeling  in  various  sections  that  the 
seceding  States  should  be  permitted  to  depart 
in  peace.  Horace  Greeley  and  Henry  Ward 
Beecher,  with  many  lesser  lights,  shared  this 


138     SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

feeling.  They  were  lovers  of  the  Union,  but 
their  love  of  peace  was  still  greater,  and  they 
would  have  seen  the  Union  divided  rather  than 
enter  into  a  bloody  war  to  save  it.  Had  all  the 
slave  States  been  united,  and  thus  a  still  greater 
war  been  necessary  to  preserve  the  Union,  this 
depart-in-peace  feeling  would  have  been  much 
stronger  and  more  widespread  in  the  North  — 
perhaps  even  so  strong  that  public  opinion 
would  have  prevented  the  raising  of  armies. 
On  the  whole,  it  is  certain  that  one  of  the  great 
causes  of  defeat  to  the  South  is  found  in  the 
fact  that  the  border  States  adhered  to  the 

Union. 

Finances 

A  business  man  must  be  a  financier.  A 
nation  must  be  a  financier.  However  well  a 
business  man  may  know  his  business,  however 
skilfully  he  may  manage  his  employees,  however 
great  his  industry  and  devotion  to  duty,  if  he 
has  not  a  keen  sense  of  financial  management, 
he  will  go  to  the  wall.  A  nation  may  have  vast 
resources  and  great  armies  and  able  command 
ers;  but  if  it  cannot  skilfully  handle  its 
finances,  all  these  will  count  for  little  in  the 


CAUSES   OF  NORTHERN   SUCCESS  139 

prosecution  of  a  great  war.  No  government  is 
secure  unless  it  rests  on  a  sound  financial  basis. 
This  is  true  for  all  times,  but  preeminently  so 
for  a  time  of  war. 

During  the  eventful  years  of  the  early  sixties 
the  North  achieved  a  great  success,  not  only  in 
the  triumph  of  its  arms,  in  the  success  of  the 
blockade,  in  the  holding  of  border  States,  but 
also  in  the  management  of  its  money  matters ; 
and  herein  lay  one  of  the  secrets  of  its 
strength,  one  of  the  prime  factors  that  brought 
victory  in  the  end. 

During  the  year  1861  the  credit  of  the  United 
States  was  very  low.  When,  near  the  close  of 
that  year,  the  gigantic  struggle  reached  its 
height,  the  outlook  for  the  Union  was  gloomy ; 
and  if  the  Union  was  to  be  shattered  into  frag 
ments,  who  would  venture  to  invest  his  gold  with 
such  a  government?  The  financial  world  stood 
aloof.  The  markets  of  Europe  were  closed  to 
our  bonds.  Germany  purchased  a  few;  France 
and  England  refused  to  touch  them.  Moreover, 
our  expenses  exceeded  a  million  dollars  a  day, 
and  if  all  the  coin  in  the  country  had  been 
poured  into  the  treasury,  it  would  not  have 


140     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

supplied  the  need  of  the  Government  for  three 
months.  At  this  critical  time  the  Midas  touch 
of  a  great  financier,  Salmon  P.  Chase,  began  to 
be  felt.  Under  his  leadership  Congress  in  Feb 
ruary,  1862,  authorized  the  issuance  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  million  dollars  in  notes,  which 
came  to  be  called  greenbacks.  This  was  in 
creased  from  time  to  time  until  it  reached  an 
aggregate  of  four  hundred  and  fifty  millions. 
This  paper  depreciated  somewhat  below  the 
gold  standard,  it  is  true,  but  the  people  received 
it  gladly,  and  never  seemed  to  doubt  that  the 
Government  would  ultimately  redeem  it  dollar 
for  dollar  —  and  so  it  did.1 

1  The  wisdom  of  the  Government  in  issuing  paper  money  irre 
deemable  in  coin  at  the  time  is  questioned  by  many  leading 
financiers  and  historians.  Ordinarily  such  a  course  would  cer 
tainly  be  unwise  ;  but  in  such  a  great  emergency,  when  large 
amounts  of  money  are  absolutely  necessary  and  specie  is  not 
to  be  had,  such  a  course  is  permissible.  The  Government  had 
not  the  specie  at  the  time  to  redeem  its  notes  ;  but  it  had  vast 
wealth  in  lands  and  mines  and  manufactories,  and,  a^ove  all, 
it  had  the  confidence  of  the  people.  If  a  people  are  willing  to 
accept  their  government's  paper,  trusting  to  its  future  redemp 
tion,  who  can  come  forward  and  say  the  government  has  no 
right  to  issue  it  ?  It  is  not  always  possible  for  a  government 
to  maintain  a  gold  standard  in  time  of  war. 

The  act  of  Congress,  however,  making  the  greenbacks  legal 


CAUSES  OF  NORTHERN  SUCCESS  141 

Another  brilliant  financial  stroke  was  the 
creating  of  the  National  bank  in  1863  to  take 
the  place  of  the  State  banks  and  private  banks. 

A  National  bank  is  obliged  to  deposit  United 
States  bonds  for  all  the  paper  it  issues,  and,  if 
the  bank  fails,  the  bonds  protect  the  holder  of 
the  notes  from  loss.  Thus  the  Government,  by 
laying  its  hand  oh  the  people's  money,  that 
issued  by  their  local  institutions,  and  becoming 
responsible  for  it,  strengthened  the  confidence 
on  every  hand. 

The  credit  of  the  United  States  rose  as  the 
war  progressed,  especially  after  midsummer, 
1863,  when  all  the  world  saw  that  the  final  tri 
umph  of  the  North  was  no  longer  uncertain. 
This  confidence,  inspired  on  all  sides,  enabled 
the  Government  to  secure  all  the  money  and 
supplies  it  needed.  How  great  the  contrast 
between  this  condition  and  the  condition  of  the 

tender  and  thus  forcing  their  use  in  private  contracts,  was 
unnecessary,  and,  if  not  unconstitutional,  at  least  extra-con 
stitutional;  nor  was  it  necessary  to  insure  the  acceptance  of  the 
paper  by  the  people.  The  real  value  of  the  notes  depended, 
not  on  the  Legal  Tender  Act,  but  on  the  Government's  stamp, 
its  receiving  them  in  payments  to  itself,  and  in  the  people's 
confidence  in  its  ability  and  disposition  to  redeem  them. 


142     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

South  !  The  Confederacy  issued  paper  money 
also  in  large  sums,  but,  owing  to  the  gloomy  out 
look  during  the  last  two  years  of  the  war,  and 
to  the  isolation  of  the  South  occasioned  by  the 
blockade,  its  paper  money  depreciated  until  it 
became  worthless.  This  vast  difference  between 
the  financial  bases  of  the  two  sections  had  much 
to  do  with  the  success  of  the  one  and  the  failure 

of  the  other. 

Foreign  Relations 

Foreign  relations  and  foreign  commerce  are 
necessary  to  our  modern  civilization.  The  in 
creased  wants  of  war  times  make  this  doubly 
true.  The  failure  of  the  South  in  the  Civil 
War,  was,  as  before  stated,  due  to  its  want  of 
foreign  relations  more  than  to  any  other  cause. 
The  North,  on  the  other  hand,  might  have 
dispensed  with  all  foreign  commerce  and  still 
succeeded,  because  of  its  ability  to  supply  its 
own  wants.  There  is  another  phase  of  the 
subject,  however,  that  presents  a  different 
aspect.  It  was  absolutely  necessary  that  the 
United  States  Government  prevent  the  recog 
nition  of  the  Confederate  Government  by  the 
European  powers.  In  this  it  succeeded,  and 


CAUSES  OF  NORTHERN   SUCCESS  143 

herein  lies  the  great  importance  of  our  for 
eign  relations  during  the  war. 

Had  any  great  European  power  recognized 
the  South,  it  might  have  been  fatal  to  the 
Union.  If  England,  for  example,  had  recog 
nized  the  independence  of  a  portion  of  the 
United  States,  it  would  have  been  necessary 
for  the  latter  to  declare  war  against  that 
country.  What  would  such  a  thing  have 
meant  ?  Simply  this :  that  England  would 
have  espoused  the  cause  of  the  South,  and 
would  have  poured  her  armies,  her  munitions 
of  war,  her  food  supplies  and  clothing,  into 
the  southern  States  without  limit;  for  our 
blockade  could  not  have  withstood  the  assaults 
of  any  one  of  the  great  powers  of  Europe. 
The  southerners  would  have  found  immediate 
sale  for  their  cotton  and  tobacco ;  their  armies 
would  have  been  well  equipped,  their  treasury 
filled,  and  their  little  navy  augmented  by  the 
powerful  navy  of  England.  What  would  have 
been  the  result?  Could  the  Union  have  been 
saved  and  slavery  destroyed  ?  We  hardly 
think  so. 

Again  it  was  the  sagacity  of  the  great  war 


144     SIDE  LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

President  that  saved  the  Union.  At  the  very 
beginning  of  hostilities,  when  England  and 
France  so  promptly  acknowledged  the  bellig 
erent  rights  of  the  Confederacy,  even  b.efore 
our  minister,  Charles  Francis  Adams,  could 
reach  London,  President  Lincoln  decided  to 
pocket  the  insult  and  continue  our  friendly 
relations  with  those  countries. 

When  the  Trent  affair  stirred  public  feeling 
on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic ;  when  the 
American  people  rejoiced  at  the  clever  cap 
ture  of  the  Confederate  ministers,  and  the 
British  public  was  shocked  to  'indignation  at 
the  boldness  of  the  act;  when,  a  little  later, 
the  British  Government  demanded  the  release 
of  the  two  Confederate  prisoners  and  gave 
every  indication  of  its  readiness  to  mobilize 
armies ;  when  the  American  people,  remem 
bering  the  impressment  of  seamen  in  the 
early  part  of  the  century,  and  believing  that 
British  sentiment  was  unfriendly  to  the  Union 
cause,  began  to  clamor  for  a  war  with  Eng 
land  ;  when  even  the  wise  and  conservative 
Seward  for  once  lost  his  head  and  joined  in 
this  cry,  —  then  it  was  that  Lincoln,  with  the 


CAUSES  OF  NORTHERN   SUCCESS  145 

stroke  of  a  master  hand,  and  for  once  without 
consulting  public  opinion,  settled  the  whole 
matter  and  averted  all  danger  by  quietly 
acceding  to  the  British  demand  and  releasing 
the  prisoners. 

Again,  when  the  President  held  under  ad 
visement  the  Emancipation  Proclamation,  when 
many  urged  him  to  issue  it,  and,  for  the  best 
of  reasons,  as  above  noted,  he  hesitated,  he  at 
length  issued  it,  knowing,  as  he  said,  that  it 
would  not  bring  freedom  to  the  slaves,  one 
of  his  avowed  objects  was  to  produce  a  moral 
effect  on  Europe.  And  he  succeeded.  The 
countries  of  Europe  at  first  generally  sympa 
thized  with  the  South.  The  primary  reason 
for  this  was  that  they  desired  to  trade  with 
the  cotton  States  on  a  free-trade  basis,  and 
this  would  have  been  their  privilege  had  the 
South  succeeded  in  the  war.  Many  bejieved 
also  that  a  feeling  of  jealousy,  on  account  of 
the  marvellous  growth  of  the  great  Republic, 
and  a  desire  to  see  it  divided,  played  a  con 
siderable  part  in  formulating  European  sym 
pathy  with  the  South.  But  there  was  one 
thing  that  checked  southern  sympathy  from 

VOL.  II.  —  L 


146     SIDE  LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

abroad  —  slavery.  The  people  of  Europe  dis 
liked  human  bondage,  and  this  doubtless  pre 
vented  the  early  recognition  of  the  Confederacy 
by  the  European  Powers. 

As  long  as  the  North  fought  for  the  Union 
alone  it  received  little  sympathy  from  across 
the  Atlantic.  Europe  cared  little  about  pre 
serving  the  Union.  But  as  soon  as  the  North 
proclaimed  to  the  world  that  it  was  battling 
against  slavery  as  well  as  against  rebellion, 
the  sympathies  of  mankind  were  turned  in 
its  favor.  President  Lincoln,  therefore,  dealt 
a  master-stroke  when  he  brought  forth  his 
great  proclamation. 

Still,  again,  it  was  Lincoln  that  practically 
chose  Andrew  Johnson  as  his  running  mate 
in  1864.  The  choice  was  unfortunate,  as  it 
proved,  but  the  motive,  the  object  in  making 
it,  was  wise  and  thoughtful.  Lincoln  saw  that, 
by  choosing  this  Tennesseean  from  the  very 
heart  of  the  Confederacy  for  the  second  office 
in  the  Government,  it  would  be  shown  to  the 
world  that  the  country  was  not  in  reality 
divided,  but  simply  engaged  in  putting  down 
a  great  rebellion. 


CAUSES  OF  NORTHERN   SUCCESS  147 

The  services  of  Abraham  Lincoln  to  the 
country  during  the  war  are  beyond  all  calcu 
lation.  It  is  certainly  true,  judging  from  a 
human  point  of  view,  that  the  Revolution 
could  not  have  succeeded  without  Washing 
ton.  Many  believe  also  that  without  Lincoln 
the  slaveholder's  rebellion  would  have  suc 
ceeded,  and  that  the  United  States  would  have 
been  severed  in  twain. 


CHAPTER  VII 
RECONSTRUCTION 

WHEN  Lord  Cornwallis  surrendered  at  York- 
town  in  1 78 1  and  the  long  and  dreary  war  was 
over — a  prolonged  shout  of  gladness  filled  the 
land.  The  joy  of  the  people  was  unbounded  at 
their  success  in  throwing  off  the  British  yoke, 
and  they  little  realized  that  to  secure  a  substantial 
government  at  home  and  a  national  standing  in 
the  eyes  of  the  world  would  require  a  far  longer, 
and  scarcely  less  fierce,  struggle  than  the  one 
through  which  they  had  just  passed. 

The  war  between  the  States  ended  with  Ap- 
pomattox.  The  struggle  had  been  desperate  and 
long,  but  it  was  not  over.  The  bloodshed,  the 
field-fighting,  was  ofer,  but  there  was  another 
conflict  at  hand,  equally  fierce  of  its  kind,  and 
it  was  to  continue  even  longer  than  the  struggle 
with  arms  had  continued.  This  period  is  known 
as  the  reconstruction  period.  It  covered  the  six 

years  immediately  following  the  war,  and  within 
148 


RECONSTRUCTION  149 

this  time  occurred  the  rupture  between  the 
President  and  Congress,  which  is  treated  in  an 
other  chapter. 

A  New  Problem 

At  the  close  of  the  Civil  War  a  problem  con 
fronted  the  American  Government  that  had  no 
precedent  in  history,  namely,  the  status  of  the 
seceded  States  and  how  to  get  them  back  into 
their  proper  places  in  the  Union.  One  of  the 
first  questions  that  arose  was  whether  these  States 
were  really  out  of  the  Union  or  not.  Much 
eloquence  was  wasted  on  this  abstract  theme, 
some  taking  the  ground  that  the  acts  of  seces 
sion  were  null  and  void,  others  that  as  a  matter 
of  fact  the  Union  was  really  broken  up  for  a 
time  and  afterward  made  whole  again.  Profes 
sor  Goldwin  Smith,  one  of  the  profoundest  of 
modern  writers,  pronounces  the  war,  not  a  civil 
war,  but  a  war  between  two  nations  —  one  short 
lived,  it  is  true,  but  nevertheless  a  nation  with 
all  the  machinery  of  self-government.1  From 
the  standpoint  of  fact  this  view  is  certainly  cor 
rect.  But  for  once  we  must  brush  aside  actual 
fact  and  look  at  the  matter  in  another  light. 

his  "  United  States,"  p.  249. 


150     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

From  the  standpoint  of  constitutional  law,  the 
seceding  States  imtst  not  have  been  out  of 
the  Union.  If  they  were,  Andrew  Johnson  the 
Tennesseean  was  not  a  resident  or  a  citizen  of 
the  United  States,  and  of  course  was  not  a  legal 
President.  If  they  were,  every  child  born  in 
the  seceded  States  during  the  war  period  was 
alien  born  and  none  is  eligible  to  the  presidency. 

Hence  we  are  forced  to  take  the  ground  that 
the  southern  States  were  not  out  of  the  Union, 
and  that  secession  did  not  sever,  but  only  sus 
pended,  their  relation  to  the  United  States 
The  later  Supreme  Court  decision  that  our 
country  is  "  an  indestructible  Union  composed 
of  indestructible  States  " l  is  sound  in  law,  and 
will  ever  be  so  in  fact  unless  some  future  revo 
lution  proves  successful. 

As  far,  however,  as  reconstruction  was  con 
cerned,  there  was  little  difference  which  theory 
one  held.  The  great  question  was  how  to  get 
the  straying  sisters  back  into  the  family.  On 
this  subject  there  was  a  wide  difference  of 
opinion  among  those  by  whom  the  work  was  to 
be  done.  One  party  favored  readmitting  the 

1  Texas  vs.  White,  1868. 


RECONSTRUCTION  1 5  I 

southern  States  as  noiselessly  and  easily  as  pos 
sible.  This  class,  if  they  had  any  feeling  of 
malice  toward  the  South,  were  willing  to  throw 
it  aside  at  the  close  of  hostilities.  To  this  class 
belonged  President  Lincoln,  Secretary  Seward, 
and  Generals  Grant  and  Sherman ;  it  also  in 
cluded  many  other  broad-minded,  leading  men 
of  the  North  who  had  done  all  in  their  power 
to  put  down  the  rebellion. 

The  other  party  was  more  radical.  It  was 
composed  of  men  who  nursed  their  wrath  to 
keep  it  warm,  who  wished  to  punish  the  South 
further  after  defeating  them  in  battle,  who 
refused  to  forgive  the  southern  people  until  they 
would  confess-  themselves  wholly  in  the  wrong 
and  abjectly  beg  forgiveness. 

This  was  demanding  too  much.  The  people 
of  the  South  were  undoubtedly  sincere  in  their 
devotion  to  the  cause  in  which  they  fought. 
Granted  that  they  were  honest  in  their  convic 
tions,  could  it  be  expected  that  they  would 
instantly  abandon  them  on  being  defeated  by 
force  of  arms  ?  Could  they  be  expected  to 
trample  the  graves  and  execrate  the  memory 
of  their  fathers  who  had  so  recently  fallen  in 


152     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

the  cause  in  which  they  believed  so  fondly? 
No  student  of  human  nature  could  expect  such 
a  thing.  The  people  of  the  South  are  now, 
with  rare  exceptions,  content  with  the  results 
of  the  war,  they  rejoice  that  the  Union  was  not 
divided ;  but  this  condition  could  not  reasonably 
have  been  looked  for  in  1865,  nor  was  it  possi 
ble  for  Congress,  by  any  methods  of  coercion, 
to  bring  about  such  a  condition.  Matters  of  the 
heart  and  of  the  conscience  are  wholly  beyond 
the  reach  of  legislative  acts.  Many  of  the  lead 
ing  members  of  Congress  did  not  realize  this 
great  truth.  Many  seemed  to  be  peculiarly 
wanting  in  the  magnanimity  toward  a  fallen 
foe  that  characterizes  a  great  mind. 

And  further,  it  was  bad  public  policy  to  drive 
the  best  blood  of  the  South  into  further  opposi 
tion  by  severe  measures.  Said  General  Sher 
man  :  "  I  perceived  that  we  had  the  unbounded 
respect  of  our  armed  enemies.  ...  I  am  sure 
that  at  the  close  of  the  Civil  War  the  Confeder 
ate  army  embraced  the  best  governed,  the  best 
disposed,  the  most  reliable  men  in  the  South; 
and  I  would  have  used  them  in  reconstruction 
instead  of  driving  them  into  a  hopeless  opposi- 


RECONSTRUCTION  1 5  3 

tion."  In  this  light  Mr.  Lincoln  also  viewed 
the  matter ;  but  not  so  with  many  of  the  leaders 
in  Congress,  and  the  result  was  a  serious  rup 
ture  between  the  executive  and  the  legislative 
branches  of  the  Government. 

President  Lincoln  and  Congress  at   Variance 

President  Lincoln  wielded,  during  the  war, 
almost  imperial  power.  No  Englishman,  since 
Oliver  Cromwell,  says  James  Bryce,  has  had 
such  authority.  Our  Constitution  clothes  the 
President  with  a  war  power  that  is  almost  with 
out  limit.  Lincoln  used  this  vast  power  to  save 
the  Union,  but  there  is  no  evidence  that  selfish 
ambition  or  motives  of  revenge  entered  into  his 
action  at  all.  As  he  had  full  command  of  the 
army  and  navy  of  the  United  States  to  put 
down  the  rebellion,  he  also  felt  that  it  was  his 
duty  and  lay  within  his  authority  to  make  over 
tures  to  the  seceded  States  with  a  view  of 
restoring  their  relations  to  the  Union.  Accord 
ingly,  as  early  as  December,  1863,  he  issued  a 
proclamation  offering  amnesty  with  full  prop 
erty  rights,  except  as  to  slaves,  to  all  (except  cer 
tain  leading  classes)  if  they  would  take  the  oath 


154     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

of  allegiance  to  the  United  States.  He  also 
declared  that  a  State  might  resume  its  relations 
with  the  Government  when  one-tenth  of  the 
voters  of  1860,  having  taken  the  oath,  would 
set  up  a  State  government.  At  the  same  time 
he  cautiously  stated  that  the  admission  of  their 
senators  and  representatives  in  Congress  "  rested 
with  the  two  Houses,  and  not  to  any  extent  with 
the  Executive." 

No  one  who  knew  the  man  could  doubt  that 
the  motives  of  Lincoln  were  of  the  best,  and 
that  what  he  did  was  meant  for  the  highest 
public  good.  It  is  certain  that  he  bore  no  per 
sonal  malice  toward  the  Southern  people.  "  I 
shall  do  nothing  in  malice.  What  I  deal  with 
is  too  vast  for  malicious  dealing,"  were  his 
words. 

Louisiana  was  the  first  to  take  advantage  of 
the  President's  offer.  In  February,  1864,  an 
election  of  the  loyal  whites  of  the  State  took 
place.  Mr.  Hahn  was  chosen  governor  and 
members  of  Congress  were  elected.  In  April  a 
State  convention,  called  for  the  purpose,  framed 
a  new  State  constitution  in  which  slavery  was 
forever  forbidden  in  the  State.  But  little  over 


RECONSTRUCTION  1 5  5 

eight  thousand  votes  had  been  cast  in  the  elec 
tion  —  a  little  more  than  one-tenth  of  the  Presi 
dential  vote  of  the  State  in  1860.  The  weak 
ness  of  this  new  government  lay  in  the  fact  that 
it  could  not  sustain  itself  without  military  sup 
port.1  The  plan  as  inaugurated  by  Mr.  Lincoln 
was  known  henceforth  as  the  Louisiana  plan. 

While  this  work  was  going  on  in  Louisiana  a 
similar  movement  was  in  progress  in  Arkansas. 
A  governor  was  elected,  an  antislavery  consti 
tution  adopted,  and  senators  and  representatives 
elected  to  Congress. 

But  there  was  one  item  that  the  President 
had  not  taken  into  account  when  he  directed 
and  encouraged  these  States  to  do  as  they  did, 
and  that  was  the  temper  of  Congress.  It  was 
soon  discovered  that  both  the  Senate  and  House 
were  unfriendly,  not  to  say  hostile,  to  Lincoln's 
"  shorthand  method  of  reconstruction,"  as  they 
called  it.  When,  therefore,  the  senators-elect 
from  Arkansas  presented  themselves  to  the 
Senate  they  were  peremptorily  refused  admis 
sion,  the  opposition  being  led  by  Charles  Sum- 
ner.  Soon  after  this  Congress  passed  a  bill 

1  Elaine's  "  Twenty  Years  of  Congress,"  Vol.  II.  p.  40. 


156     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

giving  its  views  of  reconstruction.  This  bill 
was  far  more  severe  and  exacting  than  was  the 
Louisiana  plan.  The  chief  provisions  of  this 
measure  were,  that  the  President  appoint  a  pro 
visional  governor  for  each  rebellious  State  ;  that 
this  governor,  after  all  resistance  to  the  United 
States  had  ceased  within  the  bounds  of  the 
State,  should  submit  a  test  oath  to  the  white 
male  citizens  to  support  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  and  not  until  after  a  majority  of 
them  had  taken  this  oath  could  they  form  a  State 
constitution.  When  a  constitution  was  adopted, 
the  main  features  of  which  were  mapped  out  in 
the  Congressional  bill,  the  governor  was  to  cer 
tify  the  fact  to  the  President,  after  which  the 
latter  should  recognize  the  State  government 
after  obtaining  the  consent  of  Congress. 

This  measure  was  in  itself  a  severe  condem 
nation  of  the  policy  of  the  President.  It  was 
passed  and  sent  to  him  on  July  4,  1864,  the  last 
day  of  the  session.  But  Mr.  Lincoln  was  not  in 
the  humor  to  suffer  such  a  rebuke  from  Con 
gress.  He  treated  the  bill  to  a  pocket  veto.1 

1  The  Constitution  provides  that  a  congressional  bill  must 
be  signed  or  vetoed  by  the  President  within  ten  days  after 


RECONSTRUCTION  157 

A  few  days  after  the  adjournment  of  Congress 
he  issued  a  proclamation  in  which  he  stated  that 
he  was  not  prepared  to  declare  the  governments 
already  adopted  in  Louisiana  and  Arkansas  set 
aside,  nor  was  he  prepared  to  acknowledge  the 
competency  of  Congress  to  make  the  exactions 
as  contained  in  the  bill.  Had  Congress  been  in 
session  a  most  serious  breach  between  it  and 
the  President  would  have  been  precipitated  ;  but 
the  members  had  gone  to  their  homes  and  would 
not  meet  again  for  several  months.  Moreover, 
the  country  was  in  the  midst  of  a  presidential 
campaign.  Mr.  Lincoln  had  been  renominated, 
and  any  hostile  demonstration  against  him  from 
the  leaders  of  his  party  might  have  proved  dis 
astrous.  Most  of  them  remained  passive,  espe 
cially  when  they  discovered  that  the  hearts  of 
the  people  were  with  the  President. 

But  there  were  two  notable  exceptions.     Sen 
ator  Benjamin  Wade  of  Ohio  and  Representative 

its  passage.  If  he  does  neither,  it  will  become  a  law  without 
his  signature.  This,  however,  does  not  apply  when  Congress 
adjourns  within  the  ten  days.  If  in  that  case  the  President  with 
holds  his  signature,  the  bill  does  not  become  law.  This  is  called 
a  pocket  veto. 


158     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN    HISTORY 

Henry  Winter  Davis  of  Maryland,  respective 
chairmen  of  the  Senate  and  House  committees 
on  rebellious  States,  came  out  in  most  vigorous 
protest  against  the  action  of  the  President. 
This  paper  was  published  broadcast  over  the 
signatures  of  the  two  statesmen.  It  was  a 
remarkable  document.  It  arraigned  Mr.  Lin 
coln  in  the  most  caustic  and  severe  language, 
reminding  him  that  the  Union  men  in  Congress 
"  would  not  submit  to  be  impeached  of  rash 
and  unconstitutional  legislation,"  and  that  he 
"must  confine  himself  to  his  executive  duties  — 
to  obey  and  execute,  and  not  to  make  the  laws." 

A  short  time  after  this  paper  had  been  pub 
lished  Mr.  Davis  sought  a  renomination  for 
Congress,  but  was  defeated.  This,  in  slave- 
holding  Maryland,  was  an  index  to  the  recep 
tion  of  the  protest  by  the  country.  It  served  to 
rouse  Lincoln's  friends  on  all  sides,  and  doubt 
less  contributed  to  his  great  majority  at  the 
polls. 

On  the  convening  of  Congress  in  December 
the  President  wisely  refrained  from  making  any 
reference  to  the  recent  controversy  6r  to  the 
subject  of  reconstruction.  Later  in  the  session 


RECONSTRUCTION  1 59 

Congress  passed  a  joint  resolution  declaring 
certain  States  (Louisiana  and  Arkansas)  not 
entitled  to  representation  in  the  electoral  col 
lege.  This  was  intended  as  a  slap  at  the  Presi 
dent,  but  he  headed  them  off  by  signing  the 
resolution  and  stating  at  the  same  time  that  he 
considered  it  wholly  unnecessary,  as  Congress 
already  had  the  sole  power  of  counting  electoral 
votes.  His  language  was  sarcastic  and  unan 
swerable. 

President  Lincoln  adhered  to  his  plan  of 
reconstruction  with  the  greatest  tenacity.  In  a 
speech  made  on  April  II,  he  reviewed  at  length 
his  Louisiana  plan,  stating  just  what  he  had 
done  and  why  he  did  it.  He  explained  how 
unwise  it  would  be  to  reject  and  spurn  the 
loyal  people  of  the  South  in  their  endeavors  to 
bring  their  erring  States  back  into  the  Union 
fold.  With  these  words  he  closed :  "  It  may  be 
my  duty  to  make  some  new  announcement  to 
the  people  of  the  South.  I  am  considering, 
and  shall  not  fail  to  act  when  satisfied  that 
action  will  be  proper."  But  his  new  announce 
ment  was  never  made.  Four  days  after  he 
gave  the  promise  the  great  President  was  dead. 


l6o     SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

The  New  President  and  the  Old  Plan 

At  the  moment  when  this  quarrel  between 
the  Executive  and  Congress  was  assuming 
alarming  proportions  Andrew  Johnson  stepped 
forth  upon  the  public  stage  as  the  chief  officer 
in  the  land.  Twice  before  this  had  the  Vice- 
President  succeeded  to  the  presidency,  and  in 
each  case  the  policy  of  the  Government  on  the 
leading  public  questions  was  radically  changed. 
And  it  seemed  indeed  that  the  same  would  be 
true  in  the  present  case,  for  at  first  Johnson  did 
little  but  breathe  out  threatenings  against  the 
leaders  of  the  rebellion.  His  language  was 
extravagant  and  undignified,  and  marked  a  pain 
ful  contrast  with  that  of  the  ever  humane,  the 
ever  self-possessed  Lincoln. 

But  Johnson's  attitude  of  hostility  toward  the 
South  was  of  short  duration.  He  came  under 
the  influence  of  a  master  mind,  and,  according 
to  the  inevitable  law  of  nature,  the  less  yielded 
to  the  greater.  William  H.  Seward  had  been 
retained  by  him  as  secretary  of  state.  Seward, 
like  Lincoln,  was  too  great,  too  magnanimous, 
to  entertain  a  feeling  of  spite  toward  the  con- 


RECONSTRUCTION  l6l 

quered  States,  and  it  is  believed  that  he  had 
almost  as  much  to  do  in  originating  the  Louis 
iana  plan  of  reconstruction  as  had  the  departed 
President  himself. 

Seward,  for  long  years  before  the  war,  had 
been  hated  and  execrated  at  the  South  above 
all  men.  He  had  been  looked  upon  as  the 
embodiment  of  Republicanism,  of  all  that  is 
evil  and  hateful  to  the  slaveholder;  and  even 
now,  at  the  moment  when  that  other  noble  soul 
met  his  fate,  at  a  moment  when  he  was  striv 
ing,  at  the  risk  of  sacrificing  his  popularity  in 
the  North,  to  make  the  pathway  of  the  erring 
southern  sisters  easy  to  retrace,  he  was 
attacked  upon  his  sick  bed  by  a  half-crazed 
sympathizer  with  the  cause  of  disunion,  and 
stabbed  and  gashed  until  life  was  almost  gone. 
Had  there  been  a  grain  of  littleness  in  Seward's 
soul,  it  would  now  have  gained  the  mastery; 
his  wrath  would  have  been  roused  to  vengeance 
against  a  people  for  whose  welfare  he  had 
labored  so  faithfully,  and  was  rewarded  by  an 
attempt  to  assassinate  him  by  one  of  their 
number.  But  Seward  was  too  great  to  be 
little.  Recovering  from  his  wounds  and  resum- 

VOL.  II.  —  M 


1 62     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

ing  his  place  in  the  cabinet,  he  advocated  the 
same  mild  reconstruction  plan  for  which  he 
had  labored  before. 

It  was  Seward  who  now  took  Andrew 
Johnson  aside  and  whispered  something  in  his 
ear,  and  from  this  time  forth  Johnson  was  a 
changed  man.  No  more  do  we  hear  his 
violent  threats ;  on  the  other  hand,  he  took  up 
the  thread  where  Lincoln  had  left  off  and  went 
even  farther,  perhaps,  than  the  latter  would 
have  gone  in  his  conciliatory  attitude  toward 
the  South. 

President  Johnson  began  his  new  regime  by 
issuing  his  great  amnesty  proclamation  on  May 
29,  in  which  pardon  was  offered  to  all  who  had 
been  in  rebellion  (except  certain  specified 
classes)  on  taking  an  oath  to  support  the 
Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States. 

This  presidential  proclamation  was  accom 
panied  on  the  same  day  by  another  step  of 
still  greater  importance  —  the  appointment  of 
a  provisional  governor  of  North  Carolina,  and 
giving  into  his  hands  the  reconstructing  of  the 
civil  government  of  the  State.  The  governor 
was  carefully  instructed  as  to  how  to  proceed 


RECONSTRUCTION  163 

and  what  to  do,  but  in  our  brief  space  we 
cannot  dwell  on  these  details.  Within  a  few 
weeks  after  this  similar  action  had  been  taken 
with  reference  to  all  the  seceded  States,  except 
the  four  that  had  already  set  up  governments 
under  Lincoln's  authority  according  to  the 
Louisiana  plan.  These  four,  Louisiana,  Arkan 
sas,  Tennessee,  and  Virginia,  were  now  recog 
nized  as  restored  to  their  proper  relation  in 
the  Union.  Thus,  by  the  middle  of  July,  three 
months  after  the  death  of  Lincoln,  his  succes 
sor  had  the  whole  plan  of  reconstruction  in 
operation  in  every  southern  State.  Congress 
was  not  in  session  and  would  not  meet  for 
several  months.  The  President  had  sought  no 
advice  from  the  legislative  branch.  Encour 
aged  by  the  example  set  by  Lincoln  and  by 
the  advice  of  Seward,  he  came  to  believe  that 
it  lay  within  his  duty  and  authority  to  readmit 
the  southern  States  single  handed.  It  is  not 
to  be  believed  that  he  meant  to  offend  Con 
gress  or  to  alienate  his  own  party.  He 
reminds  us  rather  of  a  child  performing  a 
work  in  the  absence  of  a  parent  who  thought 
him  unable  to  do  it,  then  bringing  the  finished 


1 64     SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

work  to  the  latter  and  saying,  "  You  thought  I 
couldn't  do  it;  but  it  was  not  so  difficult  as 
you  thought."  So  to  rehabilitate  the  southern 
States  was  considered  a  vast  work,  nor  was 
there  any  model  in  the  history  of  nations  that 
could  be  used  as  a  pattern.  But  Andrew 
Johnson,  the  President  who  had  risen  from  the 
tailor's  bench,  the  President  who  had  scarcely 
learned  to  read  when  he  reached  adult  life,  the 
President  who  had  not  been  elected  to  the 
office  by  the  people,  but  had  inherited  it 
through  the  death  of  another  —  this  man  now 
accomplished  the  great  task  in  a  few  weeks, 
and  triumphantly  laid  the  finished  work  before 
the  country. 

But  Johnson  reckoned  without  his  host.  If 
Congress  had  the  temerity  to  oppose  Lincoln, 
would  it  not  far  more  readily  set  its  hand 
against  this  accidental  President?  Lincoln 
might  have  won  in  defiance  of  Congress.  His 
power  with  the  people  was  vast.  He  had  won 
the  Northern  heart,  and  was  loved  as  few 
Presidents  have  ever  been  loved.  Had  Con 
gress  continued  recalcitrant,  he  might  have 
successfully  appealed  to  the  higher  court,  the 


RECONSTRUCTION  1 6  5 

great  national  tribunal — the  people.  But  John 
son  was  nobody's  idol.  He  had  not  won  the 
heart  of  the  people,  and  there  was  none  to 
whom  he  could  appeal.  Moreover,  Lincoln 
was  a  man  of  consummate  tact,  and  when 
assaulted  by  his  enemies,  he  was  able  to  evade 
the  blows  or  to  neutralize  their  force  with  his 
incomparable  wit.  Johnson  lacked  all  this ;  he 
was  brave  and  pugnacious,  but  wholly  wanting 
in  tact. 

On  the  meeting  of  Congress  in  December 
it  was  at  once  seen  that  the  members  were 
unwilling  to  accept  Andrew  Johnson  as  their, 
guide,  and  that  his  entire  work  of  reconstruc 
tion  would  be  overthrown.  The  reason  for 
their  taking  this  extreme  position  was  that  the 
South,  as  they  claimed,  was  still  unregenerate, 
and  had  not  brought  forth  fruit  meet  for 
repentance.  And  there  was  certainly  some 
ground  for  this  claim. 

Some  of  the  southern  States,  believing  that 
Johnson's  scheme  of  reconstruction  would  be 
accepted  by  the  country,  and  thus  expecting 
to  get  back  into  the  Union  with  little  friction 
and  almost  no  humiliation  to  themselves,  began 


1 66     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

to  frame  laws  against  the  freedmen  that  were 
little  short  of  vicious.  In  Mississippi  a  law  was 
passed  providing  that  young  negroes  who  had 
no  home  or  visible  support  be  apprenticed,  the 
males  until  twenty-one  and  the  females  until 
eighteen  years  of  age.  The  master  was  to  have 
power  to  inflict  moderate  corporal  punishment 
and  to  reclaim  fugitives.  Vagrants  were  to  be 
arrested  and  fined,  and  if  unable  to  pay  the 
fine,  hired  out  to  the  highest  bidder.  In  South 
Carolina  a  similar  code  was  adopted,  and  to  this 
was  added  a  law  that  no  person  of  color  should 
be  a  mechanic  without  paying  a  fee  of  ten 
dollars  a  year,  or  a  storekeeper  or  peddler 
except  by  paying  one  hundred  dollars  a  year. 
No  negro  could  enter  the  State  without  giving 
bonds  for  his  good  behavior.  In  Louisiana 
negroes  were  to  sign,  before  January  10,  each 
year,  a  written  contract  to  labor  a  year;  and 
any  one  breaking  such  contract  was  to  labor 
on  public  works.  These  are  samples  of  legisla 
tion  in  several  of  the  southern  States  just  before 
the  meeting  of  Congress  in  December,  1865. 
It  was  necessary  indeed  for  the  South  to  take 
some  special  action  in  regard  to  the  newly 


RECONSTRUCTION  1 67 

emancipated  race.  The  race  was  landless, 
penniless,  without  education,  and  incapable  of 
self-government.  The  South  had  before  it  a 
vast  problem  to  solve,  and  had  it  used  modera 
tion  at  the  beginning,  it  would  have  enlisted 
the  sympathy  of  the  world  ;  but  the  laws  above 
mentioned,  with  numerous  others,  were  so  pal 
pably  discriminating  against  the  black  man  that 
the  framers  of  them  placed  a  decided  check  on 
the  rising  sympathies  in  their  favor.  Their  ac 
tion  seemed  to  many  little  short  of  an  attempt 
to  reenslave  the  black  man. 

This  attitude  toward  the  negro  as  shown  in 
several  southern  States  became  a  powerful 
stimulus  to  Congress  in  demolishing  the  work 
of  Andrew  Johnson,  and  in  instituting  recon 
struction  on  an  entirely  different  and  more 
radical  basis. 

When  Congress  met  the  members-elect  from 
the  lately  rebellious  States  were  present  and 
expected  to  be  admitted,  but  in  the  roll-call 
of  the  House  those  States  were  not  even  men 
tioned.  Immediately  on  the  election  of  a 
speaker,  Thaddeus  Stevens,  who  from  this  time 
to  his  death,  three  years  later,  was  the  acknowl- 


1 68     SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

edged  leader  of  the  House,  moved  that  a  joint 
committee  of  the  House  and  Senate  be  appointed 
to  inquire  into  the  condition  of  the  seceded 
States,  and  until  this  committee  make  its  report 
no  member  be  received  by  either  House  from 
those  States.  All  debate  was  shut  off  by  the 
"  previous  question,"  and  the  resolution  was 
carried  even  before  the  annual  message  had 
been  received.  This  was  the  first  step  toward 
congressional  reconstruction,  and  in  taking  it 
Congress  utterly  ignored  the  work  of  Johnson. 
Indeed,  they  proceeded  just  as  if  no  such  per 
sonage  as  the  President  of  the  United  States 
existed.  The  Senate,  led  by  Sumner,  was 
equally  decided  in  its  action.  Johnson,  instead 
of  bowing  to  the  will  of  Congress,  showed  fight. 
Fie  lost  his  temper,  his  dignity,  his  self-control, 
and  as  the  contest  grew  more  open  and  bitter 
he  stooped  to  make  personal  attacks  in  public 
speeches  on  the  leading  legislators,  naming 
Thaddeus  Stevens,  Charles  Sumner,  and  Wen 
dell  Phillips  as  the  leading  disunionists  of  the 
North,  and  pretending  to  believe  that  these 
were  desirous  of  having  him  assassinated.  This 
was  a  departure  from  ordinary  presidential 


RECONSTRUCTION  169 

dignity  so  radical  as  to  produce  a  shock.  It 
served  to  cement  the  President's  opponents 
against  him,  and  rendered  all  future  reconcilia 
tion  out  of  the  question. 

The  Great  Reconstruction  Act 

It  is  impossible  in  our  brief  chapter  to  follow 
minutely  the  great  debates  in  Congress  on  this 
great  subject  of  reconstruction.  This  debate 
was  one  of  the  longest  and  most  exciting  in  the 
history  of  Congress.  It  began  in  the  House  on 
December  18,  when  Mr.  Stevens  made  a  radical 
speech  in  which  he  declared  that  the  seceded 
States  were  nothing  more  than  conquered 
territory ;  they  were  practically  dead  States,1 
and  must  be  readmitted  as  new  territory  or 
be  held  in  subjection  at  the  will  of  their  con 
querors.  Stevens  was  answered  a  few  days 

1  Stevens  was  extremely  radical.  In  a  speech  at.  Lancaster, 
Pennsylvania,  he  advocated  confiscating  the  property  of  all  rebels 
worth  $10,000  or  upward,  or  who  owned  two  hundred  acres  of 
land  or  more  — the  land  to  be  divided  among  the  negroes  and 
the  money  to  be  used  in  paying  the  National  debt.  He  also 
favored  adopting  the  Thirteenth  Amendment  without  counting 
the  seceded  States.  But  Congress  was  unwilling  to  follow  him 
to  such  extremes. 


I/O     SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

later  by  Henry  J.  Raymond,  the  brilliant 
founder  and  editor  of  the  New  York  Times. 
Raymond  was  the  warm  friend  of  Seward,  and 
his  object  was  to  divide  the  Republican  party 
in  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  to  lead  a 
portion  of  it  to  the  support  of  the  Administra 
tion.  In  this  he  was  not  successful. 
*  In  the  Senate  the  winter  was  occupied  with 
the  same  subject,  the  majority  of  the  Republi 
cans,  led  by  the  two  Massachusetts  senators, 
Charles  Sumner  and  Henry  Wilson,  taking  a 
decided  stand  against  the  President.  The  long 
session  of  Congress  wore  away  and  little  was 
done.  Congress  had  proposed  the  Fourteenth 
Amendment  to  the  Constitution  and  had  made 
its  adoption  by  the  southern  States  the  condi 
tion  of  their  restoration.  This  amendment  for 
bade  the  payment  of  any  debt  contracted 
through  rebellion  against  the  Union  by  the 
United  States  or  by  any  State  ;  it  denned  citizen 
ship,  obliterating  the  color  line ;  it  held  out  a 
strong  inducement  to  the  States  to  enfranchise 
the  negro  by  reducing  the  representation  in 
Congress  in  accordance  with  any  abridgment 
of  the  right  to  vote  by  a  State  of  any  class  of 


RECONSTRUCTION  I /I 

citizens ;  and  on  the  whole  it  practically  trans 
ferred  the  first  allegiance  of  the  citizen  from 
his  State  to  the  United  States. 

One  of  the  eleven  wanderers,  Tennessee, 
took  advantage  of  this  invitation  to  get  back 
into  the  fold.  The  rest  held  aloof.  The  sum 
mer  passed.  The  congressional  elections  in 
the  autumn  of  1866  produced  a  large  majority 
against  the  Administration.  But  Andrew  John 
son  was  not  the  man  to  listen  to  admonition 
from  any  source  when  his  mind  was  set  on  any 
thing.  Had  Johnson,  on  learning  the  result  of 
the  elections,  bowed  himself  to  the  great 
master,  the  people,  and  said,  Thy  will  be  done, 
and  then  modified  his  policy  in  accordance  with 
that  will,  his  name  in  American  history  would 
now  have  a  meaning  that  it  can  never  have. 
But  Johnson  adhered  tenaciously  to  his  plans. 
The  southern  States  took  courage.  They 
seemed  to  believe  that  the  President  would 
win  in  the  end,  and  the  entire  ten,  through 
their  respective  legislatures,  deliberately  re 
jected  the  Fourteenth  Amendment. 

Congress  looked  upon  this  as  a  defiance  of 
its  power,  a  declaration  of  war,  and  from  this 


1/2       SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

time  the  battle  became  more  desperate.  Con 
gress  tightened  its  grip.  The  feeling  against 
the  South  rose  in  parts  of  the  North  until  it 
reached  almost  the  pitch  attained  in  1861. 

It  was  in  February,  1867,  that  Thaddeus 
Stevens  moved  in  the  House  the  great 
Reconstruction  Act,  which  provided  that 
the  ten  southern  States  be  divided  into  five 
military  districts,  and  that  an  officer  with  an 
army  be  sent  into  each  district .  and  entirely 
supplant  the  civil  governments  already  there. 
This  bill  was  debated  in  House  and  Senate  for 
some  weeks,  amended,  passed,  sent  to  the  Presi 
dent,  vetoed,  and  repassed  on  March  2,  and 
two  days  later  the  Thirty-ninth  Congress  ex 
pired.  But  instead  of  taking  the  usual  vaca 
tion  of  nine  months,  it  was  resolved  that  the 
Fortieth  Congress  meet  at  the  moment  when 
the  old  Congress  expired.  This  was  done  to 
head  off  the  President,  for  it  was  believed  that 
he  would  not  carry  out  the  late  enactments  sat 
isfactorily,  if  left  wholly  in  his  hands. 

Before  the  close  of  March  a  supplementary 
reconstruction  bill  was  passed,  as  the  first  was 
incomplete.  This  second  bill  directed  the  mili- 


RECONSTRUCTION  173 

tary  governor  of  each  district  to  make  a  regis 
tration  of  all  the  male  citizens  of  the  several 
States,  submit  to  them  a  prescribed  oath,  and 
to  call  an  election  for  a  constitutional  conven 
tion.  At  this  election  only  those  taking  the 
oath  were  permitted  to  vote.  If  they  voted  to 
call  a  convention,  and  this  convention  framed  a 
State  constitution  in  conformity  with  the  pro 
vision  of  the  Fourteenth  Amendment,  and  this 
constitution  was  ratified  by  the  people  and 
afterward  approved  by  Congress,  said  State 
would  therefore  be  readmitted  into  the  Union, 
after  its  legislature  had  also  ratified  the  Four 
teenth  Amendment. 

Within  a  year  and  a  half  after  thus  placing 
the  South  under  military  control,  seven  of  the 
ten  States  had  complied  with  the  conditions  and 
were  readmitted  to  the  Union.  Three  how 
ever,  Virginia,  Mississippi,  and  Texas,  still  held 
aloof,  and  by  so  doing  they  denied  themselves 
the  opportunity  of  taking  part  in  the  presi 
dential  election  of  1868.  And  more,  the  Fif 
teenth  Amendment  was  now  before  the  people, 
and  the  three  hesitating  States  were  obliged  to 
ratify  it  before  reentering  the  Union.  This 


174      SIDE  LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

they  eventually  did,  and  all  were  readmitted  be 
fore  the  close  of  the  year  1870.  Meantime, 
however,  the  legislature  of  Georgia  had  forfeited 
the  claim  of  that  State  to  membership  by  pro 
nouncing  the  negro  ineligible  to  hold  office. 
This  act  had  to  be  repealed,  and  it  was  not 
until  January,  1871,  that  all  the  seceding  States 
were  represented  in  Congress. 

Thus  at  last  reconstruction  was  accomplished. 
The  problem  to  be  solved  had  been  a  momen 
tous  one.  It  had  engendered  a  bitterness  of 
feeling  scarcely  surpassed  during  the  war.  It 
had  brought  about  more  drastic  legislation  than 
our  country  had  before  known  in  time  of  peace. 
But  now  it  was  finished,  the  great  war  was 
over,  slavery  had  perished,  and  all  the  States 
had  again  resumed  their  normal  position  in  the 
Government,  and  all  the  people  rejoiced.  But 
matters  were  not  yet  all  right  in  the  South. 

Carpet-baggers  and  Scalawags 

When  reconstruction  was  fully  accomplished 
and  the  military  army  withdrawn  from  the 
South,  there  was  yet  much  to  be  done.  The 
newly  admitted  States  had  to  be  governed  and 


RECONSTRUCTION  175 

somebody  must  take  the  lead  and  fill  the  offices. 
The  old  antebellum  leaders  in  politics  had  also 
been  leaders  in  rebellion,  and  they  were  now 
disabled  from  taking  part  in  the  governments 
of  their  respective  States ;  they  were  not  yet 
pardoned.  The  freedmen  were  not  fitted 
to  lead  in  governmental  affairs,  and  the  out 
come  was  that  a  class  of  unscrupulous  adven 
turers  from  the  North,  packing  up  their  worldly 
goods  in  a  carpet-bag,  it  was  said,  went  to  the 
South,  won  the  negro  voter  by  their  blandish 
ments,  and  soon  had  the  State  governments 
under  their  control.  These  men  were  called 
the  "  carpet-baggers." 

The  carpet-bag  governments,  with  few  excep 
tions,  were  corrupt  and  scandalous.  The  State 
treasuries  were  plundered,  after  which  bonds 
were  issued  and  enormous  State  debts  con 
tracted.  In  South  Carolina  the  public  debt 
rose  from  five  million  to  thirty  million  dollars 
in  four  years,  and  there  was  nothing  of  impor 
tance  to  show  for  the  expenditure  of  the  money. 
Several  other  States  were  similarly  plundered. 
The  negroes  were  easily  led  into  the  corrupt 
business  of  looting  the  treasuries,  but  the  car- 


1/6      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

pet-bagger  always  managed  to  get  the  lion's 
share.  Here  and  there  an  unscrupulous  ex- 
rebel  would  join  the  thieving  gang  for  the 
plunder  there  was  in  it.  Such  were  called 
"scalawags." 

The  respectable  whites  of  the  South  stood 
aghast  at  the  further  impoverishing  of  their 
already  bankrupt  States.  Some  sulked  in  their 
tents  and  refused  even  to  protest  against  it; 
some  formed  a  secret  organization  known  as 
the  Ku  Klux  Klan  and  through  it  wreaked  ven 
geance  on  the  black  voter.  The  carpet-bag 
governments  were  under  National  protection. 
The  Republican  party  as  a  whole  was  blamed, 
whereas  only  a  comparative  few  were  guilty. 
The  result  was  that  the  white  Republicans  of 
the  South,  and  they  numbered  many  thousands, 
were  alienated  from  the  party.  The  seceded 
States  had  furnished  at  least  one  hundred 
thousand  white  Union  men  of  the  "  Parson " 
Brownlow  type.  Most  of  these  at  the  close  of 
the  war  adhered  to  the  Republican  party ;  but 
now,  almost  to  a  man,  they  turned  fiercely 
against  that  party  and  joined  the  Democrats. 
From  this  time  on  for  many  years  the  South 


RECONSTRUCTION  177 

was  known  as  the  "  solid  "  South,  and  it  was 
the  carpet-bag  rule,  above  all  other  causes,  that 
made  it  solid. 

The  Race  Problem 

On  the  disappearance  of  carpet-bag  rule 
the  southern  States  were  soon  again  in  the 
hands  of  the  white  men.  This  was  the  most 
natural  thing,  even  where  the  blacks  out 
numbered  them.  Had  the  black  race,  just 
emerging  from  centuries  of  bondage  and  of 
gross  ignorance,  continued  to  govern  their 
former  masters  as  well  as  themselves,  a  spec 
tacle  would  have  been  presented  to  the  world 
without  a  parallel  in  human  history.  The 
white  race  had  labored  for  centuries  to  attain 
self-government;  and  besides  the  whites  of 
the  South  owned  nineteen-twentieths  of  all  the 
property,  and  more.  Gould  it  be  expected 
that  all  the  brains  and  wealth  of  a  State  be 
governed  by  a  homeless  class  of  men  who 
paid  less  than  one  per  cent  of  the  taxes,  and 
who  knew  not  the  first  principles  even  of  self- 
government  ?  Such  a  thing  is  altogether  un 
known  in  the  history  of  human  government. 


VOL.  II.  —  N 


1/8       SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN    HISTORY 

England  rules  India,  not  by  numbers,  but  by 
brains.  However  much  we  may  deplore  the 
fact  that  the  black  man  was  denied  a  fair 
vote  in  the  South,  and  that  injustice  was 
often  done  him,  the  result  on  the  whole  was 
the  only  possible,  natural  result.  Wherever 
intelligence  and  property  on  the  one  hand 
come  into  contact  with  ignorance  and  pov 
erty  on  the  other,  the  former  will  govern, — 
honestly  perhaps,  if  possible,  but  nevertheless 
it  will  govern.  The  writer  is  not  giving  his 
opinion  as  to  what  ought  to  be,  but  simply 
hard  facts  as  they  are  in  the  South,  and  as 
they  would  be  in  the  North  or  anywhere  else 
with  the  same  environment.  The  black  man 
can  become  equal  to  the  white  man  in  the 
government  of  the  South  only  when  he  makes 
himself  an  equal  force  in  civilization. 

Again,  the  social  relation  of  the  races  in  the 
South  is  a  problem  that  the  South  itself  must 
work  out.  It  cannot  be  done  by  legislation 
or  by  military  pressure.  It  is  folly  to  attempt 
to  draw  an  arbitrary  line  and  enforce  its  adop 
tion.  Nature  has  already  drawn  the  line. 

This  social    problem  in  the   South  is  a  deli 


RECONSTRUCTION  179 

cate  and  serious  one.  For  a  third  of  a  cen 
tury  since  the  war  there  have  been  jostlings 
and  fitting  and  refitting,  adjusting  and  re 
adjusting  of  the  two  races,  but  the  problem 
is  by  no  means  fully  solved.  Perhaps  it  can 
never  be  that  the  two  races  stand  together 
socially.  Why  should  it  be  so  ?  The  white 
man  is  not  at  home  in  the  colored  man's 
drawing-room,  nor  vice  versa.  Let  them  come 
together  in  harmony  in  governmental  and  busi 
ness  affairs,  but  let  the  social  line  that  Nature 
has  drawn  be  respected.  Let  the  black  man 
elevate  his  own  society  and  be  content  with 
it.  Why  should  he  not  then  be  as  proud  of 
the  society  in  which  he  moves  as  his  white 
neighbor  is  of  his  ?  Until  this  natural  differ 
ence  between  the  races  is  properly  recognized, 
the  great  problem  cannot  be  solved. 

The  last  two  amendments  to  the  Constitu 
tion  place  the  black  man  on  the  same  legal 
footing  with  his  white  brother.  His  school 
advantages  are  generally  good.  What  more 
can  be  done  for  him  ?  Neither  constitutions 
nor  congresses  can  legislate  him  into  social 
position.  He  must  make  that  for  himself. 


180      SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

The  future  of  the  negro  rests  largely  in  his 
own  hands.  The  great  curse  of  the  race  to 
day  is  not  a  want  of  a  free  ballot,  but  a  want 
of  ambition,  a  want  of  aspiration  to  do  some 
thing  and  to  be  somebody. 

Many  put  little  value  on  their  freedom;1 
others  value  it  for  the  license  it  gives  them. 
Liberty  is  a  priceless  blessing  to  the  aspiring, 
but  to  the  profligate,  black  or  white,  it  is  a 
curse.  Most  of  the  Southern  blacks  are  of 
the  listless,  doless,  aimless  class  who  are  con 
tent  to  live  in  squalor  and  ignorance.  But  it 
is  gratifying  to  note  that  there  are  many  ex 
ceptions  to  this  rule,  many  who  are  striving 
with  a  laudable  ambition  to  rise  in  the  scale 
of  civilization.  If  the  bulk  of  the  race  would 
follow  the  guidance  of  such  noble,  aspiring 

1  The  writer,  in  talking  with  an  aged  colored  laborer  on  the 
streets  of  Philadelphia,  asked  him  how  he  liked  this  life  com 
pared  with  old  slavery  days.  The  old  man,  who  had  been  a 
slave  for  many  years  before  the  war,  braced  himself  up  and 
said,  "  'Mancipation  may  be  good  'nough  fer  some,  but  fer  me, 
gimme  back  de  ole  slavery  days,  fer  then  I  didn't  haf  ter  buy 
de  flour  and  de  coal  an'  pay  de  doctor's  bill."  This  condition 
may  be  excusable. in  one  of  his  age,  but  such  lack  of  ambition 
in  the  young  is  fatal  to  all  progress. 


RECONSTRUCTION  l8l 

leaders  as  Booker  T.  Washington,  the  race 
question  would  soon  cease  to  be  troublesome. 

Now  a  closing  word  on  the  results  of  recon 
struction.  While  it  is  true  that  the  govern 
ments  set  up  in  the  southern  States  by  Con 
gress  were  of  short  duration,  while  some  of 
the  measures  seemed  harsh  and  severe,  while 
it  is  difficult  to  sympathize  with  such  extrem 
ists  as  Stevens  and  Sumner,  it  is  nevertheless 
true  that  congressional  reconstruction  was,  on 
the  whole,  a  good  thing.  It  was  absolutely 
necessary  for  the  future  welfare  of  the  South 
and  of  the  Nation  that  some  safeguards  be 
thrown  around  the  freedmen.  This  protection 
they  now  have  in  the  last  two  amendments 
to  the  Constitution. 

Abraham  Lincoln  was  the  providential  in 
strument  in  guiding  the  Nation  through  the 
perilous  times  of  Civil  War.  But  can  we  not 
also  see  the  same  Hand  in  his  taking  off? 
Lincoln  was  the  greatest  American  of  the 
century,  and  the  work  of  no  other  can  be 
compared  with  his ;  but  his  work  was  done. 
Had  he  lived  another  decade,  part  at  least  of 
the  great  work  that  he  had  wrought  might 


1 82       SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN    HISTORY 

have  been  undone.  Lincoln  was  too  great 
hearted,  his  soul  was  too  generous,  his  con 
fidence  in  human  nature  too  deep-seated,  for 
him  to  have  been  the  proper  one  to  adjust 
the  legal  relations  between  the  emancipated 
slave  and  his  former  taskmaster.  Had  Lin 
coln  lived  he  might  have  forgiven  the  slave 
holder  too  readily,  he  might  have  restored 
the  seceded  States  too  easily,  the  Fourteenth 
and  Fifteenth  Amendments  would  probably  not 
have  been  adopted,  and  the  race  question 
would  be  a  far  more  difficult  one  than  it  now 
is.  It  is  difficult  to  believe  otherwise  than 
that,  in  the  death  of  the  great  President,  as 
well  as  in  his  life,  we  can  see  the  hand  of 
God. 


CHAPTER   VIII 

IMPEACHMENT  AND  TRIAL  OF  ANDREW 
JOHNSON 

HISTORY  furnishes  many  examples  of  a  peo 
ple  rising  against  their  sovereign  and  putting 
him  to  death  or  dethroning  him ;  but  it  is  rare 
indeed  that  we  find  the  official  head  of  a  nation 
placed  on  trial  for  his  official  life  in  time  of 
peace,  and  in  a  legal  manner  by  those  who 
have  a  constitutional  right  to  do  so.  The  most 
conspicuous  example  of  this  in  history  was  the 
trial  of  President  Johnson  by  the  United  States 
senate  in  the  spring  of  1868.  He  had  been 
impeached  by  the  House  of  Representatives 
for  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors,  and,  after 
a  trial  by  the  highest  legislative  body  in 
America  according  to  the  forms  of  law,  was 
acquitted.  The  proceedings  attracted  world 
wide  attention. 

The    latter   years   of   the  preceding   century 

had   witnessed   the   impeachment   and  trial   of 
183 


1 84      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Warren  Hastings  by  the  British  House  of 
Commons.  The  trial  of  Hastings,  conducted 
with  such  pomp  and  ceremony,  extending  over 
several  years,  and  enlivened  by  the, matchless 
eloquence  of  Edmund  Burke,  was  a  most  impos 
ing  and  momentous  event,  and  attracted  the 
attention  of  the  world.  But  the  trial  of  Andrew 
Johnson  was  an  event  of  vaster  significance. 
The  eloquence  of  a  Burke  was  wanting,  but 
the  intensity  of  feeling  far  exceeded  that  of  the 
English  trial ;  and  the  outcome,  in  case  of  con 
viction,  would  have  surpassed  the  latter  in  its 
results,  as  the  position  of  the  "chief  Executive  of 
a  great  people  is  higher  than  that  of  an  ordi 
nary  governor  of  a  colonial  dependency. 

Andrew  Johnson 

Andrew  Johnson  was  the  third  of  our  acci 
dental  presidents,  the  third  also  of  the  presi 
dents  who  were  born  in  North  Carolina  and 
elected  from  Tennessee.  Among  our  chief 
magistrates  who  rose  from  the  lower  strata  of 
society,  he  is  the  most  striking  example.  Other 
presidents  we  have  had  who  rose  from  the 
commonest  walks  of  life  —  there  were  Jackson 


IMPEACHMENT  OF   ANDREW  JOHNSON       185 

and  Polk,  Lincoln,  Grant,  and  Garfield.  But 
Jackson  had  taught  a  country  school  and  was 
a  law  student  at  an  age  when  Johnson  had  not 
learned  to  read ;  Lincoln  was  a  careful  reader 
of  books  while  yet  a  boy ;  Grant  was  graduated 
at  West  Point,  and  Garfield  took  a  college 
degree  in  his  early  manhood. 

Andrew  Johnson  was  not  only  penniless  and 
wholly  without  social  standing,  he  was  also 
illiterate.  He  belonged  to  the  class  of  "poor 
whites "  of  the  South,  who  were  regarded  by 
the  ruling  classes  as  scarcely  above  the  slave. 
A  tailor  by  trade,  industrious,  of  a  rugged 
personality,  honest,  ambitious,  and  aspiring,  he 
grasped  for  the  little  knowledge  within  his 
reach.  Barely  able  to  read  when  married,  his 
wife  became  his  first  and  only  teacher.  He 
studied  faithfully  under  her  directions  and  soon 
acquired  a  good  working  education.  Becoming 
interested  in  politics,  he  was  sent  to  the  legis 
lature  of  his  adopted  State,  from  which,  after 
several  years'  service,  he  was  promoted  to  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States.  Entering  the 
House  in  1843  at  the  age  of  thirty-five,  he 
served  ten  years  and  became  governor  of 


1 86      SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Tennessee.  After  serving  four  years  in  this 
capacity  he  was  elected  by  the  legislature  to 
the  United  States  Senate,  where  we  find  him  at 
tho  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War. 

Of  the  twenty-two  senators  from  the  seceding 
States  Andrew  Johnson  alone  remained  faithful 
to  the  Union.  Thus  he  attracted  the  attention 
of  the  country ;  his  object,  however,  was  not  to 
attract  attention,  but  to  put  down  the  rebellious 
slaveholder,  to  save  the  Union.  His  patriotism 
was  without  a  flaw.  His  courage  rose  to  the 
heroic.  On  one  occasion  he  kept  at  bay  a 
mob  thirsting  for  his  blood  by  the  defiant  glare 
of  his  eyes.  But  his  courage  was  of  the  bull 
dog  character.  To  the  better  part  of  valor, 
discretion,  he  was  a  stranger.  He  was  pugna 
cious  by  nature,  seemed  to  enjoy  combat,  and 
continued  to  fight  after  he  was  beaten,  without 
knowing  he  was  beaten. 

He  had  always  been  a  Democrat,  but  he 
won  the  good  will  of  all  Republicans  by  his 
heroic  stand  for  the  Union  in  1861 — espe 
cially  the  good  will  of  Lincoln,  who  made  him 
military  governor  of  Tennessee  the  following 
year.  In  1864  he  was  chosen  as  Lincoln's 


IMPEACHMENT  OF   ANDREW  JOHNSON      "1 8; 

running  mate  on  the  National  ticket,  and  elected. 
His  brief  inaugural  address  when  sworn  in  as 
Vice-President  made  a  bad  impression.  It  was 
plainly  the  rambling,  incoherent  harangue  of  a 
drunken  man.  Many,  who  did  not  know  him 
well,  trembled  when  they  thought  of  the  possi 
bility  of  his  becoming  President.  But  there 
was  no  cause  for  alarm  on  that  score.  Johnson 
was  not  a  drunkard.  He  had  accidentally 
taken  too  much  brandy  that  morning,  in  a 
medicinal  way,  but  ordinarily  Johnson  was  a 
temperate  and  sober  man.  Lincoln,  hearing 
of  the  episode,  exclaimed,  "Andy  made  a  bad 
slip  the  other  day,  but  don't  be  scared ;  Andy 
isn't  a  drunkard."  l 

In  less  than  six  weeks  after  the  inauguration 
Lincoln  had  fallen  a  victim  of  the  assassin  and 
Johnson  was  President.  In  ordinary  times  he 
might  have  made  a  good  President,  But  the 
times  were  inauspicious.  The  war  was  over, 
but  the  blood  of  the  combatants  still  boiled ; 
the  state  of  the  country  was  the  worst  it  had 
ever  been  in  time  of  peace.  Moreover,  the 
whole  machinery  of  government  had  been  tern- 

1  McCuiloch's  "  Men  and  Measures  of  Half  a  Century,"  p.  373. 


1 88       SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN    HISTORY 

porarily  thrown  out  of  balance  by  the  death  of 
the  great  civil  captain  who  had  piloted  the  ship 
through  the  storms  of  civil  war. 

Andrew  Johnson  was  ill  fitted  to  take  the 
helm  at  such  a  moment.  With  all  his  honesty, 
his  good  intentions,  his  patriotism,  it  would 
have  been  hard  to  find  one  less  capable  of  fill 
ing  the  great  office  than  this  egotistic,  self- 
willed,  tactless  man  from  Tennessee. 

The  strife  between  President  Johnson  and 
Congress  began  with  the  meeting  of  the  latter 
in  December,  1865.  It  grew  in  intensity  month 
by  month  for  two  and  a  half  years,  when  the  cri 
sis  was  reached.  This  hostility  between  the 
executive  and  legislative  branches  of  the  Gov 
ernment,  beginning  with  their  different  policies 
on  reconstruction,  as  narrated  in  the  preceding 
chapter,  was  intensified  by  the  President's  veto 
of  the  Civil  Rights  Bill  in  April,  i866,2  and  of 
many  other  important  acts  of  Congress,  and 
also  by  the  many  intemperate  speeches  made 
by  the  President  denouncing  Congress  in  the 
most  violent  language.  But  the  final  crisis 
came  in  the  spring  of  1868,  and  the  immediate 

1  Passed  over  the  veto. 


IMPEACHMENT  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON       189 

cause  of  it  was  the  treatment  by  the  President 

of  the 

Tenure  of  Office  Act. 

The  Constitution  provides  that  a  large  num 
ber  of  high  officials  of  the  Government  be 
appointed  by  the  President,  and  that  such 
appointments  be  ratified  by  the  Senate.  But 
by  common  consent  all  such  officials  were  sub 
ject  to  removal  at  the  dictum  of  the  President 
alone.  This  power  of  the  President  was  never 
questioned  until  1867,  when  Congress  passed  a 
law  requiring  the  consent  of  the  Senate  for 
removals  as  well  as  appointments.  The  act, 
known  as  the  Tenure  of  Office  Bill,1  was  born 
of  personal  feeling  against  President  Johnson, 
whose  power  and  influence  Congress  wished  to 
curb  in  every  possible  way. 

While  the  bill  was  under  consideration,  the 
question  as  to  whether  it  should  apply  to  cabi 
net  officers  came  up  and  was  seriously  debated. 
The  Senate  favored  exempting  cabinet  officers, 
but  the  House  insisted  that  they  be  included, 
and  carried  its  point;  not,  however,  without 

1  This  act  was  modified  a  few  years  later  at  the  suggestion  oi 
President  Grant,  and  was  repealed  in  1887. 


IQO      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

bringing  forth  some  very  significant  expressions 
from  leading  senators.  Mr.  John  Sherman 
stated  that,  if  any  cabinet  officer  was  so  want 
ing  in  manhood  and  honor  as  to  hold  his  place 
after  the  politest  intimation  from  his  chief  that 
his  services  were  no  longer  needed,  he  (Sher 
man)  would  consent  to  his  removal  at  any  time. 
Similar  expressions  were  heard  from  Senator 
Fessenden  and  others.  It  was  then  agreed  by 
the  leaders  of  both  Houses  that  with  reference 
to  cabinet  officers,  the  bill  should  be  construed 
to  apply  only  to  those  who  were  appointed  by 
the  acting  President.  This  was  discussed  by 
Johnson  and  his  cabinet,  and  they  all,  including 
Mr.  Stanton,  agreed  that  the  law  did  not  apply 
to  them  because  they  had  been  appointed,  not 

0 

by  Johnson,  but  by  Lincoln. 

All  went  well  in  Johnson's  cabinet  for  about 
a  year  after  his  elevation  to  the  presidency. 
In  the  spring  of  1866,  three  members  of  the 
cabinet,  who  sided  with  Congress  on  reconstruc 
tion,  tendered  their  resignations,  which  were 
reluctantly  accepted.  Secretary  of  War  Stan- 
ton  also  sympathized  with  Congress,  but  re 
fused  to  resign.  His  presence  became  obnox- 


IMPEACHMENT  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON       1 91 

ious  in  the  executive  councils;  he  was  no  longer 
a  confidential  adviser  to  the  President,  as  a 
cabinet  minister  is  supposed  to  be ;  he  was  an 
enemy  and  a  spy.  Mr.  Stanton  was  advised  by 
his  friends  to  stick,  and  he  did  so,  contrary  to 
all  precedent.  So  matters  continued  until 
August,  when  President  Johnson  addressed  the 
following  brief  note  to  his  secretary  of  war : 
"  Public  considerations  of  a  high  character  con 
strain  me  to  say  that  your  resignation  as  secre 
tary  of  war  will  be  accepted,"  Stanton's  reply 
was  equally  to  the  point :  "  Public  considera 
tions  of  a  high  character  .  .  .  constrain  me  not 
to  resign  the  secretaryship  of  war  before  the 
next  meeting  of  Congress."  A  week  later  the 
President  removed  Stanton  and  appointed  Gen 
eral  Grant  secretary  ad  interim.  This  was  not 
a  violation  of  the  Tenure  of  Office  Act,  even  if 
it  applied  to  Johnson's  cabinet,  as  that  law  pro 
vided  that  the  President  might  suspend  an 
undesirable  official  during  the  recess  of  Con 
gress;  but  it  also  provided  that  he  must  report 
his  action  to  the  Senate  on  its  meeting.  If  the 
Senate  approved  his  action,  it  stood;  if  it  dis 
approved,  the  old  official  resumed  his  place.  In 


192      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

December  Johnson  reported  to  the  Senate  what 
he  had  done,  giving  his  reasons  for  so  doing. 
The  Senate  considered  the  matter,  and  voted 
not  to  concur  in  this  suspension  of  Stanton. 
There  can  be  but  one  explanation  for  this  action 
of  the  Senate.  It  arose  from  malicious  feeling 
of  the  senators  against  Andrew  Johnson.  The 
welfare  of  the  public  service  could  have  had 
nothing  to  do  with  it,  for  General  Grant,  who 
served  ad  interim,  was  quite  as  competent  to 
do  the  work  as  Stanton,  nor  was  there  any 
public  demand  for  his  removal,  as  at  that 
moment  he  was  the  most  popular  man  in  the 
United  States.  On  receiving  the  news  of  the 
action  of  the  Senate,  Grant  immediately  aban 
doned  the  office,  and  Stanton  resumed  his  old 
place. 

President  Johnson  was  astonished  at  the 
course  of  the  Senate.  For  the  first  time  in 
the  history  of  the  Government  the  President 
had  forced  upon  him  a  confidential  adviser 
who  was  personally  distasteful  to  him.  No 
one  looking  back  from  this  date  can  come  to 
any  other  conclusion  than  that  the  Senate  was 
in  the  wrong,  and  was  actuated  by  ignoble 


IMPEACHMENT  OF   ANDREW  JOHNSON       193 

motives.1  Johnson  at  this  point  made  another 
of  his  many  blunders.  He  made  an  enemy 
of  General  Grant  by  chiding  him  for  giving 
up  the  office  too  readily  when  he,  the  Presi 
dent,  desired  to  test  the  validity  of  the  Tenure 
of  Office  Act  through  this  case  by  an  appeal 
to  the  Supreme  Court.  Grant  had  been  the 
personal,  almost  intimate,  friend  of  Johnson 
in  the  face  of  all  opposition  of  Congress  and 
the  people;  he  had  accompanied  the  latter 
on  his  "swinging  around  the  circle"  tour  to 
the  West.  It  was  Grant  who  in  the  early 
days  of  reconstruction  had  made  a  report  on 
the  condition  of  the  South  highly  favorable 
to  the  policy  of  Johnson ;  Grant,  again,  whose 
testimony  before  the  first  impeachment  com 
mittee  shattered  the  hopes  of  the  radicals.  It 
remained  now  for  the  President  himself  to  end 
forever,  with  a  few  hot  words,  a  friendship 
that  might  have  proved  exceedingly  useful  to 
him.  Had  he  possessed  a  tithe  of  the  tact 
of  his  predecessor,  he  would  have  retained 
the  friendship  of  Grant  at  any  hazard.  But 
such  was  Andrew  Johnson.  The  two  were 

1  Elaine,  Vol.  II.  p.  354. 
VOL.  II.  —  o 


194      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN    HISTOIU 

enemies  from  this  moment  and  were  nevei 
afterward  reconciled.  No  man  in  public  life 
ever  played  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies 
more  certainly  than  did  Johnson.  The  Re 
publicans  were  already  looking  forward  to 
making  Grant  their  standard-bearer  in  the 
next  presidential  election ;  but  there  were  mary 
who  viewed  with  distrust  the  friendship  oe- 
tween  him  and  their  most  implacable  enemy 
and  these  were  now  highly  gratified  at  this 
open  rupture  between  the  two. 

Johnson's  condition  was  anomalous.  The 
Senate  had  thrust  upon  him  a  secretary 
with  whom  he  held  not  even  personal  rela 
tions.  But  Johnson  soon  brought  matters  to 
a  crisis  by  informing  the  Senate  on  Febru 
ary  the  2ist  that  he  had  removed  Secretary 
Stanton  from  office  and  had  appointed  Gen 
eral  Lorenzo  Thomas  to  fill  the  place  ad 
interim.  The  Senate  was  astonished  at  the 
audacity  of  the  President  in  thus  defying  its 
authority.  It  immediately  passed  a  resolution 
condemning  the  President's  action  and  deny 
ing  his  power  to  remove  Mr.  Stanton.  It 
could  do  nothing  more  than  record  this  opui 


IMPEACHMENT  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON       195 

ion.  and  it  did  it  "  promptly,  resentfully,  almost 
passionately."  1 

The  Impeachment* 

The  Constitution  gives  all  power  of  im 
peachment  to  the  House  of  Representatives. 

1  Blaine,  Vol.  II.  p.  355. 

2  There  have  been  seven  impeachment  trials  by  the  Senate 
during  our  National  history.     The  first  case  of  impeachment  by 
the    House   of   Representatives  was   that   of  William   Blount, 
United  States  senator  from  Tennessee  in    1798.     The  charge 
against  Blount  was  that  he  had  entered  a  conspiracy  to  trans 
fer  New  Orleans  and  the  surrounding  territory  from  Spain  to 
Great   Britain  ;    but  he  was  acquitted  by  the   Senate  on  the 
ground  that  he  was  not  a  "civil  officer"  of  the  United  States, 
ami  he  had  been  expelled  from  the  Senate  the  preceding  year 
and  was  no  longer  a  member. 

The  second  impeachment  by  the  House  was  that  of  John 
Pickering,  judge  of  the  United  States  District  Court  of  New 
Hampshire  in  1803.  The  charges  against  him  were  decisions 
contrary  to  law,  drunkenness,  and  profanity  on  the  bench.  The 
Senate  found  him  guilty  and  removed  him  from  office. 

Samuel  Chase,  one  of  the  Justices  of  the  Supreme  Court,  was 
impeached  in  1804.  His  offence  was  bitter  partisan  utterances 
from  the  bench,  in  short,  "offensive  partisanship"  Chase  was 
an  able  and  honest  jurist,  but  an  old  line  Federalist,  he  could 
not  restrain  himself  from  partisan  utterances  against  the  Jeffer 
son  party.  The  Senate  did  not  sustain  the  charges  by  a  two- 
thirds  vote,  and  Chase  was  acquitted.  He  remained  in  office 
till  his  death  in  1811. 

The  fourth  impeachment  was  that  of  Justice  James  H.  Peel 


1 96      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Andrew  Johnson  had  as  many  enemies  in  the 
House  as  in  the  Senate,  and  even  more. 
Over  a  year  before  his  summary  dealing  with 
Stanton  the  radicals  had  made  a  desperate 
effort  to  impeach  him.  %But  after  months  of 
diligent  search  for  evidence  against  him  the 
scheme  fell  through ;  the  motion  to  impeach 
was  lost  by  a  large  majority.  The  enemies 
of  the  President  were  not,  however,  to  be 

of  the  United  States  District  Court  for  the  district  of  Missouri  in 
1830.  The  charge  was  that  he  had  punished  an  attorney  fix 
contempt  of  court  for  publishing  a  criticism  of  the  judge's  de 
cision  in  a  land  case.  The  Senate  acquitted  him. 

Still  another  impeachment  preceded  that  of  Johnson.  Judge 
W.  H.  Humphries  of  the  Federal  district  court  of  Tennessee 
was  impeached  by  the  House  in  1862  for  engaging  in  rebellion 
without  resigning  his  office,  and  the  Senate  found  him  guilty  by 
a  unanimous  vote. 

Since  the  trial  of  Andrew  Johnson  there  has  been  but  one 
impeachment,  that  of  William  W.  Belknap,  secretary  of  war 
under  President  Grant.  By  a  unanimous  vote  of  the  House  he 
was  impeached  in  March,  1876,  for  having  received  money  for 
the  appointment  and  retention  in  office  of  the  post-trader  at  Fort 
Sill,  Indian  Territory.  But  a  few  hours  before  the  articles  of 
impeachment  passed  the  House,  Belknap  resigned  his  office  and 
•  the  President  accepted  it.  His  defence  then  before  the  Senate 
was  that  he  was  a.  private  citizen  and  not  amenable  to  trial  by 
that  body.  On  this  ground  a  two-thirds  vote  could  not  be 
secured  against  him,  though  no  one  doubted  his  guilt. 


IMPEACHMENT  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON       197 

thwarted,  if  in  their  power  to  succeed.  They 
watched  with  eagle  eye  for  an  opportunity  to 
again  bring  up  the  subject  of  impeachment. 
And  they  now  seized  with  indecent  haste 
upon  Johnson's  quarrel  with  the  Senate.  The 
same  day  on  which  the  dismissal  of  Stanton 
had  been  communicated  to  the  Senate  wit 
nessed  a  resolution  before  the  House  that 
"Andrew  Johnson ,  President  of  the  United 
States,  be  impeached  of  high  crimes  and  mis 
demeanors."  The  resolution  was  referred  to  a 
committee  of  which  Thaddeus  Stevens  was  the 
head,  and  on  the  next  day  the  committee 
reported  it  back,  recommending  that  it  pass, 
and  even  suggesting  that  the  vote  be  taken 
without  debate !  Two  days,  however,  were 
taken  to  debate  the  question.  This  was  Sat 
urday.  The  discussion  lasted  till  late  in 
the  night,  the  Republicans  generally  favoring 
impeachment,  the  Democrats  all  opposing  it. 
On  Monday  the  discussion  was  resumed  and 
a  great  number  of  short  violent  speeches  made, 
the  final  one  being  delivered  by  Stevens.  The 
vote,  taken  in  the  evening,  resulted  in  126 
for  impeachment,  47  against  it,  and  17  absent 


198       SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

or  not  voting.  Those  voting  in  the  affirmative 
were  all  Republicans ;  those  absent  or  refusing 
to  vote  were  all  Republicans  except  one;  the 
negative  vote  was  solidly  Democratic. 

The  Rubicon  was  now  crossed.  For  the  first 
and  only  time  in  American  history,  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  was  legally  im 
peached  by  the  House  of  Representatives  for 
high  crimes  and  misdemeanors,  and  he  must 
now  stand  before  the  bar  of  the  Senate  and 
answer  for  his  alleged  crimes.  Upon  the  Sen 
ate  now  devolved  the  great  responsibility  of  de 
ciding  whether  the  President  should  or  should 
not  continue  in  his  office  to  the  end  of  his  term. 
The  House  proceeded  to  elect  several  of  its 
leaders  as  managers  of  the  impeachment  before 
the  Senate.1  These  were  men  who  had  filled 
high  public  stations  and  their  ability  no  one 
could  question.  They  were  to  appear  before 
the  Senate  with  articles  of  impeachment  and 
become  the  prosecutors.  All  were  intensely 
hostile  to  the  President. 

1  The  men  chosen  were  George  S.  Boutwell  and  Benjamin  F. 
Butler  of  Massachusetts,  Thomas  Williams  and  Thaddeus  Ste 
vens  of  Pennsylvania,  James  F.  Wilson  of  Iowa,  John  A.  Bing- 
ham  of  Ohio,  and  John  A.  Logan  of  Illinois. 


IMPEACHMENT  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON       199 

Meantime  Andrew  Johnson  was  calm.  He 
did  not  seem  to  be  disturbed  by  the  great  move 
ments  going  on  in  Congress.  He  did  not  even 
make  speeches !  He  quietly  sent  to  the  Senate 
the  name  of  Thomas  Ewing  of  Ohio  as  Mr. 
Stanton's  successor  in  the  war  office.  This, 
for  once,  was  a  tactful  stroke.  Rumors  had 
been  current  that  Johnson's  aim  was  to  usurp 
the  powers  of  the  Government  and  to  place  it 
in  the  hands  of  the  military.  But  the  well- 
known  honesty,  patriotism,  and  high  character 
of  Thomas  Ewing,  now  chosen  as  chief  of  that 
department,  shattered  all  such  rumors  and  fears 

to  fragments. 

The  Great  Trial 

It  was  on  the  5th  of  March,  1868,  when  the 
members  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  led 
by  their  chosen  managers,  filed  into  the  senate- 
chamber  to  present  formal  charges  against  the 
President  of  the  United  States.  The  occasion 
was  an  august  and  momentous  one.  The  Sen 
ate,  presided  over  by  the  chief  justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  Salmon  P.  Chase,  sat  in  grave 
silence  as  Mr.  Bingham  read  the  articles  of 
impeachment.  The  articles  were  eleven  in 


200      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

number,  the  most  important  being  the  second, 
charging  the  President  with  violating  the  Con 
stitution  by  removing  Mr.  Stanton  contrary  to 
the  Tenure  of  Office  Act;  the  third,  charging 
him  with  appointing  Lorenzo  Thomas  to  fill  the 
office  when  no  vacancy  existed;  and  the  elev 
enth,  charging  the  President  with  stating  in  a 
public  speech  that  the  Thirty-ninth  Congress 
was  not  a  lawful  Congress  of  the  United  States 
because  certain  southern  States  were  not  rep 
resented. 

After  the  formal  presentation  of  the  articles 
the  Senate  as  a  court  adjourned  to  meet  on  the 
1 3th.  When  it  again  met  the  President's  coun 
sel  asked  forty  days  in  which  to  prepare  the 
defence.  They  were  given  ten.  On  March 
the  23d,  therefore,  the  great  trial  actually 
began.  The  prosecutors  for  the  House,  as 
before  stated,  were  men  of  eminent  ability ;  but 
they  were  more  than  matched  by  the  counsel 
in  the  employ  of  the  President. 

Foremost  among  these  stood  Benjamin  S. 
Curtis,  former  justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  a 
man  of  eminent  learning,  and  as  a  lawyer  with 
out  a  superior  in  the  United  States.  Next  to 


IMPEACHMENT  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON      2OI 

Curtis  stood  William  M.  Evarts  of  New  York, 
and  scarcely  below  him  was  the  eminent  lawyer 
Henry  Stanbery,  who  resigned  the  attorney- 
generalship  that  he  might  defend  his  chief  in 
the  famous  trial. 

The  legal  battle  began  with  the  opening 
speech  made  by  General  Butler,  who  with 
much  skill  endeavored  to  show  that  the  Presi 
dent  had  violated  the  law  by  dismissing  Mr. 
Stanton.  Butler  was  answered  by  Judge  Curtis 
in  a  powerful  speech  that  lasted  two  days.  He 
pierced  the  armor  of  the  opposition  with  merci 
less  thrusts.  The  burden  of  his  argument  was 
that  the  case  of  Stanton  did  not  come  under 
the  Tenure  of  Office  Act  because  that  act  plainly 
stated  that  cabinet  officers  should  hold  office 
during  the  term  of  the  President  by  whom  they 
may  have  been  appointed,  and  that  Stanton  was 
appointed  by  Lincoln  whose  term  had  ended 
with  his  death.  This  seemed  to  be  decisive  ; 
but  the  opposition  claimed  that  Johnson  was 
simply  serving  out  Lincoln's  term,  and  there 
fore  had  no  right  to  regard  his  secretary  of  war 
as  the  appointee  of  a  preceding  term.  But 
this  was  little  more  than  a  play  upon  words; 


202       SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

it  was  a  good  example  of  how  great  lawyers 
may  honestly  differ  as  to  the  meaning  and 
intent  of  a  law. 

Now  came  a  crisis  in  the  trial.  Mr.  Evarts 
rose  and  offered  to  show  that  the  Tenure  of 
Office  Bill,  after  it  had  passed  both  houses  of 
Congress  and  was  under  consideration  by  the 
President,  had  been  submitted  by  him  to  the 
cabinet,  and  they  all  agreed  that  it  was  uncon 
stitutional  and  that  the  duty  of  preparing  the 
President's  message  vetoing  the  bill  devolved 
upon  Mr.  Seward  and  Mr.  Stanton.  Chief 
Justice  Chase  decided  this  testimony  admissible, 
but  by  a  vote  of  the  Senate  it  was  excluded. 

Again  Mr.  Evarts  offered  to  prove  that  the 
members  of  the  cabinet,  including  Stanton,  had 
at  the  same  time  expressed  the  opinion  that  the 
secretaries  appointed  by  President  Lincoln  did 
not  come  within  the  restrictions  of  the  pending 
bill.  This  was  also  overruled  by  a  vote  of  the 
Senate. 

Still  again  the  defence  offered  to  prove  that 
the  President  and  his  cabinet  had  agreed,  after 
the  bill  became  a  law,  that  it  was  desirable  that 
its  constitutionality  be  tested  by  the  Supreme 


IMPEACHMENT  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON       2O3 

Court.  In  other  words,  one  of  the  President's 
objects  in  dismissing  Stanton  was  to  test  the 
constitutionality  of  the  Tenure  of  Office  Law. 
But  even  this  was  thrown  out  by  a  majority 
vote  of  the  Senate.  This  was  certainly  a  high 
handed  way  of  dealing  with  the  defendant. 
When  a  man  is  on  trial  for  violating  a  question 
able  law  and  offers  to  prove  that  his  motive  for 
so  doing  was  to  put  the  law  itself  on  trial,  and  his 
testimony  is  rejected,  what  unbiassed  observer 
can  believe  otherwise  than  that  such  rejec 
tion  is  based  on  prejudice  and  passion?  We 
criticise  our  jury  system  because  frequently  an 
illiterate  man  is  chosen  to  sit  in  judgment  on 
his  fellows,  instead  of  the  reading  man  who 
may  know  something  of  the  case  already.  But 
here  was  intelligence  of  the  highest  order  — 
learning  and  ability  without  limit ;  yet  who  will 
say  that  this  eminent  jury  was  an  impartial  one  ? 
The  great  trial  continued  for  more  than  two 
months.  Among  the  witnesses  were  men  whose 
fame  was  world-wide  —  commanders  of  the  army 
and  members  of  the  cabinet.  General  Sher 
man  and  Gideon  Welles  each  sat  for  two  days 
beneath  the  cross-fire  of  the  contending  lawyers. 


2O4      SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

At  length,  the  testimony  all  in,  the  battle  of  the 
giants  was  renewed  with  increased  vigor.  Will 
iams  and  Butler  and  Bingham  on  the  one  side, 
alternating  with  Evarts  and  Curtis  and  Stan- 
bery  on  the  other,  furnished  the  country  an 
intellectual  entertainment  never  before  matched 
in  American  history.  The  testimony  on  both 
sides  was  summed  up  with  the  most  consum 
mate  legal  skill,  some  of  the  speeches  requiring 
several  hours  in  their  delivery.  The  counsel  of 
both  sides  having  finished,  it  was  left  to  the 
Senate  to  decide  whether  the  President  of  the 
United  States  be  degraded  from  his  great  office 
or  continue  to  fill  it  to  the  end  of  his  term. 
The  responsibility  was  grave,  for  the  decision, 
whatever  it  might  be,  was  sure  to  become  a 
precedent  in  the  American  Government  for 
generations  to  come. 

It  was  May  the  i6th  when  this  remark 
able  trial  came  to  the  crisis.  The  senate-cham 
ber  was  crowded  to  the  doors,  the  members  of 
the  House  being  admitted  to  its  floor.  The 
galleries  were  packed  with  citizens  from  all 
parts  of  the  country.  Foreign  ministers  and 
diplomats,  high  officials  of  the  Government, 


IMPEACHMENT  OF   ANDREW   JOHNSON      2O5 

men  of  National  fame  in  science,  in  literature,  or 
in  art,  sat  with  strained  faces  amid  the  common 
crowd  awaiting  the  scene  about  to  transpire. 
Outside  the  capitol  surged  a  restless  multi 
tude  unable  to  gain  admittance.  Telegraph 
operators  sat  at  their  places  ready  to  flash  the 
news  to  the  uttermost  parts  of  the  Republic  — 
to  the  cities,  towns,  and  railroad  stations,  where 
eager  throngs  had  gathered  to  await  the  ver 
dict  of  the  Senate.  The  silence  within  the 
senate-chamber  was  almost  painful  as  the  roll- 
call  began,  and  as  each  senator  arose  at  the  call 
of  his  name  and  solemnly  pronounced  "  guilty  " 
or  "  not  guilty." 

It  required  two-thirds,  or  thirty-six  of  the 
fifty-four  senators,  to  convict.  Many  had  filed 
their  opinions  a  few  days  before,  and  it  was 
known  how  these  would  vote ;  but  enough  had 
declined  to  do  this  to  make  the  outcome  still 
uncertain.  The  Democrats,  who  had  no  quar 
rel  with  the  President,  voted  unanimously  for 
acquittal;  but  only  ten  of  the  senators  were 
Democrats.  Two  others  elected  as  Republi 
cans,  Dixon  of  Connecticut  and  Doolittle  of 
Wisconsin,  had  acted  with  Johnson  all  along, 


206      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

and  were  sure  to  vote  in  his  favor  now.  Seven 
additional  votes  were  necessary  to  save  the 
President.  About  that  number  were  known  to 
be  doubtful ;  a  few  had  expressed  themselves  as 
opposed  to  conviction.  The  doubtful  senators 
were  led  by  two  of  the  ablest  and  most  honored 
men  in  the  Senate  or  in  the  Nation  —  Fessenden 
of  Maine  and  Trumbull  of  Illinois.  The  radical 
press  of  the  country,  anticipating  the  votes  of 
the  doubtful  by  a  week  or  more,  had  heaped 
upon  them  every  form  of  abuse  and  vitupera 
tion.  But,  in  defiance  of  public  clamor  and  with 
a  moral  courage  that  the  world  must  admire, 
these  men  stood  undaunted  and  unmoved ;  they 
voted  according  to  their  convictions. 

When  the  votes  were  counted,  it  was  found 
that  thirty-five  had  voted  "  guilty "  and  nine 
teen  "not  guilty."  By  a  single  vote,  there 
fore,  the  President  had  escaped  deposition. 
The  impeachment  article  voted  on  was  the 
eleventh,  chosen  as  a  test,  because  it  embodied 
in  a  general  way  all  the  rest.  After  the  vote 
was  taken  the  Senate  adjourned  as  a  court 
for  ten  days,  when  it  convened  again,  and 
voted  on  two  of  the  remaining  articles  with 


IMPEACHMENT  OF  ANDREW   JOHNSON      20? 

the  same  result.  The  other  articles  were  never 
voted  on,  and  the  impeachment  trial  was  over. 

The  storm  of  abuse  that  now  arose  from 
the  radical  element  of  the  Republican  party 
against  Fessenden,  Trumbull,  and  their  Repub 
lican  colleagues  who  had  voted  with  them  was 
something  frightful.  They  were  called  traitors 
to  their  country,  bribe-takers,  everything  that 
was  vile.1  They  were  read  out  of  the  party. 
They  were,  in  the  language  of  Thaddeus  Ste 
vens,  threatened  with  a  "gibbet  of  everlasting 
obloquy  "  and  with  "  a  long  and  dark  track  of 
infamy." 

Many  were  the  speculations  as  to  why  these 
men  had  voted  to  acquit  the  President.  Some 
attributed  their  action  to  their  dislike  of  Sena 
tor  Wade,  who  would  have  become  President 
had  Johnson  been  removed.  Others  claimed 
that  Chase  was  silently  working  against  Wade, 
and  had  influenced  their  action.  Still  others 
accused  the  "traitors  of  deliberately  bargain 
ing  away  their  votes  to  Johnson"2  for  the 

1  See  The  Nation,  Vol.  VI.  p.  341.  ^ 

2  North  American  and  United  States  Gazette  (Philadelphia), 
May  13,  1869. 


208      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

sake  of  public  patronage.  But  the  greatest 
number  professed  to  believe  that  these  sena 
tors  were  bribed  outright  with  money,  and  a 
committee  was  actually  appointed  by  the  House 
to  investigate  the  charges  of  corruption.  The 
accused  senators  remained  calm,  dignified, 
silent.  Mr.  Fessenden,  however,  made  a  state 
ment  to  the  public,  a  timely,  manly  statement, 
in  which  are  found  the  following  words :  "  The 
people  have  not  taken  an  oath  to  do.  impartial 
justice  according  to  the  Constitution  and  the 
laws.  I  have  taken  that  oath.  I  cannot  ren 
der  judgment  on  their  convictions,  nor  can 
they  transfer  to  themselves  my  punishment  if 
I  violate  my  own.  I  should  consider  myself 
undeserving  of  confidence  .  .  .  and  unworthy 
a  place  among  honorable  men,  if  for  any  fears 
of  public  reprobation,  and  for  the  sake  of  secur 
ing  popular  favor,  I  should  disregard  the  con 
victions  of  my  judgment  and  conscience." 

But  the  Republican  outburst  of  passion  was 
temporary.  The  leaders  of  the  party,  the  great 
editors,  soon  saw  their  folly.  A  sober  second 
thought  led  them  to  reconsider.  The  general 
tone  of  the  public  press  now  became  in  sub- 


IMPEACHMENT  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON      209 

stance  this :  Why  should  these  great  men  be 
accused  of  sinister  motives  ?  Their  public 
careers  are  well  known ;  no  taint  of  corrup 
tion  has  ever  touched  them.  How  could  they 
have  sought  position  and  power?  These  they 
have  enjoyed  these  many  years.  Bribery !  let 
the  preposterous  accusation  never  again  be 
mentioned.  As  to  driving  these  noble  souls 
out  of  the  party  —  why,  bless  you,  the  party 
couldn't  get  along  without  them.  This  change 
in  public  sentiment  was  permanent;  and  now, 
at  the  close  of  a  third  of  a  century  after  these 
great  events,  it  would  be  difficult  to  find  a  sen 
sible  American  who  regrets  the  outcome  of  the 
greatest  trial  in  our  history. 

Secretary  Stanton  was  deeply  disappointed 
at  the  result  of  the  trial.  During  its  progress 
he  had  held  the  war  office  with  a  sentinel  at 
the  door,  as  if  defending  a  besieged  city.  The 
trial  over,  he  instantly  resigned,  and  General 
Schofield  was  installed  in  his  place.  Stanton's 
health  was  broken  and  his  heart  was  broken. 
He  sank  into  the  grave  the  following  year, 
after  being  honored  by  President  Grant  with 
an  appointment  to  the  Supreme  Court.  Let 

VOL.  II.  —  P 


210      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

us  pity  rather  than  blame  Stanton.  He  made 
many  blunders ;  but  his  services  during  the 
war  were  valiant,  and  on  the  whole  he  was  a 
patriot  and  a  hero. 

Next  to  the  President  and  Stanton,  Senatoi 
Wade  was  most  affected  by  the  trial  and  its 
result.  None  but  Aaron  Burr  and  Samuel  J. 
Tilden  have  come  so  near  the  great  prize  as 
he,  and  yet  missed  it.  Wade's  political  life 
was  soon  to  close;  it  had  reached  the  zenith, 
and  took  a  downward  turn  at  the  great  trial. 
Wade  had  been  a  powerful  leader  for  years ; 
the  public  had  honored  him  with  its  love;  but 
in  this  trial  he  voted  against  Johnson  and 
thus  for  himself.  His  friends  had  boasted 
that,  if  his  conscience  led  him  to  convict,  he 
would  refrain  from  voting  at  all;  but  he  voted 
nevertheless.  Wade  had  been  highly  honored 
before  this ;  he  was  honored  after,  but  not  so 
highly.  He  still  soared,  but,  like  the  bird  with 
a  broken  pinion,  he  never  soared  so  high  again. 

Observations 

We  are  a  great  people,  governed  by  law. 
Our  laws  are  of  our  own  choosing.  Those  of 


IMPEACHMENT  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON      211 

a  general  nature,  those  pertaining  to  the  whole 
people,  are  embodied  in  a  permanent  form  — 
the  Constitution.  This  Constitution,  the  su 
preme  law  of  the  land,  is  so  difficult  to  amend 
or  to  alter  in  any  way,  and  our  adherence  to 
it  is  so  changeless,  that  it  plays  a  great  part 
in  making  us  a  conservative  people.  Our  mod 
eration  is  known  unto  all  men,  and  never,  per 
haps,  was  it  better  illustrated  than  in  the  trial 
of  Andrew  Johnson.  Following  hard  upon  the 
great  war  which  had  stirred  society  to  its  pro- 
foundest  depths,  it  came  at  a  time  when  the 
passions  of  men  had  not  yet  cooled.  The  war 
was  over,  but  the  knotty  problem  of  reconstruc 
tion  with  which  the  nation  wrestled  presented 
new  difficulties  at  every  turn,  and  kept  the  old 
war  feeling  at  fever  heat.  In  the  midst  of  this 
turmoil  came  the  trial  of  Johnson.  He  had 
resisted  the  policy  of  the  dominant  party  on 
the  great  questions  of  the  day  until  the  feeling 
against  him  became  little  short  of  hatred.  Yet 
Johnson  was  acquitted ;  but  the  large  vote 
against  him  rendered  his  acquittal  a  weaker 
victory  for  conservatism  and  moderation  than 
it  otherwise  would  have  been. 


212       SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN    HISTORY 

The  trial  cannot  be  pronounced  an  impartial 
one.  We  can  believe,  however,  that  every  sen 
ator  voted  in  accordance  with  his  convictions, 
his  conscience;  but  the  verdict  of  many  was 
unconsciously  influenced  by  partisan  bias.  In 
ordinary  criminal  cases  the  accused  and  the 
members  of  the  jury  are  required  to  be  without 
previous  personal  relations ;  but  here  was  a  jury 
the  majority  of  which  had,  for  a  long  season, 
been  engaged  in  a  most  bitter  contest  with  the 
accused.  They  were  men  of  the  highest  train 
ing  and  education,  but  this  did  not  lift  them 
above  the  common  weaknesses  of  humanity. 
No  amount  of  education  can  train  out  of  a  man 
the  common  follies  of  our  nature,  nor  can  edu 
cation  implant  in  a  man  new  virtues ;  it  simply 
develops  that  which  nature  has  already  fur 
nished,  and  gives  a  man  greater  self-control. 
Johnson's  jury  was  in  some  measure  partial  and 
prejudiced,  simply  because  it  could  not  help 
being  so. 

In  ordinary  times  Johnson  would  not  have 
been  impeached  at  all.  His  real  offence  was 
not  written  in  the  indictment ;  it  was  not  the 
removal  of  Stanton  or  anything  else  mentioned 


IMPEACHMENT   OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON      213 

in  the  articles  of  impeachment.  His  great  of 
fence  consisted  of  his  steady  opposition  to  and 
exasperation  of  the  party  that  gave  him  his 
power.  The  greatest  of  Republican  organs, 
the  New  York  Tribtme,  formally  announced 
that  the  trial  was  altogether  a  party  proceed 
ing.1  The  Independent  regarded  the  trial  as 
a  mere  exertion  of  party  strength  to  get  rid  of 
an  obstacle.1  Johnson  had  a  legal,  if  not  a 
moral,  right  to  his  course,  nor  was  it  possible 
for  his  enemies  to  reach  him  on  account  of  it 
by  any  legal  process.  He  was  arraigned,  there 
fore,  on  a  technicality  which,  at  other  times, 
would  have  attracted  little  attention  —  on  the 
alleged  violation  of  a  questionable  law  framed 
and  passed  for  him  alone. 

The  trial  on  the  whole  was  the  most  notable 
attempt  in  human  history  to  peacefully  depose 
the  official  head  of  a  great  nation.  Had  the 
attempt  succeeded,  the  precedent  for  the  future 
would  have  been  mischievous,  for  it  would  have 
not  only  given  the  American  people  a  back 
setting  in  their  wholesome  and  self-satisfied 
opinion  of  their  own  conservatism,  it  would 

1  The  Nation,  Vol.  VI.  p.  384. 


OF  Th£ 


214      SIDE  LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

also  have  furnished  a  dangerous  example  to 
future  political  parties  that  might  desire  to 
depose  an  offensive  official  in  high  station  on 
purely  partisan  grounds.  It  is  certainly  a 
matter  of  pardonable  self-congratulation  to  the 
American  people,  not  only  that  the  impeach 
ment  trial  failed,  but  also  that  during  its  prog 
ress  there  was  no  popular  uprising,  no  serious 
disturbance  of  the  social  and  business  relations 
of  the  country. 


CHAPTER  IX 
THE  ALABAMA  CLAIMS 

IN  our  century  and  a  quarter  of  National  life 
our  relations  with  foreign  countries  have  for  the 
most  part  been  wholesome.  Our  relations  have 
been  more  intimate,  more  frequently  strained, 
and  on  the  whole  more  important  with  the 
country  to  which  we  are  most  nearly  related 
and  from  which  we  won  our  independence  than 
with  any  other  country. 

The  attitude  of  the  English  people,  or  at 
least  of  the  English  Government,  toward  the 
United  States  has  been  one  of  constant  change 
during  the  period  of  our  National  existence. 
For  at  least  three  decades  following  the  Revolu 
tion  the  British  feeling  toward  America  was  one 
of  contempt,  owing  to  our  weakness  and  insig 
nificance  among  the  Great  Powers.  This  was 
plainly  shown  by  the  forcible  impressment  of 
seamen  from  American  ships,  and  by  various 
Orders  in  Council  intended  largely  to  damage 
215 


2l6      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN  HISTORY 

American  commerce.  Our  chief  crime  in  those 
days  was  our  youthfulness,  and  England's  atti 
tude  was  that  of  Sir  Robert  Walpole  toward  the 
youthful  Pitt.  But  the  War  of  1812  opened  the 
eyes  of  the  world  to  the  fact  that  America  was 
able  to  take  care  of  herself,  and  in  our  foreign 
relations  our  stock  rose  with  a  bound,  and  it 
has  seldom  since  then  fallen  below  par.  When 
it  was  seen  that  the  United  States  were  likely 
to  remain  united  and  to  grow  into  a  great  and 
powerful  nation,  the  British  feeling  was  changed 
to  one  of  jealous  rivalry,  and  so  it  continued  for 
many  years.  This  feeling  was  still  dominant  at 
the  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War;  and  this 
partially  explains  the  favorable  attitude  of 
Great  Britain  toward  the  South  during  the  first 
years  of  the  war. 

Since  the  war,  however,  since  the  Union  has 
shown  its  ability  to  maintain  its  own  integrity, 
since  we  have  passed  the  experimental  stage, 
have  grown  to  the  full  stature  of  manhood,  and 
have  taken  our  place  as  one  of  the  greatest 
nations  of  the  earth,  the  attitude  of  Great 
Britain  has  become  that  of  a  friendly  rival. 
British  writers  now  refer  to  us  in  the  most 


THE  ALABAMA  CLAIMS  2i; 

friendly  terms  with  frequent  pleasing  refer 
ences  to  the  fact  that  we  are  the  offspring  of 
the  mother  country,  and  the  like.  This  vary 
ing  attitude  of  the  English  only  proves  them 
human.  America  has  won  her  present  stand 
ing  by  toiling  upward  for  a  century.  A  young 
author  or  business  man  or  statesman  must  win 
and  earn  recognition  before  he  can  hope  to 
receive  it.  It  is  so  with  nations,  and  America 
could  expect  recognition  as  one  of  the  Great 
Powers  only  when  it  had  earned  and  was  in  a 
position  to  command  it.  There  is  now  no 
question  of  our  standing  among  the  nations ; 
and  while  it  is  difficult  for  many  Americans 
to  forgive  the  British  for  their  earlier  neglect 
of  their  struggling  kinsmen,  it  is  very  gratify 
ing  to  note  the  genuine  expressions  of  relation 
ship  and  friendship  at  the  present  time. 

We  must  now  advert  to  the  subject  before 
us.  During  the  Civil  War  and  the  years 
immediately  following,  the  most  serious  ques 
tion  between  her  Majesty's  Government  and 
the  United  States  (excepting  possibly  the 
short-lived  affair  of  the  Trent}  was  that  which 
took  the  general  name  of  the  Alabama  Claims ; 


2l8      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

that  :s,  claims  of  the  United  States  Government 
against  Great  Britain  for  damages  wrought  by 
a  score  or  more  of  Confederate  vessels  built  in 
English  shipyards. 

The  "Alabama" 

The  most  destructive  of  these  vessels  that 
ploughed  the  main  in  quest  of  Federal  plunder 
was  the  Alabama.  She  was  an  armed  cruiser 
of  nine  hundred  tons  burden,  two  hundred  and 
thirty  feet  in  length  by  thirty-two  feet  in  width 
and  twenty  feet  deep.  Her  engines  repre 
sented  three  hundred  horse-power  and  she 
carried  eight  guns.  She  was  built  at  Liverpool 
by  the  Lairds.  Mr.  Laird,  the  senior  member 
of  the  firm,  was  a  member  of  Parliament.  The 
Confederate  agent,  Mr.  Bullock,  had  secured 
the  building '  of  the  vessel  by  the  Laird  firm, 
and  it  was  generally  known  that  she  was 
intended  for  the  Confederate  service.  Mr. 
Dudley,  the  American  consul  at  Liverpool,  pro 
tested  vigorously  against  the  proceedings.  He 
laid  the  matter  before  the  American  minister  at 
London,  Charles  Francis  Adams,  who  called 
upon  the  British  Government  to  prevent  the 


THE  ALABAMA  CLAIMS  2IQ 

cruiser  from  entering  the  service  of  the  south 
ern  States;  but  the  Government  answered  that 
it  "would  listen  to  no  complaints  from  the 
officials  of  the  United  States  which  did  not 
furnish  technical  evidence  for  criminal  prosecu 
tion  under  the  Foreign  Enlistment  Act."  Dud 
ley  then  busied  himself  to  find  the  necessary 
evidence,  and  succeeded.  On  July  21,  1862,  he 
transmitted  this  to  the  Board  of  Customs  at 
London,  and  urged  that  the  vessel,  then  known 
as  the  "  290,"  be  instantly  seized,  that  the 
authority  to  do  this  be  given  by  telegraph,  as 
the  ship  was  now  ready  for  sea  and  might 
escape  at  any  hour.  In  the  face  of  all  this  the 
London  authorities  allowed  eight  days  to  elapse 
before  they  considered  the  matter  at  all ! 1  The 
"  290  "  escaped.  She  sailed  leisurely  down  the 
Mersey  and  spent  two  nights  and  a  day  in 
Moelfra  Bay,  but  no  effort  was  made  to  seize 
her.  After  steaming  about  the  north  coast  of 
Ireland  with  no  apparent  fear,  the  vessel  pro 
ceeded  to  the  Azores,  where,  after  waiting  for 
some  days,  she  was  joined  by  the  Agrippina, 

1  It  is  but  fair  to  say  that  the  delay  was  caused  in  part  by  the 
illness  of  Sir  John  D.  Harding  of  the  Queen's  Counsel. 


220      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

direct  from  London  and  bearing  for  the  "  290  " 
six  guns,  some  hundreds  of  tons  of  coal,  and 
large  stores  of  ammunition  and  provisions. 

Two  days  later  another  British  vessel  hove  in 
sight  and  bore  Raphael  Semmes,  the  future 
commander  of  the  newly  built  ship,  and  other 
officers.  On  August  24,  the  "  290"  came  out  in 
her  true  colors,  unfurled  the  Confederate  flag, 
took  the  name  "Alabama"  and  started  a  few 
days  later  on  her  wonderful  tour  of  the  oceans 
—  the  most  remarkable  in  the  history  of  naval 
warfare. 

After  destroying  a  number  of  American 
merchantmen,  the  Alabama  made  a  grand  para 
bolic  sweep  westward,  crossing  the  Atlantic 
Ocean  to  within  two  hundred  miles  of  New 
York,  thence  turning  southward  to  the  West 
Indies.  Here  her  depredations  were  continued, 
and  by  the  first  of  November  she  had  captured 
twenty-seven  Federal  vessels.1  When  anchored 
at  the  island  of  Martinique  the  Alabama  nar 
rowly  escaped  capture  by  the  United  States  war 
vessel  San  Jacinto.  Early  in  December  the 
Alabama  came  upon  the  United  States  vessel 

1  See  Sernjnes'i*  "  Memoirs  of  Service  Afloat." 


THE  ALABAMA  CLAIMS  221 

Ariel  between  Cuba  and  St.  Domingo  and  the 
latter  was  soon  made  a  captive.  A  month  later 
the  gunboat  Hatteras  was  fired  upon  and  sunk 
near  Galveston  by  the  Confederate  cruiser.  In 
the  early  spring  of  1863  the  Alabama  made 
another  grand  detour,  touching  the  coast  of 
Brazil  at  Bahia,  proceeding  thence  eastward  to 
South  Africa  and  soon  after  to  the  Bay  of  Ben 
gal,  where  she  spent  the  following  winter  mak 
ing  a  prize  of  every  American  vessel  that  came 
within  her  reach.  In  the  following  spring  she 
sailed  back  by  way  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope, 
capturing  the  Tycoon  and  the  Rockingham  on 
the  way.  In  July  we  find  her  in  the  harbor  of 
Cherbourg,  France. 

It  happened  that  the  Federal  steamer  Rear- 
sarge  under  Captain  Winslow  was  lying  off  the 
harbor.  Captain  Semmes  could  easily  have 
evaded  his  enemy,  nor  would  it  have  reflected 
in  the  least  on  his  courage  and  his  duty  had  he 
done  so,  for  the  Alabama  was  a  privateer  and 
its  business  was  to  prey  on  unarmed  merchant 
men.  But  Semmes  had  been  twitted  with  being 
called  a  pirate  and  he  wished  to  prove  his  ship 
a  legitimate  war  vessel ;  moreover,  he  was 


222       SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

anxious  to  furnish  an  exhibition  of  Confederate 
valor  and  to  revive  if  possible  the  expiring  ques 
tion  of  the  recognition  of  his  new-born  nation 
by  the  European  Powers. 

He  challenged  Captain  Winslow  to  a  duel. 

The  Kearsarge  and  the  Alabama  were  very 
near  equal  in  size  and  strength ;  the  former 
carried  seven  guns  and  the  latter  eight  of  about 
the  same  caliber.1  Winslow  accepted  the  chal 
lenge,  and  the  two  American  vessels  steamed 
out  about  seven  miles  from  shore,  so  as  to  be  in 
neutral  waters,  when  they  turned  each  upon 
the  other  like  two  crouching  tigers,  and  began 
their  duel  to  the  death. 

The  Alabama  opened  with  two  or  three  broad 
sides  before  the  Kearsarge  began  firing ;  but  the 
distance  was  twelve  hundred  yards  and  little 
harm  was  done.  The  two  vessels  now  began 
circling  round  and  round,  lessening  the  distance 
until  but  nine  hundred  yards  lay  between  them, 
each  pouring  her  deadly  broadsides  into  the 
other  with  marvellous  rapidity.  The  spectacle 
from  the  shore,  where  thousands  of  people  had 
gathered  to  witness  the  battle,  enhanced  by  the 

1  Pollard's  "  Lost  Cause,"  p.  549, 


THE  ALABAMA   CLAIMS  223 

rolling  cannon's  boom  across  the  waters,  was 
one  of  terrific  grandeur.  For  an  hour  they 
gazed  with  strange  fascination  upon  the  mortal 
strife  between  the  estranged  brethren  of  the 
same  household.  Many  of  the  shots  went  wild ; 
others  struck  home  with  fatal  effect.  One  shot 
from  the  Kearsarge  penetrated  the  coal-bunkers 
of  the  enemy,  exploded,  and  killed  or  wounded 
eighteen  men.  At  the  end  of  an  hour's  fight 
ing  the  Alabama  ceased  firing  and  was  seen  to 
head  for  the  harbor;  but  Captain  Winslow 
steamed  across  her  bow  and  was  about  to  open 
a  raking  fire  when  the  Alabama  struck  her 
colors  and  surrendered. 

A  few  minutes  later  one  of  her  officers  in  a 
small  boat  rowed  up  to  the  Kearsarge,  informed 
Captain  Winslow  that  the  Alabama  had  sur 
rendered  and  was  sinking,  and  he  begged  that 
boats  be  sent  to  save  the  crew.  Winslow  in 
stantly  dispatched  the  only  two  of  his  boats  that 
had  not  been  pierced  by  bullets ;  at  the  same 
time  he  called  to  the  captain  of  the  Deerhound, 
an  English  yacht  that  had  come  near,  and  re 
quested  him  to  help  save  the  men  on  the  sink 
ing  Alabama.  But  while  many  were  still  on 


224      SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

board,  and  but  twenty  minutes  after  the  battle 
had  ceased,  the  time  of  reckoning  arrived,  and 
the  Confederate  privateer  sank  beneath  the 
waves,  — 

"  And  the  sea  yawned  round  her  like  a  hell 
As  down  she  sucked  with  her  the  whirling  wave." 

Thus  the  wild,  meteoric  career  of  the  famous 
Alabama  was  ended.  For  two  years,  without 
let  or  hindrance,  she  had  coursed  the  waters  of 
two  hemispheres  on  her  mission  of  destruction. 
She  had  destroyed  sixty-five  vessels — ten  mil 
lion  dollars'  worth  of  property.  But  at  last  her 
course  was  ended.  She,  with  many  of  her 
valiant  crew,  found  a  final  home  on  the  bed  of 
the  ocean,  on  whose  bosom  she  had  reigned, 
a  queen  without  a  rival,  until  her  too  sanguine 
master  made  this  hapless  challenge  to  fight  a 
duel  with  the  Kearsarge.1 

Nearly  a  score  of  Confederate  privateers  were 

1  By  every  rule  of  warfare  the  survivors  of  the  Alabama  were 
prisoners  of  Captain  Winslow;  but  to  his  astonishment  the  "  gen 
tleman  "  who  commanded  the  Deerhound  steamed  away  with 
Captain  Semmes  and  several  of  his  fellow-officers  and  gave  them 
their  liberty. 

But  three  men  on  the  Kearsarge  were  wounded  and  none 
killed-  See  "  Rebellion  Record,"  Vol.  IX.  p.  231, 


THE  ALABAMA  CLAIMS  225 

built  or  fitted  out  in  English  waters  during  the 
four  years  of  warfare.  Next  to  the  Alabama 
the  Shenandoah  was  the  most  destructive  to 
American  shipping  ;  she  made  thirty-eight  cap 
tures  on  the  high  seas,  twenty-one  of  which  were 
whalers.  She  had  been  a  British  merchant  ship 
in  the  Bombay  trade,  and  was  purchased  by  the 
Confederate  Government.  The  Florida  made 
thirty- six  captures  and  the  Tallahassee  twenty- 
seven.  In  October,  1864,  the  Florida  was 
captured  by  the  United-  States  war  vessel  Wa- 
chusett  in  the  harbor  of  Bahia.  But  owing  to 
the  capture  having  been  made  in  Brazilian 
waters  the  captive  ship  was  released  and  an 
apology  made  to  Brazil.  The  Florida  afterward 
sank  through  an  accident  off  Hampton  Roads, 

Virginia. 

Negotiations 

There  was  a  notable  gathering  in  the  city 
of  Paris  in  the  spring  of  1856.  In  this  meet 
ing  were  representatives  from  all  the  leading 
nations  of  Europe,  and  their  object  was  to 
make  new  and  important  rules  concerning 
naval  operations  in  time  of  war.  The  most 
important  declaration  of  this  congress  was  that 

VOL.  II.  —  Q 


226      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

privateering  —  preying  upon  the  enemies'  com 
merce  in  time  of  war  —  be  abolished.  The 
United  States  Government  was  requested  to 
join  in  this  agreement,  but  it  refused.  Kad  it 
only  been  foreseen  what  a  terrible  retribution 
would  be  visited  on  the  United  States  within 
the  coming  decade  on  account  of  this  refusal, 
the  decision  might  have  been  otherwise.  But  the 
reason  for  refusing  was  plausible,  neverthe 
less.  It  was  remembered  that  in  the  War  of 
1812  our  greatest  hold  upon  Great  Britain  was 
through  privateering,  for  her  vast  merchant 
marine  offered  a  tempting  bait  to  our  few 
armed  cruisers.  It  was  also  argued  that,  since 
our  navy  was  insignificant  and  that  of  various 
other  nations  was  powerful,  it  would  be  ob 
viously  to  our  disadvantage,  if,  when  at  war 
with  one  of  them,  armed  war-ships  alone  were 
legitimate  prizes.  However,  in  July  of  the 
same  year,  1856,  the  United  States  offered  to 
accept  the  Paris  Declaration  if  the  Powers 
would  add  another  article  exempting  all  pri 
vate  property,  even  of  an  enemy,  from  capture 
on  the  sea ;  but  to  this  they  would  not  agree. 
At  the  opening  of  the  Civil  War  the  United 


THE  ALABAMA   CLAIMS  22 7 

States  was  the  only  great  nation  not  committed 
to  the  abolition  of  privateering,  and  it  was  at 
once  seen  what  a  serious  blunder  had  been 
made;  for  southern  cruisers  might  now  prey 
to  their  heart's  content  on  United  States  mer 
chant  marine,  while  no  retaliation  could  be 
offered,  as  the  South  was  without  any  merchant 
shipping.  At  the  beginning  of  the  war,  even 
before  the  close  of  April,  1861,  Secretary 
Seward  offered  to  accept  the  Paris  Declaration 
without  qualification.  France  and  Great  Brit 
ain  consented  on  the  condition  "that  it  have 
no  effect  on  the  internal  difficulty  now  pre 
vailing  in  the  United  States."  But  this  was  the 
very  object  sought,  and  as  this  was  denied 
Seward  allowed  the  matter  to  drop,  and  to  this 
day  nothing  further  has  been  done.  Thus  we 
see  how  it  came  out  that  our  shipping  fell 
under  the  ravages  of  the  reckless  Alabama 
and  her  reckless  sisters  during  the  Civil  War. 
In  less  than  four  months  after  the  escape 
of  the  Alabama  from  Liverpool,  Mr.  Adams 
placed  into  the  hands  of  Earl  Russell  a  written 
protest  against  the  negligence  of  the  British 
Government  in  permitting  the  vessel  and  others 


228      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

of  a  like  character  to  be  built  or  fitted  out  in 
English  waters.  Russell  denied  all  liability  on 
the  part  of  Great  Britain  in  the  matter.  Adams 
kept  up  his  protests  during  the  war  as  new 
losses  to  American  shipping  were  reported. 
In  April,  1865,  he  made  to  Earl  Russell  an 
official  statement  of  the  number  and  tonnage  of 
United  States  vessels  that  had  been  transferred 
to  the  British  flag  owing  to  the  depredations  of 
the  southern  cruisers.  The  earl  made  answer 
in  the  following  language,  "  Her  Majesty's 
Government  must  decline  either  to  make  repa 
ration  and  compensation  for  the  captures  made 
by  the  Alabama,  or  to  refer  the  question  to  any 
foreign  state." 

Thus  matters  stood  at  the  close  of  the  war. 
Lord  Stanley  soon  succeeded  Earl  Russell  in 
the  Foreign  Office,  and  his  refusal  to  recognize 
the  American  claims  was  as  positive  and  deci 
sive  as  that  of  Russell  •  had  been.  Secretary 
Seward  then  informed  the  British  Government 
that  no  further  efforts  for  arbitration  would  be 
made ;  but  some  time  later  he  transmitted  a  list 
of  claims  for  which  the  British  Government 
would  be  held  responsible. 


THE  ALABAMA  CLAIMS  22Q 

In  May,  1868,  Mr.  Adams,  after  a  long  and 
most  faithful  service,  retired  from  his  mission, 
and  Mr.  Reverdy  Johnson  of  Maryland,  an 
aged  and  highly  respected  citizen  who  had  won 
National  fame  in  the  cabinet  of  Zachary  Taylor 
and  by  his  long  service  in  the  Senate,  was 
appointed  to  the  Court  of  St.  James.  The 
British  ministry  was  now  changed,  Mr.  Glad 
stone  succeeding  Mr.  Disraeli  as  premier,  and 
Lord  Clarendon  becoming  minister  of  foreign 
affairs.  In  a  very  brief  time  the  Johnson- 
Clarendon  Treaty  was  arranged.  This  treaty 
made  no  mention  of  the  important  demands  of 
the  United  States ;  it  simply  provided  that  a 
joint  commission  be  appointed  to  arrange  and 
settle  the  claims  of  private  individuals  of  each 
nation  upon  the  other.  The  American  public 
was  greatly  disappointed.  The  Senate  made 
short  work  of  the  treaty.  A  two-thirds  vote 
was  necessary  to  its  adoption,  and  it  received 
but  a  single  aye  when  the  ballot  was  taken. 
The  British  public  now  began  to  feel,  what  the 
Americans  had  long  felt,  that  there  was  some 
thing  serious  between  the  two  nations.  This 
feeling  was  greatly  intensified  by  a  speech 


230      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

made  in  the  Senate  by  Charles  Sumner  while 
the  treaty  was  pending.  In  this  speech  Mr. 
Sumner,  always  a  radical,  made  the  most  ex 
travagant  claims.  He  placed  our  loss  through 
the  capture  and  burning  of  American  vessels 
at  about  $i 5,000,000,  the  loss  to  our  carrying 
trade  about  $110,000,000;  but  Sumner  did  not 
stop  here.  He  stated  further  that  the  prolon 
gation  of  the  war  was  traceable  directly  to  Eng 
land,  that  the  war  was  doubtless  doubled  in 
duration  on  account  of  National  losses  sustained 
through  that  country's  intervention,  and  he 
intimated  further  that  the  British  Government 
should  be  called  to  pay  a  large  portion  of  the 
expenses  of  the  war.  This  meant  that  a  thou 
sand  million  dollars,  at  least,  of  the  war  expenses 
should  be  demanded  of  that  government. 

The  new  Administration  had  now  been  in 
stalled  ;  General  Grant  was  President  and  Ham 
ilton  Fish  secretary  of  state.  It  was  first 
believed  that  the  President  and  his  secretary 
were  in  sympathy  with  Sumner 's  extravagant 
and  preposterous  claim,  but  in  fact  they  were 
astonished  at  the  extreme  position  taken  by  the 
senator.  Grant's  disapproval  of  Sumner's  posi- 


THE  ALABAMA   CLAIMS  231 

tion  soon  reached  the  latter's  ears,  and  a  cool 
ness  sprang  up  between  them  which  increased 
until  they  became  personal  enemies,  nor  were 
they  ever  afterward  reconciled.  Sumner's  claim 
was  based,  not  wholly  on  the  ravages  of  the 
Alabama  and  other  cruisers,  but  more  especially 
on  the  Queen's  hasty  and  unnecessary  recog 
nition  of  southern  belligerent  rights  in  May, 
1 86 1.  This  proclamation  had  given  the  rebel 
lion  a  standing  throughout  the  world,  and  had 
led  other  nations  to  imitate  the  example  of 
England.  No  other  nation,  however,  had  gone 
so  far  as  to  permit  within  its  harbors  the  fitting 
out  of  Confederate  cruisers. 

President  Grant  agreed  with  Mr.  Sumner  and 
the  American  people  that  this  action  of  the 
English  sovereign  was  hasty  and  unnecessary, 
and  certainly  showed  at  least  a  want  of  friendly 
feeling  toward  the  United  States ;  but  he  re 
garded  it  within  the  competence  of  any  inde 
pendent  power,  nor  did  it  furnish  any  ground 
for  a  claim  of  damages. 

A  year  passed  and  nothing  further  was  done. 
In  December,  1870,  the  President,  in  his  annual 
message,  stated  that  his  firm  and  unalterable 


232      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

conviction  was  that  the  United  States  had  just 
cause  of  complaint,  and  he  recommended  that 
the  United  States  Government  assume  and  pay 
all  private  claims  of  American  citizens  against 
England  and  thus  make  the  matter  a  purely 
international  affair.  The  message  made  a  pro 
found  impression  in  London,1  and  it  speedily 
awakened  the  British  ministry  to  action.  A 
month  after  the  message  was  sent  to  Congress, 
Sir  John  Rose,  a  London  banker,  reached 
Washington  on  a  secret  mission.  He  had  been 
sent  to  ascertain  in  an  informal  way  if  the 
United  States  was  willing  to  open  negotiations 
for  the  settlement  of  pending  controversies. 
He  found  a  ready  and  favorable  response  to 
his  inquiries,  and  on  the  26th  of  January 
Sir  Edward  Thornton,  English  minister  at 
Washington,  proposed,  on  the  authority  of  his 
Government,  a  Joint  High  Commission  to  sit  at 
Washington  to  discuss  the  pending  questions. 
Twenty-seven  days  later  the  British  members 
of  this  commission  landed  in  America.  In  such 
haste  did  they  leave  their  country  that  they  left 
their  commissions  behind  them.  These  were 

1  Elaine,  Vol.  II.  p.  495. 


THE  ALABAMA   CLAIMS  233 

sent  later  by  a  special  messenger.  Such  extraor 
dinary  haste,  after  the  matter  had  been  pend 
ing  for  five  or.  six  years,  was  based  on  a  twofold 
ground :  first,  the  very  decided  stand  taken  by 
President  Grant  in  his  message  to  Congress ,' 
second,  the  Franco-Prussian  War.  In  reference 
to  the  latter,  Lord  Granville  had  said  in  the 
House  of  Lords  that  there  was  "  cause  to  look 
with  solicitude  on  the  uneasy  relations  of  the 
British  Government  with  the  United  States  and 
the  inconvenience  thereof  in  case  of  possible 
complications  in  Europe." 

This  covered  the  case  exactly.  If  England 
had  become  embroiled  in  that  European  war, 
and  the  "  Alabama  Claims  "  had  yet  remained 
unsettled,  irreparable  damage  would  no  doubt 
have  resulted  to  British  commerce;  for  this  Gov 
ernment  could  not  have  been  expected  to  take 
the  trouble  to  prevent  armed  vessels  hostile  to 
England  from  being  fitted  out  in  American 
harbors. 

The   Treaty  of  Washington 

The  Joint  High  Commission  was  composed 
of  men  of  the  highest  character  and  standing  in 


234      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

the  two  nations.1  They  began  their  sittings 
early  in  March,  met  thirty-four  times,  finished 
and  signed  the  treaty  on  May  the  8th.  It  was 
ratified  by  the  Senate  the  same  month,  by  the 
British  Government  in  June,  and  was  proclaimed 
in  force  by  President  Grant  on  the  4th  of 
July. 

The  Treaty  of  Washington  provided  for  the 
settlement  of  the  fisheries  question  between  the 
United  States  and  Canada,  for  the  settlement 
of  the  northwest  boundary  of  the  United  States, 
for  the  adjustment  of  English  claims  against 
America,  and  above  all  for  settling  of  the  long 
standing  irritating  question  of  the  Alabama 
Claims.  It  is  with  this  last,  which,  however, 
stood  first  in  the  treaty,  that  we  have  to  deal. 
In  the  first  place  the  British  Commissioners, 
authorized  by  the  Queen,  expressed  the  regret 
of  her  Majesty's  Government  for  the  escape  of 
the  Alabama  and  other  vessels  from  British 


1The  United  States  was  represented  by  Hamilton  Fish,  sec 
retary  of  state,  Robert  C.  Schenk,  Samuel  Nelson,  E.  R.  Hoar, 
and  G.  H.  Williams  ;  Great  Britain  was  represented  by  Earl 
de  Grey  and  Ripon,  Sir  Stafford  Northcote,  Sir  Edward  Thorn 
ton,  Sir  John  A.  Macdonald,  and  Professor  Montague  Bernard. 


THE   ALABAMA   CLAIMS  235 

ports  and  for  the  depredations  committed  by 
those  vessels.  This  was  followed  by  the  adop 
tion  of  three  rules,  which,  it  was  agreed,  should 
have  a  retroactive,  or  ex  post  facto  effect,  so  as 
to  apply  to  the  case  in  hand. 

The  rules  in  substance  were  as  follows  :  A 
neutral  nation  is  bound,  first,  to  use  due  diligence 
to  prevent  the  fitting  out  or  arming  of  any  ves 
sels  intended  to  make  war  upon  a  nation  with 
which  it  is  at  peace ;  second,  it  must  not  permit 
either  belligerent  to  use  its  ports  or  waters  as  a 
base  of  naval  operations  against  the  other ; 
third,  it  must  exercise  due  diligence  within  its 
jurisdiction  to  prevent  any  violation  of  the  above 
named  duties. 

The  treaty  then  provided  for  a  Court  of  Arbi 
tration  to  meet  at  Geneva,  Switzerland,  and  to 
be  composed  of  five  persons,  no  two  of  whom 
should  belong  to  the  same  country. 

).'-:>; •-•••!: /!•'•:   -'vn  rnm>'>  •  <.•?;•.:   .•jn''«*  vd    Ujiirt 
The  Geneva  Conference 

Of  the  five  men  composing  the  Court  of 
Arbitration  at  Geneva,  one  each  was  appointed 
by  the  President  of  the  United  States,  the 
Queen  of  England,  the  King  of  Italy,  the  Em- 


236      SIDE  LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

peror  of  Brazil,  and  the  President  of  the 
Swiss  Republic.  President  Grant  appointed  to 
represent  our  country  Charles  Francis  Adams, 
ex-minister  to  England,  the  son  of  a  former 
President  and  the  grandson  of  another.  Sir 
Alexander  Cockburn,  lord  chief  justice  of 
England,  became  the  British  representative. 
The  King  of  Italy  appointed  Count  Sclopis 
of  Turin,  a  man  of  an  eminent  family,  a  dis 
tinguished  lawyer,  judge,  and  man  of  letters, 
whose  reputation  covered  all  Europe.  The 
President  of  the  Swiss  Republic  chose  Jacques 
Staempfli,  and  the  Emperor  of  Brazil  the  Vis 
count  d'ltajuba,  his  minister  to  Paris.  These 
men  were  all  of  the  highest  respectability  and 
eminence  in  their  respective  countries.  A 
few  of  them  enjoyed  a  world-wide  fame.  It 
was  generally  believed  that  their  decision, 
whatever  it  might  be,  would  be  accepted  as 
final  by  'the  two  countries  interested. 

The  first  session  of  the  tribunal  took  place 
on  December  15,  1871,  and  Count  Sclopis 
was  selected  as  chairman.  The  claims  put 
forth  by  Bancroft  Davis,  the  agent  for  the 
United  States  were  based  on  the  actual 


THE  ALABAMA   CLAIMS  237 

damage  done  by  the  cruisers  in  question,  the 
enhanced  insurance  rates  caused  by  the  greater 
peril  to  United  States  shipping,  the  cost  of 
pursuing  the  Confederate  cruisers,  and  the 
transfer  of  American  vessels  to  the  British 
flag.  In  addition  to  these,  there  was  a  claim 
for  damages  on  account  of  the  prolongation 
of  the  war,  caused  by  the  negligence  of  the 
British  Government.  This  last  was  called 
"indirect  claims"  for  "consequential"  damages. 
This  claim  was  by  no  means  so  extravagant 
as  that  of  Senator  Sumner ;  but  nevertheless 
it  was  enough  to  raise  a  storm  of  protest  in 
England.  The  more  conservative  Americans 
agreed  that  this  indirect  or  consequential 
claim  was  not  warranted  by  the  facts  in  the 
case. 

While  the  British  public  was  in  a  furor  of 
excitement  over  the  claim,  and  the  Americans, 
half-hearted,  seemed  to  regret  having  made  it, 
the  Geneva  tribunal  ended  the  suspense  by 
throwing  it  out  as  "not  good  foundation  for 
an  award  of  compensation  or  computation  of 
damages," — and  both  countries  breathed  freer. 
It  also  decided  that  no  compensation  be 


238       SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

allowed  for  the  cost  of  pursuit  of  the  Con 
federate  cruisers,  as  this  was  not  distinguish 
able  from  the  general  expenses  of  the  war. 
Finally,  however,  the  tribunal  decided  that 
the  British  Government  had  failed  to  use  due 
diligence  in  the  performance  of  its  neutral 
obligations,  and  that  it  pay  the  United  States 
fifteen  and  a  half  million  dollars  in  gold  as 
damages  in  settlement  of  the  Alabama  Claims. 
Chief  Justice  Cockburn,  who  represented  Brit 
ish  interests,  alone  cast  a  negative  vote,  and 
refused  to  sign  the  article  when  completed. 
The  Conference  finished  its  work  on  Septem 
ber  14,  1872;  both  countries  accepted  the 
verdict  as  final,  and  the  troublesome  question 
was  settled.  This  Alabama  affair  has  been 
pronounced  the  most  unfortunate  blunder  in 
her  foreign  policy  in  the  history  of  the  British 
monarchy ; 1  but,  instead  of  rushing  to  arms, 
the  two  nations  wisely  decided  to  settle  the 
matter  in  a  friendly  way.  Thus  a  great  vic 
tory  was  scored  for  arbitration  and  a  most 
salutary  precedent  for  the  future  was  estab 
lished. 

1  The  Nation,  Vol.  XIV.  p.  84. 


CHAPTER   X 

THE  LIBERAL  REPUBLICAN  MOVEMENT  OF  1872 

PERHAPS  no  political  party  in  American  his 
tory  was  founded  on  purer  and  more  unself 
ish  motives  than  the  Republican  party.  The 
party  was  at  first  composed  of  discordant  ele 
ments, —  old  line  Whigs,  who,  since  the  hopeless 
wreck  of  their  party,  had  wandered  homeless, 
unwilling  to  join  themselves  to  their  ancient 
enemy,  the  party  that  had  overthrown  their 
own ;  the  Know-Nothings,  who,  despite  their 
party  name  had  come  to  know  something, 
namely,  that  their  party,  after  its  drastic 
defeat  in  Virginia  in  1855  could  rise  no  more; 
and  the  anti-Nebraska  Democrats,  who  had 
broken  the  instincts  of  a  lifetime,  and  torn 
themselves  away  from  the  old  party  for  con 
science'  sake.  Discordant  elements  they  were 
for  the  most  part;  but  in  one  respect  they 
were  in  accord,  —  non-extension  of  slavery,  — 
and  this  became  the  corner-stone  of  the  great 
239 


240      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

structure  of  Republicanism.  But  no  political 
party  in  these  latter  times  will  rule  the  coun 
try  long  without  losing,  in  a  great  measure, 
its  original  purity,  without  falling,  to  some 
extent,  into  the  hands  of  self-seeking  dema 
gogues  ;  and  especially  is  this  true  at  a  time 
of  a  great  social  upheaval  as  was  the  Civil 
War,  when  offices  are  multiplied,  when  the 
military  grows  insolent  in  its  sway  over  the 
civil  authority  —  still  more  especially  when 
the  party  in  power  grows  so  great  as  to 
monopolize  government,  and  its  opposing 
rival  becomes  so  weak  that  its  protesting 
voice  can  be  heard  but  faintly. 

Such  was  the  condition  in  the  early  sixties, 
and  the  Republican  party  proved  no  excep 
tion  to  the  rule.  The  achievements  of  the 
Republican  party  during  the  first  eight  years 
of  its  power  were  far  greater  than  those  of 
any  other  party  in  our  history  during  an 
equal  period.  But  the  canker-worm  had 
begun  its  work.  The  unfortunate  quarrel  on 
reconstruction  left  its  wound ;  this  was  deep 
ened  by  the  impeachment  of  President  John 
son.  But,  worst  of  all,  the  party  now  elected 


LIBERAL   REPUBLICAN   MOVEMENT  OF    1872      241 

a  President  who  lacked  the  capacity  of  a 
business  man,  and  was  without  political  train 
ing  —  a  President  who  was  a  soldier,  a  true 
soldier,  but  only  a  soldier  —  a  President  who 
was  honest,  too  honest  to  suspect  and  watch 
the  dishonest  man. 

As  the  first  presidential  term  of  General 
Grant  drew  near  its  ending,  it  was  found  that 
many  leading  Republicans  had  become  pro 
foundly  dissatisfied  with  the  working  of  the 
party.  Among  these  we  find  Curtin  and 
McClure  of  Pennsylvania,  Leonard  Sweet  and 
Lyman  Trumbull  of  Illinois,  Chase  and  Stanley 
Matthews  of  Ohio,  Seward  and  Greeley  and 
Dana  of  New  York ;  to  these  must  be  added 
such  men  as  Justice  Field,  Cassius  M.  Clay, 
Carl  Schurz,  the  mouth-piece  of  the  German- 
Americans,  Charles  Sumner,  the  great  Massa 
chusetts  senator,  and  Charles  Francis  Adams. 
These  were  surrounded  by  a  multitude  of 
followers  in  every  stage  of  political  impor 
tance,  and  supported  by  such  great  daily 
papers  as  the  New  York  Tribune,  the 
Chicago  Tribune,  and  the  Cincinnati  Commer 
cial.  That  some  of  these  men  had  personal 

VOL.  II.  —  R 


242       SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

grievances  against  the  Administration  cannot 
be  denied,  but  to  attribute  the  great  defec 
tion  wholly  or  mainly  to  such  a  cause  is  a 
perversion  of  history. 

The  Cincinnati  Convention 

The  "  Liberal  Republican "  movement  had 
its  beginning  in  Missouri,  where  the  Adminis 
tration  party  refused  .to  restore  the  ex-Con 
federates  of  the  State  to  civil  rights.  A  more 
liberal  element  of  the  party,  however,  led  by 
Carl  Schurz  and  Frank  P.  Blair,  favored  re 
moving  all  disabilities  caused  by  the  war, 
joined  themselves  to  the  Democrats,  elected 
B.  Gratz  Brown  governor,  and  effected  their 
object.  The  uprising  in  Missouri  was  local 
in  its  scope,  but  as  an  anti-administration 
movement  it  found  a  ready  response  from 
disaffected  Republicans  in  all  parts  of  the 
country.  This  anti-Grant  feeling  in  the  vari 
ous  States  was  not  generally  based  on  the 
same  ground  as  that  in  Missouri ;  it  arose 
from  a  widespread  feeling  of  distrust,  from 
a  belief  that  the  President  was  incapable  of 
curbing  the  wily  politician  in  quest  of  plunder, 


LIBERAL   REPUBLICAN   MOVEMENT   OF    1872       243 

and  from  the  fact  that  the  President  persisted 
in  appointing  to  office  many  of  his  relatives 
and  friends  regardless  of  their  fitness.  The 
Missouri  Liberals  were  pleased  at  the  favor 
able  reception  of  their  movement  by  a  large 
number  of  their  fellow-Republicans  in  other 
States,  and  when  they  perceived  that  Grant 
was  sure  to  be  renominated  by  the  majority 
of  the  party,  they  met  in  State  convention, 
and  called  a  National  convention  to  meet  at 
Cincinnati  on  the  1st  of  May,  1872. 

The  Cincinnati  convention  was  a  great 
gathering ;  it  represented  much  of  the  best 
brains  of  the  party  that  had  controlled  the 
country  during  the  war  period.  They  repre 
sented  no  great  party,  but  a  disaffected  ele 
ment  of  a  party.  They  were  not  sent  to  the 
convention ;  they  came  of  their  own  accord, 
and  their  object  was  to  prevent  the  reelec 
tion  of  President  Grant.  At  first  the  leaders 
were  in  doubt  whether  it  were  better  to 
put  an  opposition  candidate  in  the  field,  or 
simply  to  exert  a  moral  influence  strong 
enough  to  prevent  the  selection  of  Grant  by 
the  coming  Republican  Convention  at  Phila- 


244      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

delphia.1  Had  the  regular  party  been  willing 
to  sacrifice  Grant,  the  Liberal  element  would 
have  no  doubt  dissolved.  But  as  this  could 
not  be,  it  was  determined  to  nominate  an 
opposing  candidate  at  Cincinnati.  The  ele 
ments  here  gathered  were  as  discordant  as 
those  composing  the  original  Republican  party 
in  1856;  but  on  one  point  they  agreed  — 
opposition  to  Grant.  They  put  forth  a  plat 
form  of  principles  in  which  they  professed 
to  be  still  Republicans,  but  opposed  to  cor 
ruption  of  the  civil  service,  to  the  supremacy 
of  the  military  over  the  civil  power,  to  the 
continued  disability  of  ex-Confederate  sol 
diers.  They  also  expressed  their  opinion, 
as  a  direct  thrust  at  Grant,  that  "no  Presi 
dent  ought  to  be  a  candidate  for  reelection." 
On  the  tariff  question  the  convention  could 
not  agree.  Many  were  free  traders,  others 
were  avowed  protectionists ;  and  on  this  they 
agreed  to  disagree  by  acknowledging  their 
difference  and  waiving  the  question. 

The  great  question  before  the  convention  was 
the  choosing  of  a  candidate  for  President.     The 

1  The  Nation,  Vol.  XV.  p.  20. 


LIBERAL   REPUBLICAN   MOVEMENT  OF   1872      245 

success  of  the  whole  movement  depended  on 
this.  There  was  already  a  tacit  understanding 
between  the  Liberals  and  the  Democrats  that 
the  latter  would  ratify  the  nominations  of  the 
former.  It  was  necessary,  therefore,  for  the 
Liberals  to  nominate  a  true  Liberal,  a  mild, 
broad-minded  Republican,  who  could  com 
mand  the  respect  and  support  of  the  old-time 
Democrats.  . 

Four  prominent  names  were  before  the  con 
vention  ;  those  of  David  Davis  and  Lyman 
Trumbull  of  Illinois,  Charles  Francis  Adams 
and  Horace  Greeley  of  New  York.  Any  one 
of  the  first  three  would  have  been  very  accepta 
ble  to  the  Democrats.  The  convention  nomi 
nated  the  fourth.  For  many  weeks  before  the 
convention  met  the  name  of  Adams  was  the 
most  talked  of.  Adams  had  done  valiant  ser 
vice  during  the  war  at  the  court  of  St.  James, 
and  the  traditions  of  his  name  had  much  to  do 
with  his  general  prestige.  But  Adams,  like  his 
father  and  grandfather,  was  cold,  distant,  and 
wanting  in  the  winning  arts  of  the  politician  ; 
and,  true  to  his  ancestral  precedents,  he  made  a 
serious  blunder  at  the  very  moment  when  dis 


246      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN    HISTORY 

creet  silence  might  have  won  him  the  prize. 
He  telegraphed  his  friends  at  Cincinnati  that, 
rather  than  make  any  pledges  for  his  honesty, 
they  should  "take  him  out  of  that  crowd." 
There  were  many  in  "  that  crowd "  who  re 
sented  the  apparent  reflection,  and  cast  their 
votes  in  another  direction.  Trumbull  was  con 
sidered  less  seriously  than  the  other  three.  Davis 
had  a  powerful  following,  and  many  believed  he 
would  be  the  choice  of  the  convention ;  but  the 
Adams  men  declared  they  would  not  support 
Davis  if  nominated.  This  narrowed  the  fight 
down  to  Adams  and  Greeley.  On  the  first  bal 
lot  Adams  led  with  a  little  over  200  votes,  the 
New  York  editor  coming  second  with  147.  On 
each  succeeding  ballot  Adams  lost  and  Greeley 
gained,  until  the  latter  was  nominated  on  the 

sixth. 

Horace  Greeley 

The  presidential  nominee  of  the  Liberal  Re 
publicans  in  1872  was,  with  the  exception  of  the 
President,  the  most  conspicuous  character  in  the 
United  States ;  and  while  Grant  had  recently 
loomed,  first  upon  the  military,  then  upon  the 
political,  horizon  with  the  suddenness  of  a 


LIBERAL   REPUBLICAN   MOVEMENT   OF   1872      247 

meteor,  Greeley  had  shone  from  the  zenith  as 
a  star  of  the  first  magnitude  for  a  generation. 
While  Grant  was  yet  a  boy  in  knickerbockers 
on  his  father's  farm  in  southern  Ohio,  Greeley 
was  experimenting  in  the  nation's  metropolis 
with  the  first  one-cent  daily  ever  issued ;  while 
Grant  was  an  unknown  cadet  at  West  Point, 
Greeley  was  in  the  midst  of  the  memorable 
political  battle  of  1840,  and  through  his  Log 
Cabin,  with  its  half  a  million  readers,  was  doing 
more  to  elect  General  Harrison  than  any  other 
man ;  while  Grant  was  hoeing  potatoes  and 
hauling  cordwood  in  Missouri,  or  working  in 
his  father's  tannery  in  Illinois,  already  a  middle- 
aged  man,  and  perhaps  without  a  dream  of  fu 
ture  greatness,  Greeley  was  the  proprietor  of 
the  New  York  Tribune  and  the  acknowledged 
prince  of  American  editors. 

Horace  Greeley,  the  son  of  an  itinerant 
farmer,  was  born  in  the  Granite  State  in  the 
year  of  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe.  When  the 
boy  was  six  years  old,  the  father  became  a  bank 
rupt,  lost  his  farm  and  his  home,  and  he  mi 
grated  with  his  little  family  to  Vermont,  where 
his  success  in  gaining  a  livelihood  was  little 


248      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

better.  When  Horace  grew  to  be  a  lad  of  fif 
teen,  (and  an  awkward,  ill-dressed,  unattractive, 
towhead  lad  he  was),  he  walked  many  miles  to 
a  town  in  which  he  had  heard  that  a  newspaper 
was  printed,  for  he  was  resolved  to  be  an  edi 
tor.  He  obtained  a  position  and  astonished  the 
proprietor  of  the  paper  by  writing  editorials 
from  the  beginning,  the  best  and  wittiest  the 
paper  had  ever  contained.  A  few  years  later 
we  find  him  in  the  same  business  in  Erie,  Penn 
sylvania,  near  which  town  his  roving  father  had 
found  in  the  wilderness  another  home.  As  young 
Horace  grew  to  manhood,  his  vision  broadened 
and  he  determined  to  strike  out  in  the  great 
world,  and  win  for  himself  the  best  that  his  tal 
ents  could  procure.  He  went  to  the  city  of  New 
York.  After  a  long  and  laborious  journey,  he 
reached  the  metropolis,  with  ambition  in  his 
soul  and  nothing  in  his  pocket.  After  years  of 
unwearied  toil,  years  filled  with  failures  and 
successes,  Greeley  stepped  forth  into  the  public 
gaze  as  the  foremost  editor  of  New  York  City, 
and  New  York  City  led  the  nation  in  journal 
ism.  From  this  time  on  to  the  end  of  his  long 
career,  he  held  his  lofty  position  without  a 


LIBERAL   REPUBLICAN   MOVEMENT  OF   1872      249 

rival ;  and  even  to  this  day  no  one  in  American 
history  has  risen  in  the  field  of  journalism  who 
can  be  favorably  compared  with  Horace  Greeley. 

Such  was  the  man  whom  the  Liberal  Republi 
cans  nominated  in  1872.  And  herein  lay  his 
weakness  as  a  candidate ;  he  had  been  a  con 
spicuous  editor  for  so  many  years,  he  was  a 
man  of  convictions,  positive  opinions  on  all 
public  questions,  and  he  had  expressed  them 
freely.  Thus  he  had  made  enemies  in  the  house 
of  his  friends  as  well  as  elsewhere,  and  many  of 
his  enemies  were  powerful  and  irreconcilable. 

But  the  most  serious  menace  to  success  was 
in  the  attitude  of  the  Democrats.  They  well 
knew  that  they  could  not  hope  for  success  at 
the  polls  unless  they  joined  the  Liberals,  but 
Greeley  was  the  least  acceptable  of  all  the 
Republicans  that  might  have  been  named.  He 
had  been  a  violent  opponent  of  the  Democracy 
for  more  than  thirty  years,  and  there  was  not  a 
leading  man  in  the  party  who  had  not  felt  the 
weight  of  his  blows.  His  nomination  at  first 
produced  consternation  among  the  Democrats 
of  the  whole  country ;  but  as  the  weeks  passed 
and  the  leaders  realized  the  absolute  hopeless- 


250      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

ness  of  winning  on  a  separate  ticket,  it  was 
decided  to  swallow  the  medicine,  however  bitter, 
and  Greeley  was  nominated  by  the  Democratic 
convention  at  Baltimore  in  July.1 

The  Campaign 

The  campaign  of  1872  was  an  anomalous  one. 
Never  before  in  American  history  had  a  great 
political  party  supported  a  candidate  whose 
whole  career  had  been  one  of  unrelenting 
antagonism  to  that  party.  Henry  Clay  had 
been  a  member  of  the  Democratic  party  for 
many  years  before  he  broke  away  from  it, 
founded  the  Whig  party,  and  became  its  candi 
date  for  the  presidency.  James  Buchanan  was 
3ucf  ,<jl*ns<fLI  irffj  bwio^  yariJ.  ««^»M  -;to<|  btiJ 

1  A  story  went  the  rounds  which  compared  the  Democratic 
party  to  an  aged  preacher  whose  habit  in  announcing  hymns 
was  to  take  the  first  one  that  met  his  eye  on  opening  his  hymn- 
book.  A  practical  joker  pasted  in  the  book  the  rhymed  doggerel 
oeginning,  — 

"  Old  Grimes  is  dead,  the  good  old  soul, 

1         11  V- 

We  shall  never  see  him  more." 

The  preacher  opened  the  book  at  this  place,  read  the  "hymn," 
and  then  slowly  raised  his  eyes  and  said  :  "  Brethren,  I  have 
been  using  this  hymn-book  for  thirty  years,  and  I  never  saw 
this  in  it  before  ;  but  here  it  is,  and  we'll  sing  it  if  it  kills  us." 
So  the  Democrats  would  accept  Greeley  if  it  killed  them. 


LIBERAL   REPUBLICAN    MOVEMENT   OF    1872      251 

a  Federalist  in  early  life,  but  he  had  long  since 
abandoned  his  first  love  and  had  been  for  many 
years  a  leader  in  the  councils  of  the  Democrats 
before  he  was  made  President  by  them.  Zachary 
Taylor  had  never  identified  himself  with  any 
political  party  when  nominated  for  the  presi 
dency  by  the  Whigs  in  1848.  And  even  Grant 
had  voted  with  the  Democracy  in  1856,  but 
during  and  after  the  war  became  fully  identified 
with  the  Republicans.  But  Horace  Greeley  had 
been,  from  the  time  he  entered  public  life  up  to 
the  moment  of  his  nomination,  the  most  bitter 
and  implacable  foe  with  which  the  Democrats 
had  to  contend.  Could  they  now  support  this 
man  for  the  great  office  ? 

While  the  Democratic  party  as  such  sup 
ported  him,  there  were  many  thousands  of  the 
rank  and  file,  especially  of  the  older  men  who 
had  passed  through  the  political  contests  of 
antebellum  days,  who  refused  to  be  brought 
into  line  by  the  party  lash.  They  remained 
away  from  the  polls  and  thus  kept  the  vote  for 
the  New  York  editor  far  below  the  expectations 
of  his  friends.  Another  source  of  weakness 
arose  from  the  opposite  direction,  Many 


252      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Republicans  who  had  favored  the  Liberal  move 
ment  at  first  now  became  alarmed  at  finding 
themselves  in  Democratic  company  and  hastened 
to  get  back  to  their  friends  before  election  time. 
The  most  effective  campaign  argument  of  the 
regular  Republicans  who  supported  General 
Grant  was  that  the  great  majority  of  Greeley 
supporters  were  Democrats,  and  if  he  were 
elected  it  would  be  a  Democratic  victory,  a  turn 
ing  of  the  Government  over  to  the  Democratic 
party.  It  was  too  soon,  they  argued,  it  was 
dangerous,  to  intrust  the  Government  with  all  the 
hard-won  fruits  of  the  war  to  the  unreformed 
Democracy,  to  a  party  that  had  pronounced  the 
war  a  failure  but  eight  years  before,  a  party 
that  was  unfriendly  to  the  last  three  amend 
ments  to  the  Constitution  and  to  the  freedmen 
of  the  South,  a  party  that  included  all  the  old 
slaveholders  and  ex-rebels.  This  was  made  the 
main  issue  by  the  Republican  orators  and  editors, 
and  it  resulted  in  reclaiming  thousands  of  voters 
who  had  but  a  few  months  before  fully  intended 
to  cast  their  lot  with  the  Liberals.  They  pre 
ferred,  on  a  second  thought,  to  bear  the  ills  they 
had,  rather  than  fly  to  others  they  knew  not  of. 


LIBERAL   REPUBLICAN   MOVEMENT  OF    1872      253 

The  Greeley  orators,  on  the  other  hand, 
rang  many  changes  on  Grant's  civic  incapac 
ity,  on  his  debauching  of  the  civil  service,  and 
on  the  corrupt  carpet-bag  governments  in  the 
South.  They  were  answered  that  Greeley's 
record  proved  that  the  civil  service  would  be 
no  better  in  his  hands,  that  Grant  was  not  re 
sponsible  for  the  carpet-bag  governments,  and 
that  Greeley,  with  all  his  prestige  as  an  editor 
and  his  ability  as  a  writer,  was  as  utterly  with 
out  experience  in  executive  office  as  Grant  had 
been  before  his  first  election.  Greeley  was  also 
taken  severely  to  task  for  his  attitude  at  the 
beginning  of  the  war,  when  he  counselled  that 
the  North  permit  the  southern  sisters  to  "  de 
part  in  peace,"  and  after  its  close,  when  he 
signed  the  bail  bond  of  Jefferson  Davis.  This 
last  was  effectually  answered  by  the  statement 
that  it  was  no  less  culpable  for  the  Supreme 
Court  to  admit  Davis  to  bail  with  the  approval 
of  President  Grant  than  to  sign  his  bond  —  nor 
for  General  Grant  to  extend  a  practical  pardon 
to  Lee  and  his  army  on  their  surrender  at 
Appomattox. 

The   campaign   was    not   without    its    torch- 


254      SIDE  LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

light  procession  element.1  It  was  even  com 
pared  with  the  memorable  campaign  of  1840, 
in  which  Greeley,  then  a  young  man,  was  a 
most  conspicuous  figure. 

1  Here   are   a   few   specimens   of   the  songs,  made  for  the 
occasion :  — 

"  Hiram  had  a  little  lamb, 
T-m-y  was  his  name, 
Shouting  the  battle-cry  of  plunder; 
And  every  time  the  master  robbed, 
The  lamb  would  do  the  same, 
Shouting  the  battle-cry  of  plunder. 

CHORUS  — Greeley  forever!  Hurrah!  boys,  hurrah! 
Pack  off  Ulysses  to  dwell  with  his  pa. 
We'll  rally  round  the  flag,  boys, 
We'll  rally  once  again, 
Shouting  for  Greeley  and  the  Union." 

Another  ran  thus : 

"  Old  Horace  Greeley's  come  to  town 
With  his  old  white  hat  and  B.  Gratz  Brown. 
Whene'er  you  see  the  old  white  hat, 
You  know  there's  something  under  that. 
Go  away,  Ulysses  Grant, 
You  can't  come  in,  because  you  can't, 
To  rule  the  country  like  an  honest  man; 
But  Uncle  Horace  says  he  can." 

On  the  other  side  we  find : 

"  Who  is  this  Horace  Greeley,  Pa, 
That  people  call  so  wise  ? 


LIBERAL   REPUBLICAN   MOVEMENT  OF   1872     255 

When  the  arguments  were  exhausted  and 
the  songs  well  worn,  both  sides  stooped  to  per 
sonalities  and  vituperation,  known  in  our  politi 
cal  parlance  as  "  mud  slinging."  Greeley  was 
much  stronger  in  the  West  and  South  than  in 
his  own  locality.  Late  in  the  summer  he  made 
a  tour  of  some  weeks'  duration  through  Ohio, 
Indiana,  and  other  States,  and  many  thousands 
of  people  flocked  to  the  towns  and  railway  sta- 

Is  he  some  giant  tail  enough 
To  reach  unto  the  skies  ? 

"  Oh,  no,  my  child,  about  as  large 
As  I,  or  Governor  Brown; 
'Twas  not  his  stature  made  him  great, 
Or  won  him  his  renown. 

•'  But  he  it  is  who  nobly  bailed 
Jeff  Davis  from  his  cell, 
And  now  we  want  for  President 
The  man  whq  did  so  well." 

And  another : 

"  The  Ku-Klux-Klan 
Don't  like  our  man, 
To  beat  him  they 
Will  plot  and  plan. 
But  Ku-Klux-Klan 
May  rave  and  rant; 
Beat  Grant  they  can't, 
They  can't  beat  Grant," 


256      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

tions  to  see  the  great  editor,  whose  pen  had 
entertained  and  instructed  them  and  their  fathers 
before  them  for  many  years.  His  speeches 
made  on  this  tour  were  noted  for  their  conserva 
tism,  their  wisdom,  and  their  tact.  For  the  first 
time  since  Greeley's  nomination  the  Grant  man 
agers  began  to  feel  alarmed. 

Several  States  held  elections  early  in  the  au 
tumn,  and  these  elections  were  now  looked  for 
ward  to  by  both  sides  with  the  keenest  interest. 
North  Carolina  was  the  first  of  these  early  voting 
States,  and  both  sides  claimed  the  State  beyond 
the  peradventure  of  a  doubt  up  to  the  closing 
of  the  polls  on  election  day.  The  regular  Re 
publicans  carried  the  State  by  a  fair  majority, 
and  the  Greeleyites  now  turned  their  attention 
to  Vermont  and  Maine,  which  were  to  hold  State 
elections  a  few  weeks  later.  But  these  States 
followed  the  example  of  North  Carolina.  As 
the  autumn  passed  Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Indiana, 
and  Nebraska  voted,  and  in  all  of  them  the 
Republicans  were  successful,  except  that  Indiana 
selected  a  Democratic  governor,  though  the  legis 
lature  went  Republican.  The  Greeley  party 
still  maintained  a  bold  front,  and  professed  to 


LIBERAL   REPUBLICAN   MOVEMENT  OF   1872      257 

still  believe  that  their  candidate  would  be  elected 
President ;  but  every  intelligent  man  in  the 
country  knew  that  the  reelection  of  General 
Grant  was  now  inevitable.  And  so  it  came  to 
pass,  Grant  carried  every  State  in  the  North  and 
all  but  six  in  the  South.  Not  since  the  election 
of  Franklin  Pierce  over  General  Scott  in  1852 
had  there  been  such  a  sweeping  victory. 

Mr.  Greeley's  defeat  came  upon  him  like  a 
shock.  It  was  not  the  simple  defeat,  for  that 
was  scarcely  unexpected,  even  by  him,  but  the 
overwhelming  vastness  of  it  that  was  crushing. 
Greeley  was  a  sensitive  soul.  The  praise  or 
blame  of  his  fellow-men  had  always  affected  him 
deeply,  nor  did  his  long  years  of  experience  in 
the  midst  of  political  turmoil  render  him  more 
callous  than  he  had  been  in  his  young  manhood. 
He  had  grown  to  believe,  from  his  great  edito 
rial  success,  that  his  influence  was  vast  and  him 
self  was  one  of  the  most  highly  honored  among 
his  countrymen.  And  now  to  have  his  idol 
shattered  in  a  sudden,  relentless  stroke  was 
more  than  his  sensitive  nature  could  bear. 
When  the  chief  ambition  of  an  ambitious  man 
is  suddenly  shattered  to  fragments,  the  heart 

VOL.  II.  —  S 


258       SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

wound  it  produces  is  usually  mortal.     Only  the 
strongest  nature  can  bear  it. 

Greeley  could  not  realize  that,  of  his  thou 
sands  of  friends,  many  had  voted  against  him 
because  they  feared  that  a  change  in  the  Gov 
ernment  at  that  time  might  not  be  for  the  better, 
but  they  were  still  his  friends  ;  many  others  had 
voted  against  him  because  he  was  in  Democratic 
company.  But  Greeley  could  not  see  this;  he 
saw  only  the  result,  and  this  convinced  him  that 
the  people  did  not  love  him  as  he  had  confi 
dently  believed.  He  did  not  foresee  that  his 
countrymen,  for  generations  after  he  was  gone, 
would  honor  his  memory  and  revere  him  as  one 
of  the  leading  Americans  of  his  time.  More 
over,  he  had  just  suffered  the  loss  of  his  beloved 
wife,  the  companion  of  his  long  struggles,  at 
whose  dying  bedside  he  had  spent  the  closing 
weeks  of  the  exciting  campaign.  Thus  one  mis 
fortune  followed  another,  and  the  burden  was 
too  heavy  to  be  borne.  Ere  the  close  of  the 
month  that  brought  his  great  defeat,  ere  the 
shouts  of  victory  for  his  successful  rival  had 
died  out,  while  the  echoes  were  still  resounding 
and  the  lights  were  still  burning,  Horace  Greeley 


LIBERAL   REPUBLICAN   MOVEMENT  OF   1872      259 

was  dead.  After  a  long  and  tortuous  journey 
—  a  journey  full  of  light  and  shadow,  with  the 
deepest  shadow  at  the  closing  —  the  weary 
traveller  had  come  to  the  end  and  laid  aside  his 
staff. 


CHAPTER   XI 

THE  DISPUTED  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTION  OF 
1876 

ONLY  once  in  the  history  of  our  National 
Government  has  there  been  a  disputed  presi 
dential  election.  Twice  before,  it  is  true,  the 
Electoral  College  had  failed  to  choose  a  Presi 
dent  and  the  election  went  to  the  House  of 
Representatives,  as  provided  by  the  Constitu 
tion  ;J  but  in  neither  case  was  there  any  dispute 
as  to  how  many  votes  had  been  cast  for  each 
candidate.  In  1876,  however,  a  contest  arose 
as  to  which  of  the  candidates  had  received  a 
majority  of  the  electoral  votes  ;  no  decision  was 
reached  for  several  months  after  the  vote  of  the 
people  had  been  cast,  and,  indeed,  the  matter 
was  settled  only  within  a  day  or  two  of  the  time 
of  the  inauguration.  At  various  times,  during 
that  winter  of  suspense,  the  peace  of  the 
country  seemed  to  hang  in  the  balance ;  but  in 

1  First  in  1800  and  again  in  1824. . 
260 


DISPUTED   PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION  OF   1876     26 1 

the  end  the  general  good  sense  and  moderation 
of  the  American  people  prevailed  and  the 
great  question  was  settled  without  serious 
consequences. 

For  sixteen  years  the  Republican  party  had 
held  the  reins  of  Government.  Its  achievements 
were  great  and  of  permanent  value ;  but  it 
made  many  false  steps,  especially  in  the  later 
years,  and  its  hold  upon  the  people  was  corre 
spondingly  weakened.  In  the  congressional 
elections  of  1874  the  Democrats  won  a  sweep 
ing  victory  and  gained  full  control  of  the  Lower 
House.  It  may  seem  strange  that,  considering 
the  record  of  the  Democratic  party  during  the 
war,  it  again  had  control  of  the  popular  branch 
of  Congress  in  less  than  ten  years  after  the 
coming  of  peace.  The  chief  cause  is  found  in 
Republican  blunders.  Had  the  Republican 
party  remained  approximately  as  pure  in  prac 
tice  during  the  first  ten  years  of  supremacy  as 
it  had  been  in  theory  at  its  founding,  its  very 
probity  would  have  destroyed  its  wayward  rivaL 
Our  political  system  is  such  that  a  party  out  of 
power  fattens  on  the  shortcomings  of  the  domi 
nant  party.  To  this  fact  the  Democrats  owed 


262       SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

much  of  their  strength  at  the  time  we  are  treat 
ing.  Even  the  Liberal  Republican  movement  of 
1872,  though  disastrously  defeated  at  the  polls, 
had  proved  a  permanent  benefit  to  the  Demo 
crats.  The  Democratic  party  went  down  in 
the  disaster,  it  is  true  ;  but  it  had  grown  used 
to  such  defeats,  and  it  rose  with  its  usual 
resilience  and  with  the  party  organization  unim 
paired.  The  Liberals,  on  the  other  hand,  did 
not  retain  their  party  organization,  and  while 
the  majority  of  them  returned  to  the  Republi 
can  fold,  there  were  many  who  remained  with 
the  Democrats.  Such  leaders  as  Curtin  and 
McClure  and  Trumbull  and  Ewing,  with  thou 
sands  of  the  rank  and  file  were  henceforth 
identified  with  the  Democratic  party ;  hence 
that  party  was  permanently  strengthened  by  its 
Greeley  escapade  in  1872. 

As  the  presidential  contest  of  the  centennial 
year  approached  the  Democrats  looked  for 
ward  to  it  with  hopefulness,  even  with  confi 
dence,  and  they  were  eager  to  enter  the  arena. 
The  Republicans,  on  the  other  hand,  felt  inse 
cure  in  their  control  of  the  Government.  The 
more  honorable  of  the  party  felt  keenly  the 


DISPUTED    PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION   OF  1876     263 

charges  of  corruption  made  by  their  antago 
nists,  nor  did  they  pretend  to  deny  them. 
Some  of  them  were  open  to  the  world  and 
could  not  be  denied.  At  the  very  time  of  the 
opening  of  the  campaign  a  member  of  Presi 
dent  Grant's  cabinet  had  been  impeached  by 
the  House,  and  was  being  tried  by  the  Senate 
for  bribery  and  corruption.1  The  Republicans, 
moreover,  were  at  sea  with  regard  to  a  candi 
date,  while  the  Democrats  fell  under  the  lead 
ership  of  a  commanding  genius  whose  name 
had  become  a  synonym  for  reform  throughout 
the  country.  From  these  facts  it  would  seem 
that  in  entering  the  great  contest  the  advan 
tage  lay  with  the  Democrats. 

The  Two  Candidates 

The  Republicans  met  in  National  Conven 
tion  at  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  on  the  I4th  of  June. 
For  the  first  time  since  1860  there  was  to  be 
a  real  contest  in  the  convention  for  a  presi 
dential  candidate.  Since  the  first  nomination 
of  Lincoln  there  had  been  no  such  contest  ; 
in  each  case  it  was  easily  foreseen  who  the 

1  See  p.  195,  note  2. 


264      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

candidate  would  be ;  the  convention  simply 
met  and  ratified  the  choice  already  made  by 
the  people.  But  in  1876  the  wisest  political 
seer  was  wholly  at  sea  in  forecasting  the  Re 
publican  ticket.  The  leader  whose  following 
was  greatest  was  James  G.  Elaine  of  Maine ; 
and  his  chances  were  further  enhanced  by  his 
being  placed  in  nomination  by  Colonel  Inger- 
soll  in  a  most  brilliant  outburst  of  eloquence 
that  became  historic,  and  made  the  speaker 
scarcely  less  famous  than  the  one  for  whom 
he  spoke.  But  there  was  a  conservative  ele 
ment  in  the  party  whose  confidence  Mr.  Blaine 
had  failed  to  win.  These  were  profoundly 
opposed  to  his  nomination,  and  their  strength 
was  too  great  to  be  overcome. 

Other  prominent  candidates  were  Senator 
Morton  of  Indiana,  the  brilliant  Roscoe  Conk- 
ling  of  New  York,  Mr.  Bristow  of  Kentucky, 
former  member  of  Grant's  cabinet,  Ex-Gov 
ernor  Hartranft  of  Pennsylvania,  and  Ruther 
ford  B.  Hayes,  governor  of  Ohio. 

Blaine  led  on  the  first  ballot  with  285  ; 
Morton  came  in  second  with  124.  Next 
following  in  order  were  Conkling,  Hayes, 


DISPUTED   PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION  OF  1876     265 

and  Hartranft,  with  a  few  scattering.  Little 
change  took  place  until  the  fifth  ballot,  when 
Michigan,  whose  vote  had  been  scattered, 
cast  her  solid  vote  for  Hayes.  On  the  sixth 
ballot  Hayes  made  further  gains,  and  others 
dropped  out  until  the  contest  was  narrowed 
down  to  him  and  Elaine.  The  seventh  ballot 
was  cast,  and  Mr.  Hayes  was  nominated  by 
a  small  margin.  William  A.  Wheeler  of  New 
York  received  the  nomination  for  the  vice- 
presidency. 

Governor  Hayes's  selection  was  a  surprise 
to  the  country.  He  may  be  classed  among 
the  "dark  horse"  candidates.  He  had  not 
been  looked  upon  as  a  National  statesman  or 
a  great  party  leader.  Nevertheless  his  record 
was  by  no  means  to  be  despised.  An  Ohioan 
by  birth,  he  was  graduated  at  Kenyon  College, 
after  which  he  went  to  Harvard,  and  as  a  law 
student  sat  at  the  feet  of  the  famous  Judge 
Story.  Returning  to  his  native  State,  he 
began  the  practice  of  law  in  Fremont,  but  soon 
removed  to  Cincinnati,  where  he  rose  to  be  one 
of  the  leading  members  of  the  bar.  In  1861  he 
offered  his  services  to  the  cause  of  the  Union 


266      SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

and  was  made  a  major  by  Governor  Dennison. 
Four  years  he  served  his  country  in  the  field, 
distinguished  himself  for  bravery  at  South 
Mountain,  at  Winchester,  at  Cedar  Creek,  and 
elsewhere,  was  wounded  four  times,  and  returned 
to  his  home  at  the  end  of  the  war  with  the  rank 
of  brigadier  general.  While  still  in  the  field  he 
was  elected  to  the  Lower  House  of  Congress, 
in  which  he  served  two  terms. 

Four  years  he  spent  as  a  youth  in  college, 
four  years  in  the  war,  four  years  he  served  in 
Congress,  being  first  elected  in  1864,  four  years 
and  a  little  over  he  was  governor  of  Ohio,  and 
four  years  President  of  the  United  States  —  and 
in  a  public  address  late  in  life  he  stated  that 
the  happiest  four  years  of  his  life  were  those 
he  spent  as  a  soldier  battling  for  his  country. 

While  Mr.  Hayes  was  not  a  brilliant  man, 
nor  did  his  name  create  much  enthusiasm  in  the 
party,  there  was  a  settled  conviction  on  all 
sides  that  he  was  honest,  straightforward,  and 
beyond  the  reach  of  demagogues  and  ward  poli 
ticians.  His  letter  of  acceptance  was  a  wise 
and  able  document  in  which  he  pledged  himself 
to  a  single  presidential  term,  if  elected. 


DISPUTED   PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION  OF   1876     267 

The  Democratic  Convention  met  in  St.  Louis 
two  weeks  after  the  nomination  of  Hayes.  The 
party  had  been  for  years  without  a  great  leader, 
but  this  was  not  its  condition  in  1876.  There 
had  recently  risen  in  the  political  firmament  a 
star  of  the  first  magnitude  in  the  person  of 
Samuel  J.  Tilden  of  New  York.  He  saw  the 
party,  as  it  were,  a  flock  without  a  shepherd, 
and,  conscious  of  his  powers  of  leadership,  he 
took  command  of  his  own  wirl  and  there  was 
none  to  dispute  his  sway.  Tilden's  nomination 
was  a  foregone  conclusion.  A  furious  effort 
was  made  by  John  Kelly,  the  Tammany  leader 
of  New  York,  to  break  the  Tilden  phalanx,  but 
his  efforts  were  fruitless.  When  the  conven 
tion  was  ready  for  nominations  a  few  States  pre 
sented  "  favorite  sons,"  but  the  Tilden  wave 
swept  all  before  it.  Receiving  over  four  hun 
dred  votes  on  the  first  ballot,  but  lacking  a  few 
of  the  requisite  two-thirds,  Mr.  Tilden  was 
unanimously  nominated  on  the  second. 

Samuel  J.  Tilden  was  a  great  lawyer.  He 
had  amassed  a  vast  fortune.  For  many  years 
he  had  practised  his  profession,  serving  an 
occasional  brief  term  in  the  New  York  legisla- 


268      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

ture,  assisting  in  the  framing  of  the  State  con 
stitution,  rendering  effective  aid  to  his  party 
from  time  to  time  as  a  member  of  the  State 
committee,  but  he  was  not  recognized  as  a  great 
National  leader  until  he  had  almost  completed 
his  threescore  years.  Mr.  Tilden  first  attracted 
the  notice  of  the  country  in  his  famous  fight 
with  Tammany  Hall  in  New  York  City.  He 
was  the  conspicuous  leader  of  the  reform  party 
that  unearthed  the  gigantic  frauds  in  the  gov 
ernment  of  the  city  and  resulted  in  the  over 
throw  of  the  notorious  "Tweed  Ring."  In  1874 
he  was  elected  governor  of  New  York,  and  in 
this  position  he  found  ample  opportunity  to 
continue  his  work  of  reform.  The  "  Canal 
Ring,"  which  had  looted  the  State  of  millions, 
was  scarcely  less  infamous  than  the  ring  that 
had  held  the  city  by  the  throat  for  years.  The 
new  governor,  who  had  so  successfully  grappled 
with  the  one,  now  addressed  his  personal  atten 
tion  to  the  other.  He  did  not  originate  the  new 
reform  movement,  it  is  true ;  that  had  been  done 
already.  But  he  gave  his  great  talents  to  com 
pleting  the  overthrow  of  the  public  thieves,  and 
he  reaped  a  rich  harvest  of  public  approbation 


DISPUTED   PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION  OF  1876     269 

—  more  perhaps  than  he  deserved,  for  the  peo 
ple  are  prone  to  applaud  the  one  who  is  success 
ful,  while  they  too  frequently  forget  the  pioneers 
who  go  before  and  make  success  possible. 

Tilden  was  beyond  a  doubt  sincere  in  his 
work  for  reform ;  he  was  not  a  time-server  nor 
a  self-seeker.  At  the  same  time  he  was  looking 
forward  to  the  presidential  nomination,  as  any 
honest  man  has  a  right  to  do.  And  his  path 
was  easy ;  not  only  did  he  hold  in  his  grasp 
the  Empire  State,  but  he  was  now  recognized 
throughout  the  country  as  the  leader  of  the 
Democrats  of  the  Nation,  and  none  could  dis 
pute  the  fact  that  he  was  the  ablest  of  them  all. 
He  was  further  especially  fitted  to  become  the 
party  nominee  from  the  fact  that  the  great  work 
of  his  life  had  been  in  the  line  of  reform,  and 
reform  must  necessarily  be  the  Democratic 
shibboleth  in  the  coming  presidential  contest. 
The  nomination  of  Tilden  at  St.  Louis  therefore 
came  as  naturally  as  the  falling  of  ripened  fruit. 

Issues  of  the  Campaign 

The  Republicans  were  on  the  defensive  in 
the  campaign  of  1876.  The  Democratic  cry 


270      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

was  "  Reform,  Reform !  "  This  was  reiterated 
and  reechoed  from  all  sides.  The  great  city 
dailies  and  the  village  newspapers,  the  political 
orator  of  National  fame,  the  local  exhorter  in  the 
country  schoolhouse,  —  all  joined  in  the  one  wide 
spread  cry  of  reform.  And  there  was  much 
ground  for  such  a  battle-cry.  "  During  the  whole 
of  General  Grant's  second  term  of  office  a  pro 
found  demoralization  pervaded  the  Administra 
tion."  1  The  Congress  also  was  subject  to  the 
gravest  charges  of  corruption.  The  infamous 
"  Credit  Mobilier  "  scandal  was  brought  to  light 
in  1873,  and  the  names  of  various  members  of 
the  House  were  tainted  henceforth  with  dis 
honor.  The  same  year  witnessed  an  act  known 
as  the  "  Salary  Grab,"  by  which  the  members 
of  Congress  increased  their  own  compensation 
by  fifty  per  cent  and  made  the  act  retroactive 
so  as  to  apply  to  the  Congress  that  had  passed  it. 
These  and  other  scandals  of  lesser  note  made 
a  deep  impression  on  the  country,  resulted  in  a 
widespread  reaction  against  the  Republicans, 
and  brought  the  Democratic  " tidal  wave"  of 
1874,  which  swept  away  the  Republican  major- 

1  Woodrow  Wilson's  "  Division  and  Reunion,"  p.  278. 


DISPUTED   PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION  OF  1876     2? I 

ity,  of  near  a  hundred  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  replacing  it  with  a  Democratic  major 
ity  almost  as  great.  This  great  anti-Republican 
wave  had  somewhat  subsided  in  1876,  but  it 
was  still  strong  enough  to  give  the  Democrats 
the  greatest  hopes  of  success.  Another  ele 
ment  of  Democratic  strength  was  found  in 
the  financial  panic  of  1873.  This  unusual  dis 
turbance  of  the  country's  business  was  laid  at 
the  door  of  the  Republican  party,  as  all  such 
disturbances  are  blamed  on  the  party  in  power, 
guilty  or  not  guilty.  The  Democrats,  however, 
were  not  careful  to  give  credit  to  the  Adminis 
tration  for  the  good  it  had  done.  They  told 
the  truth,  but  not  the  whole  truth.  The  Admin 
istration  had  made  possible  and  provided  for 
the  return  to  specie  payments ;  •  the  "  Salary 
Grab  "  Act  was  repealed  by  the  same  Congress 
that  had  passed  it ;  the  Alabama  Claims  had 
been  settled  with  honor  to  the  United  States  ; 
the  naturalization  laws  had  been  extended  to  the 
alien  African.  For  these  facts  the  Democratic 
campaign  orator  had  no  use,  and  he  left  them 
unsaid. 

The    Republicans  were   not   able   to  raise  a 


2/2       SIDE  LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

counter-cry  of  corruption  in  public  life  against 
the  Democratic  party,  for  the  latter  had  been 
out  of  power  for  many  years.  They  opened 
the  campaign  with  the  old  war-cry  known  as 
"  waving  the  bloody  shirt."  The  Democrats, 
North  and  South,  they  claimed,  were  still 
public  enemies,  and  must  be  met  at  the  polls 
in  the  same  spirit  as  they  had  been  met  on 
the  battle-field.1  If  the  party  succeeded  to 
power  the  southern  war  debt  would  be  paid, 
perhaps  the  black  man  reenslaved,  and  the 
like.  The  trouble  with  this  campaign  cry 
was  that  it  was  well  worn.  It  had  been  used 
effectively  in  former  years,  but  now  only  the 
least  intelligent  were  frightened  by  it.  The 
greenback  heresy  swept  over  the  land  about 
this  time,  and  many  Democrats  had  been 
tainted  by  it.  In  their  platform  they  demanded 
the  repeal  of  the  Resumption  Act  of  1875; 
but  the  Republicans  could  make  little  capital 
of  this  from  the  fact  that  Tilden,  in  his 
letter  of  acceptance,  had  pronounced  himself 
in  favor  of  resumption,  only  criticising  the 
Republican  method  of  bringing  it  about. 

1  The  Nation,  Vol.  XXIII.  p.  277. 


DISPUTED   PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION  OF  1876     2/3 

These  issues  of  the  campaign  becoming  well 
worn  and  being  deemed  inadequate,  the  orators 
and  editors  next  turned  their  attention  to 
Mr.  Tilden  and  attacked  his  character.  They 
accused  him  of  personal  dishonesty  in  various 
railroad  deals,  and  asserted,  also,  that  he  had 
defrauded  the  government  in  the  early  years 
of  the  war  by  non-payment  of  his  income  tax. 
The  candidate  was  thus  forced  to  deny  the 
charges  in  an  open  letter,  which  satisfied  his 
followers  but  failed  to  quiet  his  accusers. 
The  influence  of  the  Administration  was  used 
in  every  available  manner  to  secure  the  elec 
tion  of  Hayes.1  A  member  of  President 
Grant's  cabinet  was  chairman  of  the  Repub 
lican  National  committee,  and  he  devoted  his 
time  and  energies  to  the  campaign,  regard 
less  of  his  official  duties.  As  election  day 
approached  every  one  foresaw  that  the  con 
test  would  be  a  close  one,  but  no  one  was 
prepared  for  a  long  and  exciting  struggle  to 
be  continued  throughout  the  winter. 

1  The  Nation,  Vol.  XXIII.  passim. 


VOL.  II. — T 


274    SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN  HISTORY 

The  Returning  Boards 

The  earliest  reports  on  the  night  of  election 
day  seemed  to  indicate  the  election  of  Tilden. 
The  Democratic  electors  had  been  chosen  in 
New  York,  New  Jersey,  Connecticut,  and  Indi 
ana  exactly  as  Mr.  Tilden  had  predicted.  These, 
with  a  solid  South,  which  was  also  counted  on, 
would  have  given  Tilden  the  election  with  a 
score  or  more  votes  to  spare.  So  sure  were 
the  Democrats  that  they  raised  a  shout  of 
victory  and  lit  their  bonfires ;  but  their  ardor 
was  soon  cooled,  for  the  Republicans,  ere  the 
dawn  of  the  day  following  the  election,  put 
forth  the  positive  claim  that  the  electors  for 
their  candidates  had  been  chosen  in  three  of 
the  southern  States,  and  that  they  were  elected. 
This  was  denied  by  the  Democrats,  and  thus 
the  great  post-election  contest  was  begun. 
The  whole  country  was  deeply  stirred  by  the 
uncertainty  of  the  situation.  Both  sides 
claimed  to  have  carried  the  election.  Weeks 
passed  and  wrought  no  change.  Some  actually 
feared  that  a  war  would  result,  —  an  interne 
cine  war,  the  opposing  forces  divided  on  party 


DISPUTED    PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION  OF  1876     2/5 

lines  —  which,  had  it  occurred,  would  have  been 
the  most  appalling  in  all  history. 

But  the  majority  displayed  the  greatest  con 
fidence  in  the  great  good  sense  of  the  American 
people,  and  refused  to  believe  that  the  contest 
would  result  in  bloodshed.  This  confidence 
was  strengthened  by  a  despatch  from  President 
Grant  to  General  Sherman,  commander  of  the 
army,  by  which  the  latter  was  enjoined  to 
strengthen  the  military  forces  in  the  disputed 
States,  so  as  to  preserve  good  order  and  prevent 
any  interference  with  the  legal  counting  of  the 
votes.  Gran.t  further  added,  "  No  man  worthy 
of  the  office  of  President  should  be  willing  to 
hold  it,  if  counted  in  or  placed  there  by  a  fraud. 
Either  party  can  afford  to  be  disappointed  in  the 
result."  This  had  a  salutary  effect  in  quieting 
the  public  mind. 

The  States  in  dispute  were  Louisiana,  South 
Carolina,  and  Florida.  The  chances  still  seemed 
to  favor  Tilden,  who  was  sure  of  184  electoral 
votes  without  counting  any  of  those  in  dispute, 
and  but  one  more  was  required  to  elect  him. 
If,  therefore,  he  secured  one  vote  from  any  of 
the  three  States,  he  would  have  the  requisite 


276      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

number  and  be  elected.  Mr.  Hayes,  on  the 
other  hand,  must  secure  all  the  electors  of 
these  three  States  in  order  to  become  Presi 
dent.  But  Hayes's  advantage  lay  in  the  fact 
that  the  official  count  in  each  disputed  State 
was  in  the  hands  of  members  of  his  party ; *  he 
was  therefore  sure  to  receive  justice  if  not  more. 
The  count  in  each  of  the  three  contested  States 
was  in  the  hands  of  the  Returning  Board.  It 
was  generally  believed  that  the  votes  of  South 
Carolina  and  Florida  would  be  cast  for  Hayes, 
and  so  they  were  according  to  their  respective 
Returning  Boards.  The  contest  in  Louisiana  at 
tracted  the  most  intense  interest.  The  Return 
ing  Board  in  this  State  had  been  created  in  the 
worst  days  of  the  carpet-bag  government,  and 
contrary  to.  all  precedent  and  to  all  constitu 
tional  law,  it  had  judicial  as  well  as  ministerial 
power.  It  could  reject  the  votes  of  any  parish 
or  part  of  a  parish  on  any  ground  that  it  chose 
to  pronounce  sufficient,  and  there  was  no  appeal 
from  its  decision.  The  Board  was  properly 

1  There  was  one  Democrat  on  the  Returning  Board  of 
Florida.  Those  of  South  Carolina  and  Louisiana  were  wholly 
Republican. 


DISPUTED   PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION  OF  1876     2/7 

composed  of  five  members ;  but  in  point  of  fact 
there  were  at  this  moment  but  three,  and  two 
of  them  were  negroes.1 

The  situation  was  not  only  grave  and  peculiar; 
it  was  ludicrous.  A  great  nation  of  fifty  million 
people  awaited  with  breathless  interest  for  two 
black  men,  the  majority  of  the  Board,  and  re 
cently  emerged  from  slavery,  to  name  its  Chief 
Magistrate  for  the  ensuing  four  years.  The 
men  were  insignificant  and  unknown.  One  was 
a  custom-house  official  and  held  his  place  at 
the  will  of  the  President ;  another  had  been  a 
candidate  for  a  petty  office  in  'the  very  election 
on  which  he  now  sat  in  judgment.  Two  years 
before,  this  same  Board,  composed  of  the  same 
men,  had  decided  a  State  election,  and  a  com 
mittee  of  Congress,  including  such  leading  Re 
publicans  as  William  A.  Wheeler,  Senators  Hoar 
and  Frye,  went  to  Louisiana  to  investigate,  and 
promptly  condemned  the  proceeding  as  illegal 
and  fraudulent2  What  could  now  be  expected 
from  such  a  source  ?  Prominent  members  of 
both  parties  hastened  from  the  North  to  New 

1  The  Nation,  Vol.  XXIII.  p.  294. 

2  Ibid,  p.  309. 


2/8       SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Orleans  to  witness  the  proceedings  and  see  fair 
play  for  their  respective  parties.  Of  these  the 
Democrats  proposed  joint  meetings  with  the 
Republicans,  that  both  might  witness  the  means 
by  which  the  decision  would  be  reached ;  but 
the  Republicans  refused  all  official  relations 
with  them.  The  matter  was  therefore  wholly 
in  Republican  hands,  and  after  some  weeks  of 
waiting  the  vote  of  the  State  was  given  to  Hayes 
and  Wheeler.  Governor  Kellogg,  who  held 
his  position  only  by  the  support  of  Federal  troops, 
promptly  signed  the  certificates  of  the  Republi 
can  electors. 

With  this  decision  the  cry  of  fraud  instantly 
arose  from  the  Democratic  press  of  the  whole 
country.  The  leaders  of  the  party  protested 
vigorously  against  the  decision  of  the  Returning 
Boards  of  the  three  contested  States.  Mr.  Mc- 
Enery,  who  claimed  to  be  elected  governor  by 
the  opposite  party,  gave  certificates  to  the  Demo 
cratic  electors.  Many  irresponsible  and  reck 
less  Democrats  declared  that  Mr.  Tilden  should 
call  his  followers  to  arms,  for  the  purpose  of 
seating  him  by  force  if  necessary ;  but  this  was 
not  the  sense  of  the  party  as  a  whole.  Never- 


DISPUTED   PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION  OF  1876     279 

theless,  the  danger  was  tremendous.  The  diffi 
culty  assumed  the  most  serious  aspect  indeed, 
and  the  question  of  the  hour  was,  How  can  the 
great  contest  be  settled  without  violence  ?  The 
Democrats  proposed  that  the  joint  rule  of  Con 
gress  of  February,  1865,  be  now  followed.  This 
rule  was  "  that  no  electoral  vote  objected  to  shall 
be  counted  except  by  the  concurrent  votes  of 
the  two  Houses."  This  was  not  an  act  of  Con 
gress,  but  simply  a  joint  rule  intended  for  that 
election  only  ;  it  had  been  followed,  however,  by 
general  consent  in  counting  the  electoral  votes 
of  1868  and  of  I872.1  If  the  rule  were  now  fol 
lowed,  the  Democrats  could  easily  prevent  the 
seating  of  Hayes,  for  the  Lower  House  was 
Democratic  by  a  strong  majority.  But  the  Re 
publicans  objected,  and  claimed  that  the  presi 
dent  of  the  Senate  on  opening  the  ballots  should 
decide  on  their  validity.  The  Democrats  ob 
jected  to  this,  and  both  pretensions  were  aban 
doned. 

1  Elaine,  Vol.  II.  p.  583. 


2 SO      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

The  Electoral  Commission 

As  the  winter  months  passed,  the  anxiety  of 
the  country  grew  more  and  more  intense.  The 
attention  of  the  world  was  drawn  to  the  threat 
ening  condition  of  America.  The  country  had 
just  passed  through  a  civil  war,  the  like  of 
which  had  never  before  been  known  in  the 
history  of  man.  Would  these  same  people 
now  engage  in  a  far  more  deadly  strife  in  order 
to  settle  a  presidential  dispute  ?  Who  could 
believe  that  the  American  people  were  so  want 
ing  in  common  sense  ?  While  the  excitement 
was  at  its  height,  Senator  Edmunds  came 
forward  with  a  bill  that  at  last  promised  a 
solution  to  the  problem.  This  bill  provided  for 
an  "  Electoral  Commission  "  to  be  composed  of 
fifteen  persons,  five  each  from  the  Senate,  the 
House,  and  the  Supreme  Court,  and  these  should 
finally  decide  on  the  validity  of  the  electoral 
votes.  It  was  passed  by  both  Houses,  and  ac 
cepted  by  both  parties.  It  was  tacitly  under 
stood  that  the  Senate  would  appoint  three 
Republicans  and  two  Democrats,  while  the 
House  would  appoint  three  Democrats  and  two 


DISPUTED  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTION  OF  1876     281 

Republicans.  This  was  accordingly  done. 
Four  justices  were  then  appointed,  two  of  each 
party,  and  these  were  given  power  to  select  a 
fifth.1  It  was  currently  believed  that  Judge 
David  Davis  of  Illinois  would  be  the  fifth  mem 
ber  of  the  Commission  from  the  Supreme  Court, 
as  he  was  looked  upon  as  a  neutral  in  politics ; 
but,  while  the  matter  was  pending,  Davis 
was  elected  by  the  Democratic  legislature  of 
Illinois,  to  the  United  States  Senate.  His  ac 
ceptance  was  a  practical  acknowledgment  that 
he  was  not  a  neutral,  but  a  Democrat,  and 
Justice  Bradley  was  selected  on  the  Commission 
in  his  stead.  '  This  was  a  sore  disappointment 
to  the  Democratic  party,  as  Davis  was  known 
to  have  favored  Tilden  in  the  late  campaign, 
while  Bradley  was  reckoned  as  a  Republican. 

The  Electoral  Commission  thus  created  was 
composed  of  eight  Republicans  and  seven  Dem 
ocrats.  It  was  hoped  that  this  Commission 


1  The  Electoral  Commission  was  composed  of  the  following 
persons :  —  Justices  of  the  Supreme  Court :  Clifford,  Miller,  Field, 
Strong,  and  Bradley.  Senators :  Edmunds,  Morton,  Frelinghuy- 
sen,  Bayard,  and  Thurman.  Representatives  :  Payne,  Hunton, 
Abbott,  Garfield,  and  Hoar. 


282       SIDE  LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

would  now  rise  above  party  lines  and  render  a 
judicial  verdict  purely  on  the  merits  of  the  case; 
but  such  hopes  were  not  to  be  realized.  From 
each  of  the  three  disputed  States  double  returns 
had  been  sent,  and  must  be  passed  upon  by  the 
Commission,  and  in  every  case  it  voted  on 
strictly  party  lines,  deciding  for  Hayes  and 
Wheeler  by  a  vote  of  eight  to  seven. 

There  was  a  complication  also  in  Oregon. 
The  Republican  electors  had  been  chosen  at 
the  late  election ;  but  one  of  them,  it  was  claimed, 
was  disqualified  to  be  an  elector,  and  the  Demo 
cratic  governor  gave  a  certificate  to  the  elector 
of  his  own  party  who  had  received  the  high 
est  number  of  votes.  But  the  Commission 
promptly  decided  against  him  by  the  usual 
vote  of  eight  to  seven.  General  Hayes  was 
therefore  declared  President-elect  of  the  United 
States.  The  Commission  sat  for  several  weeks, 
during  which  the  suspense  and  anxiety  of  the 
country  was  painful  in  the  extreme.  The  ulti 
mate  decision  was  reached  only  two  days  before 
the  time  for  the  inauguration.  The  Democrats 
could  not  gracefully  object  to  the  decision  of 
the  Electoral  Commission,  as  they  had  aided  in 


DISPUTED   PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTION  OF  1876     283 

its  creation  and  had  agreed  to  make  it  the  final 
arbiter.  But  nevertheless  they  again  raised  the 
cry  of  fraud,  not  against  the  Commission,  but 
against  the  Republican  party  for  its  high-handed 
methods  in  counting  the  electors  of  the  southern 
States  for  Hayes  by  the  aid  of  Federal  troops. 
Mr.  Tilden  had  received  a  popular  majority  in 
the  election  of  a  quarter  of  a  million,  and,  as  his 
followers  claimed,  a  clear  majority  of  the  elec 
tors,  if  honestly  counted.  That  the  Republicans 
had  stolen  the  presidency  was  fully  believed  by 
a  vast  majority  of  the  Democrats,  and  the  same 
theory  has  many  supporters  to  this  day. 

It  is  not  for  the  writer  of  this  chapter  to  pro 
nounce  any  opinion  on  the  merits  of  this  ques 
tion.  Indeed,  it  is  only  after  the  chief  actors  in 
such  a  contest  have  all  passed  away  that  the 
critical  historian  can  probe  it  to  the  bottom 
without  awakening  in  his  readers  a  sense  of 
partisan  bias  in  himself. 

President  Hayes  felt  keenly  the  accusation 
of  his  opponents  that  he  was  a  fraudulent  Presi 
dent,  nor  did  he  cease  to  feel  it  as  long  as  he 
lived.  But  whatever  his  personal  opinion  in  the 
matter,  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  he  could  have 


284      SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

done  otherwise  than  obey  the  mandate  of  his 
party  when  it  called  upon  him  to  be  installed 
into  the  great  office.  A  refusal  on  his  part, 
had  he  been  inclined  to  refuse,  would  no  doubt 
have  led  to  more  serious  complications.  Hayes 
made  an  excellent  President  —  not  great,  not 
brilliant,  but  honest  and  patriotic  in  the  highest 
sense ;  and  not  even  his  enemies  cauld  find  any 
fault  with  him,  except  that  he  had  accepted  an 
office  to  which  his  election  was  doubtful. 

The  great  relief  at  the  end  of  the  contest  was 
felt  on  every  hand.  Boast  as  we  may  of  our 
conservatism,  it  is  certain  that  this  disputed 
presidential  election  brought  us  to  the  verge  of 
a  precipice  the  height  and  depth  of  which  not 
even  the  wisest  could  foresee. 


CHAPTER  XII 

THE  GARFIELD  TRAGEDY 

TWICE  in  the  history  of  our  National  Govern 
ment  has  our  chief  magistrate  suffered  death  at 
the  hands  of  an  assassin.1  The  first  of  these 
two  sad  events  'took  place  at  the  close  of  the 
great  war,  when  the  blood  of  both  sides  was  still 
at  boiling  point.  But  notwithstanding  the  fact 
that  the  people  were  long  familiar  with  violence, 
with  bloodshed  and  death,  the  shock  to  the 
country  at  the  taking-off  of  the  beloved  Presi 
dent  was  greater  than  could  be  measured.  The 
assassin,  a  man  of  intelligence  and  talent,  was 

1  An  attempt  was  made  to  assassinate  President  Jackson  in 
1835.  He  was  attending  the  funeral  of  a  member  of  Congress, 
when  in  the  midst  of  the  crowd  a  man  snapped  two  pistols  at 
his  breast,  both  of  which  missed  fire.  The  President  rushed 
upon  the  would-be  assassin  with  his  cane.  The  man  was  taken 
into  custody,  was  found  to  be  a  demented  Englishman  named 
Lawrence,  and  was  placed  in  an  asylum.  The  President's  escape 
was  very  narrow,  as  both  pistols  were  afterward  fired  at  the  first 
trial. 

285 


286       SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN    HISTORY 

insanely  devoted  to  the  cause  of  the  South,  and 
seemed  to  believe  that  by  this  act  he  would 
avenge  the  wrongs  of  the  people  who  had  failed 
to  achieve  victory  on  the  battle-field. 

The  second  occurred  in  time  of  peace,  and 
had  its  origin  in  a  political  feud  within  the  party 
to  which  the  President  belonged,  and  in  the 
chimerical  brain  of  a  half-witted  .fanatic,  who 
was  senseless  enough  to  believe  that  he  would 
be  made  a  hero  for  his  deed  by  the  faction  that 
had  opposed  the  President.  It  is  to  this  event 
and  the  conditions  that  produced  it  that  we 
devote  this  chapter. 

The  Blaine-Conkling  Feud 

The  Garfield  tragedy  had  its  origin  about 
fourteen  years  before  it  occurred,  in  a  quarre] 
between  two  Republican  leaders  while  both 
were  members  of  the  House  of  Representa 
tives.  In  1863  a  young  editor  from  Maine,  a 
native  of  Pennsylvania,  made  his  first  appear 
ance  on  the  floor  of  the  Lower  House,  and 
began  a  career  of  party  leadership  unparal 
leled  since  the  rise  of  the  matchless  Henry 
Clay  half  a  century  before.  His  name  was 


THE  GARFIELD  TRAGEDY  287 

James  G.  Elaine.  In  the  course  of  our  his 
tory  not  more  than  three  men  —  Jefferson, 
Jackson,  and  Clay  —  can  be  ranked  with  Elaine 
as  party  leaders.  Mr.  Elaine  had  descended 
from  a  prominent  family  with  whom  the  Father 
of  his  Country  was  on  friendly  terms.  There 
was  nothing  in  Mr.  Elaine's  boyhood  to  mark 
him  as  a  youth  of  extraordinary  promise.  He 
received  a  good  education,  spent  his  early  man 
hood  as  a  teacher,  and  became  editor  of  the 
Kennebec  Journal  in  Augusta,  Maine,  at  the 
age  of  twenty-four.  He  was  not  long  in  his 
new  position  until  he  was  recognized  by  the 
community  as  a  keen  and  able  political  writer. 
Within  three  years  we  find  him  in  the  legisla 
ture  of  his  adopted  State.  In  1862  he  was 
elected  to  the  Lower  House  of  Congress.  This 
was  in  the  midst  of  the  troublous  war  times, 
and  Congress  was  not  without  powerful  lead 
ers,  but  Mr.  Elaine  was  not  long  in  stepping 
to  the  front,  and  proving  himself  one  of  the 
most  powerful. 

Another  young  Republican  leader  of  remark 
able  talent  was  Roscoe  Conkling  of  New  York. 
Mr.  Conkling  had  sat  in  the  House  for  some 


288      SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

years  before  the  advent  of  Elaine,  and  when 
the  latter  began  to  attract  attention,  the  former 
looked  with  a  jealous  eye  upon  his  growing 
rival,  and  it  seemed  inevitable  that  a  clash 
between  the  two  must  soon  come,  and  the 
leadership  of  the  House  be  thus  determined. 

Elaine  and  Conkling  were  wholly  unlike  in 
mental  endowments.  Elaine  addressed  himself 
to  the  hearts  of  his  followers,  Conkling  to 
their  heads.  Elaine  won  affection  and  alle 
giance  ;  Conkling  won  admiration  and  praise. 
Elaine  delighted  in  winning  a  new  friend, 
whom  he  grappled  to  his  soul  with  hooks  of 
steel;  Conkling's  delight  was  to  slash  and 
wound  an  enemy  with  his  wit  and  sarcasm, 
or  to  dazzle  his  hearers  with  rounded  periods 
of  eloquence.  As  a  party  leader,  a  winner  of 
popular  applause,  Elaine  far  surpassed  Conk 
ling.  As  an  orator  of  brilliant  diction  and 
rhetorical  power,  Conkling  far  excelled  Blaine. 

These  two  rival  leaders  must  necessarily 
come  into  conflict.  The  occasion  arose  in 
April,  1866,  when  a  bill  to  reorganize  and 
establish  the  army  was  before  the  House. 
One  section  of  the  bill  provided  for  the  office 


THE  GARFIELD  TRAGEDY  289 

of  provost  marshal-general,  who  should  have 
charge  of  the  recruiting  service  and  of  the 
apprehension  of  deserters,  and  that  General 
James  B.  Fry  be  appointed  to  the  position. 
Conkling  bitterly  opposed  this  section  on  the 
ground  "that  it  creates  an  unnecessary  office 
for  an  undeserving  public  servant."  Bad 
blood  existed  between  Conkling  and  Fry,  and 
this  perhaps  had  much  to  do  with  the  attack 
of  the  former  on  the  latter.  When  Conkling 
began  to  speak,  Elaine,  who  was  a  member 
of  the  committee  that  had  the  bill  in  charge, 
was  in  the  diplomatic  gallery,  talking  with  a 
friend ;  but  his  quick  ear  caught  the  tenor  of 
the  New  Yorker's  speech,  and  he  hastened  to 
his  seat  and  took  the  floor  the  moment  the 
speaker  had  finished.1  Blaine  pronounced  Gen 
eral  Fry  an  able  and  efficient  officer,  whose 
character  was  without  spot  or  blemish.  He 
referred  to  a  quarrel  between  Conkling  and 
Fry,  in  which  the  former  had  come  out  "sec 
ond  best."  He  further  stated  that  he  did  not 
consider  it  the  highest  specimen  of  chivalry  or 
a  creditable  proceeding  to  attack  Fry's  char- 

1  Gail  Hamilton's  "Biography  of  Blaine,"  p.  161. 

VOL.  II.  —  U 


SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

acter  when  he  had  no  opportunity  to  be  heard. 
"  My  sense  of  indignation,"  he  continued, 
"carries  me  beyond  my  personal  strength, 
and  impels  me  to  denounce  such  a  course 
of  proceeding." 

Conkling  was.  highly  irritated  at  this  speech. 
He  rose  to  speak  again.  The  House  was 
profoundly  attentive.  Conkling  brushed  aside 
the  question  under  discussion,  and  addressed 
himself  directly  to  the  Maine  statesman. 

"I  am  entirely  responsible,"  he  averred,  "not 
only  here  but  elsewhere,  for  what  I  have  said 
'f-V.  To  the  particular  individual  to  whom  it 
may  give  offence  I  will  answer  not  here  but 
elsewhere. 

"  I  say,  further,  that  the  statement  made  by 
the  gentleman  from  Maine  with  regard  to  my 
self  personally,  and  my  quarrels  with  General 
Fry  and  their  result,  is  false." 

Elaine.  "What  does  the  gentleman  mean  to 
say  was  false  ?  " 

Conkling.  "  I  mean  to  say  that  the  state 
ment  made  by  the  gentleman  from  Maine  was 
false." 

Elaine.    "What  statement?" 


THE  GARFIELD  TRAGEDY  29 1 

Conkling.  "  Does  not  the  gentleman  under 
stand  what  I  mean  ? " 

Conkling  then  proceeded  to  explain  that  he 
referred  to  Blame's  assertion  that  he,  Conk 
ling,  had  quarrelled  with  Fry  and  was  worsted 
—  that  he  branded  as  a  falsehood.  Conkling 
stated  also  that  he  would  not  be  found  want 
ing  in  courage,  if  called  on  to  answer  for  his 
language. 

A  few  minutes  later  Elaine  again  had  the 
floor.  The  excitement  throughout  the  House 
and  galleries  was  now  at  fever  heat.  Elaine's 
speech  was  filled  with  unconcealed  contempt. 

"  Sir,"  he  began,  "  I  do  not  know  how  to 
characterize  this  utterance.  When  we  had  gen 
tlemen  here  from  the  eleven  seceded  States, 
they  used  to  talk  about  answering  *  here  and 
elsewhere ' ;  and  it  was  understood  that  they 
meant  a  duel.  .  .  .  When  a  man  says  he  is 
ready  to  answer  '  here  and  elsewhere,'  he  means 
that  he  is  ready  to  receive  a  note  outside  of 
the  District  of  Columbia.  Well,  now,  that  is 
very  cheap,  and  certainly  beneath  my  notice. 
I  do  not  believe  the  gentleman  from  New 
York  wants  to  fight  a  duel;  and  I  am  sure 


292      SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

he  needs  no  assurance  from  me  that  I  do  not 
intend  it.  ...  When  I  have  to  resort  to  ... 
this  cheap  swagger  about  being  responsible 
'  here  or  elsewhere,'  I  shall  have  very  little 
faith  in  the  cause  which  I  stand  up  to  sustain." 
Thus  ended  the  day ;  but  the  battle  was  not 
over.  After  the  session  had  closed,  Conkling 
went  to  the  office  of  the  Congressional  Globe 
and  made  some  alterations  in  his  reported 
speeches  of  the  day.  Among  other  things 
he  substituted  for  the  phrase  "here  and  else 
where  "  the  milder  form  "  at  all  times  and 
places."  Elaine  discovered  this,  and  the  next 
day  took  his  opponent  severely  to  task  for 
making  the  change  and  thus  rendering  his  own 
repetition  of  "  here  and  elsewhere "  meaning 
less,  and  stated  that  when  two  gentlemen  en 
gaged  in  a  controversy,  as  a  point  of  honor  it 
should  be  reported  and  printed  exactly  as  it 
took  place.  Mr.  Elaine  closed  with  these 
words :  "  Mr.  Speaker,  I  never  expected  to 
make  a  personal  explanation  in  this  House  in 
my  life.  As  to  courage,  I  am  like  the  Metho 
dist  deacon  about  his  religion,  I  have  none  to 
speak  of." 


THE  GARFIELD  TRAGEDY  293 

Mr.  Conkling  answered  in  a  sharp,  impas 
sioned  speech,  and  avowed  himself  "as  inca 
pable  as  the  gentleman  from  Maine  pretends  to 
be  "  of  violating  a  point  of  honor,  characterized 
his  antagonist's  remarks  as  "frivolously  im 
pertinent  and  incorrect,"  and  his  imputation 
of  duelism  as  "a  cheap  way  of  clawing  off." 

Thus  closed  the  second  day;  but  the  climax 
was  yet  to  come.  Elaine  had  secured  a  writing 
from  General  Fry  to  prove  that  Conkling  had 
quarrelled  with  Fry,  the  accusation  of  which 
Conkling  had  pronounced  false.  Fry,  also,  in 
this  document,  accused  Conkling  of  receiving 
a  fee  of  $3000  as  judge  advocate  while  a  mem 
ber  of  Congress,  in  violation  of  the  Constitu 
tion.  This  opened  a  new  subject,  and  the 
debate  went  on  between  the  Maine  and  New 
York  statesmen  increasing  in  bitterness.  Elaine 
declared  that  he  did  not  believe  Conkling  had 
rightfully  received  the  money  in  question. 
Conkling  avowed  that  it  was  paid  him,  not  as 
judge  advocate,  but  as  counsel  in  the  practice 
of  his  profession. 

Elaine  leaped  from  his  seat  and  asked  to 
make  a  statement.  Conkling  refused  to  yield 


294      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

him  the  floor.  His  anger  was  now  beyond  his 
control,  and  when  the  Speaker  asked,  "  Does 
the  gentleman  from  New  York  yield  to  the 
gentleman  from  Maine  ? "  Conkling  shouted, 
"  No,  sir,  I  do  not  wish  to  have  anything  to 
do  with  the  member  from  Maine.  .  .  .  Mr. 
Speaker,  if  the  member  from  Maine  had  the 
least  idea  how  profoundly  indifferent  I  am  to 
his  opinion  upon  the  subject  which  he  has 
been  discussing,  or  upon  any  other  subject 
personal  to  me,  I  think  he  would  not  take  the 
trouble  to  rise  here  and  express  his  opinion." 
Elaine's  anger  was  now  equally  uncontrol- 
.able.  He  once  more  took  the  floor  when  his 
enemy  had  concluded.  He  completely  lost  his 
temper,  and  poured  forth  one  of  the  most  ex 
travagant  tirades  of  invective  and  vituperation 
ever  heard  on  the  floor  of  Congress.  After 
giving  his  views  on  the  subject  under  debate, 
he  turned  to  Conkling  with  a  look  of  withering 
scorn,  and  spoke  as  follows :  "  As  to  the  gentle 
man's  cruel  sarcasm,  I  hope  he  will  not  be  too 
severe.  The  contempt  of  that  large-minded 
gentleman  is  so  wilting,  his  haughty  disdain, 
his  grandiloquent  swell,  his  majestic  superemi- 


THE   GARFIELD   TRAGEDY  295 

nent,  over-powering,  turkey-gobbler  strut,  has 
been  so  crushing  to  myself  and  to  all  the  mem 
bers  of  the  House,  that  I  know  it  was  an  act  of 
the  greatest  temerity  for  me  to  venture  upon  a 
controversy  with  him." 

Referring  now  to  a  newspaper  article  in 
which  Conkling  had  been  compared  to  the  late 
brilliant  Henry  Winter  Davis  of  Maryland, 
Elaine  closed  with  these  words :  "  The  gentle 
man  took  it  (the  newspaper  article)  seriously, 
and  it  has  given  his  strut  additional  pomposity. 
The  resemblance  is  great,  it  is  striking :  Hype 
rion  to  a  Satyr,  Thersites  to  Hercules,  mud  to 
marble,  dunghill  to  diamond,  a  singed  cat  to  a 
Bengal  tiger,  a  whining  puppy  to  a  roaring  lion. 
Shade  of  the  mighty  Davis,  forgive  the  almost 
profanation  of  that  jocose  satire!" 

The  House  apologized  to  itself  for  permitting 
such  a  speech  to  be  uttered.  The  Speaker  laid 
the  blame  on  the  House,  and  said  that  if  any 
member  had  called  the  gentleman  to  order  the 
rules  would  have  been  enforced.  Mr.  Conk- 
ling  was  mortally  offended,  and  from  this  day 
forth  to  the  end  of  his  life  he  never  spoke  to 
Mr.  Elaine.  Not  long  after  this  Conkling  was 


296      SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

transferred  to  the  Senate,  where  he  served  for 
many  years.  Blaine  became  Speaker  of  the 
House.  In  later  years  friends  of  the  two  at 
tempted  to  bring  about  a  reconciliation  between 
them.  Blaine  expressed  his  willingness,  but 
Conkling  met  every  overture  with  a  scornful 
refusal. 

A  quarrel  between  two  statesmen  may  often 
be  passed  over  as  of  a  personal  and  temporary 
nature  and  without  serious  effect  on  the  country 
at  large.  Sometimes,  however,  a  personal  feud 
between  two  leaders  of  the  same  party  may 
have  a  far-reaching  effect  on  the  political  life 
of  the  Nation.  Who  can  measure  the  result  on 
the  country  of  the  quarrel  between  Jackson  and 
Calhoun  in  1830?  Calhoun's  life  ambition  was 
to  become  President  of  the  United  States,  and 
it  was  believed  on  all  sides  that  he  would  be 
the  one  on  whose  shoulders  the  mantle  of  Old 
Hickory  would  fall.  But  the  hold  of  Jackson 
on  the  Democratic  party  was  such  that  no  one 
could  hope  to  be  chosen  to  the  high  office  at 
that  time  without  his  favor.  The  hopes  of 
Calhoun  were  forever  blasted  by  this  open 
rupture,  and  he  turned  aside  and  became  the 


THE  GARFIELD  TRAGEDY  297 

champion  of  slavery.  The  effect  of  this  feud 
between  these  two  men  can  be  estimated  only 
when  one  remembers  that  it  was  Calhoun  above 
all  men  that  brought  about  the  conditions  which 
produced  the  Civil  War. 

Again,  in  1848,  the  entire  machinery  of  the 
Government  was  thrown  into  the  hands  of  a 
different  political  party  on  account  of  the  envi 
ous  jealousy  of  one  man — Martin  Van  Buren. 
There  is  little  doubt  that  General  Lewis  Cass 
would  have  been  elected  President  in  1848  but 
for  the  enmity  of  Van  Buren,  who  allowed  his 
name  to  head  the  Free  Soil  ticket,  and  thus 
threw  the  vote  of  New  York  and  of  the  nation 
to  General  Taylor. 

This  Blaine-Conkling  episode  had  its  result. 
Some  of  Blaine's  biographers  profess  to  believe 
that  the  New  York  senator  never  seriously 
injured  his  great  rival's  political  fortunes;  but 
the  facts  are  otherwise.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  Blaine  would  have  received  the  Republi 
can  nomination  for  the  presidency  in  1880 
but  for  the  powerful  and  determined  opposi 
tion  of  Conkling.  Four  years  later  when 
Blaine  became  the  candidate,  it  was  in  Conk- 


298      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

ling's  power  to  secure  his  election ;  but  he 
refused  to  do  it.  The  mighty  Achilles  sulked 
in  his  tent  and  took  no  part  in  the  canvass. 
His  immediate  friends  understood  it,  and  at 
least  a  thousand  of  them  refused  to  vote  for 
the  enemy  of  their  idol,  many  voting  for 
Cleveland.  The  falling  off  of  the  Republican 
vote  in  Conkling's  home  county  alone  was 
sufficient  to  throw  the  State  to  the  Democrats, 
and  New  York,  in  1884  as  in  1848,  was  the 
pivotal  state  and  decided  the  presidential 
election.  Had  Conkling  made  a  single  speech, 
had  he  raised  a  finger  in  favor  of  Elaine,  in 
spite  of  the  St.  John  vote,  in  spite  of  the 
opposition  of  Henry  Ward  Beecher  and  George 
William  Curtis,  in  spite  of  the  unfortunate 
Burchard  alliteration,  the  Empire  State  would 
have  cast  its  vote  for  the  "  magnetic  man " 
from  Maine,  and  he  would  have  been  elected. 
But  Conkling  remembered  the  insult  of  eigh 
teen  years  before,  the  "turkey-gobbler  strut," 
the  "  mud  to  marble,  the  dunghill  to  diamond, 
the  singed  cat  to  a  Bengal  tiger,"  and  his  high- 
poised  soul  could  not  forgive.  He  took  his 
revenge,  and  Blaine  never  became  President. 


THE  GARFIELD  TRAGEDY  299 

The  Third  Term  Movement 

For  ten  years  James  G.  Elaine  was  the  un 
disputed  leader  of  the  Republicans  in  the 
House.  He  was  elected  Speaker  in  1869,  and 
continued  to  fill  the  office  for  six  years  when 
the  Democrats  gained  control  of  that  body. 
After  fourteen  years'  service  in  the  House 
he  entered  the  Senate.  Still  he  kept  his  hand 
upon  the  helm  and  was  looked  upon  by  the 
rank  and  file  of  his  party  as  the  leading 
Republican  of  his  time.  At  the  National  Re 
publican  Convention  of  1876,  his  vote  on  the 
first  ballot  far  exceeded  that  of  any  one  else ; 
yet  he  was  not  a  "  favorite  son "  candidate ; 
his  vote  was  spontaneous  and  came  from 
twenty-eight  States  and  seven  Territories.  Fail 
ing  to  receive  the  nomination,  and  President 
Hayes  being  pledged  to  a  single  term,  Elaine 
was  generally  looked  upon  as  the  coming  man 
for  1880.  But  a  change  came  o'er  the  spirit 
of  his  dream. 

General  Grant,  on  ceasing  to  be  President, 
had  made  a  tour  of  the  world.  He  had  been 
highly  honored  by  foreign  peoples  and  poten- 


300      SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

tates,  not  only  as  an  American  and  an  ex- 
President,  but  chiefly  as  a  soldier,  for  the 
lingering  chivalry  in  the  minds  of  men  still 
places  the  warrior  above  the  statesman,  the 
poet,  or  the  orator.  Grant's  reception  by  the 
world  became  a  matter  of  National  pride  to 
the  whole  American  people ;  and  when,  at  the 
end  of  three  years,  the  illustrious  traveller 
returned  to  his  native  land  —  when  the  vessel 
had  safely  breasted  the  billows  of  the  broad 
Pacific  and  was  moored  into  the  haven  at  the 
Golden  Gate,  a  wild  shout  of  welcome  arose 
from  the  people.  His  tour  from  San  Fran 
cisco  across  the  continent  to  Philadelphia, 
whence  he  had  started  three  years  before,  was 
one  unbroken  ovation.  Men  forgot  the  scan 
dals  of  his  administration ;  their  minds  went 
back  to  remoter  days ;  they  saw  now  in  his 
silent  dignity  the  conqueror  of  the  great 
rebellion,  the  hero  of  Fort  Donelson,  of  Vicks- 
burg,  of  Appomattox. 

This  unusual  honor  rendered  General  Grant 
by  the  masses  was  in  the  main  sincere  and 
spontaneous,  and  was  given  on  the  supposition 
that  the  general  had  retired  from  public  life 


THE  GARFIELD  TRAGEDY  30! 

and  now  desired  to  spend  the  remainder  of 
his  days  in  rest  and  quiet.  But  the  wily  poli 
tician  was  on  the  alert.  Why  let  all  this  en 
thusiasm  go  to  waste  ?  There  was  a  faction 
in  the  Republican  party,  and  a  large  faction, 
that  wanted  a  man.  They  looked  with  dis 
may  on  the  growing  clamor  for  Elaine,  and 
they  must  find  one  to  put  up  against  him. 
They  also  reasoned,  and  they  reasoned  well, 
that  the  only  man  in  the  party  who  could  at 
all  compare  with  the  Maine  statesman  in  the 
popular  heart  was  General  Grant.  This  fac 
tion  now  determined  to  use  every  available 
means  to  undermine  the  prestige  of  Elaine 
and  secure  the  nomination  of  Grant  at  the 
coming  Republican  convention.  The  leader 
of  this  movement,  a  man  of  vast  resources 
and  power,  was  Roscoe  Conkling  of  New 
York. 

We  have  had  two  Presidents,  and  only  two, 
in  our  history,  who,  having  served  two  terms, 
could  have  been  elected  to  a  third  (in  the 
writer's  opinion)  had  they  desired  it ;  they 
were  George  Washington  and  Andrew  Jack 
son.  We  have  had  but  one  who  is  known  to 


302      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

have  desired  a  third  term,  and  that  was 
Ulysses  S.  Grant. 

But  Grant  is  not  supposed  to  have  aspired 
to  a  third  election  until  his  friends  led  him 
to  do  so.  It  must  be  admitted,  however,  that 
he  stated  in  a  letter  as  early  as  1875  that  he 
did  not  desire  a  third  term  "  any  more  than 
he  had  desired  the  first,"  which,  being  inter 
preted,  means  that,  as  he  had  accepted  a  first 
term  without  protest,  it  would  not  be  difficult 
to  induce  him  to  accept  a  third. 

Conkling,  however,  assisted  by  two  powerful 
co-workers,  Don  Cameron  of  Pennsylvania  and 
John  A.  Logan  of  Illinois,  was  at  the  bottom  of 
the  third  term  movement.  This  great  triumvi 
rate,  each  at  the  head  of  his  State  delegation, 
went  to  Chicago  determined  and  confident.  It 
is  true  the  recent  Grant  enthusiasm  had  sub 
sided  when  it  was  found  that  the  general  would 
again  enter  the  arena  for  public  honors.  It  is 
also  true  that  a  deep-seated  anti  third  term 
prejudice  must  be  overcome,  for  an  unwritten 
law,  hitherto  unbroken,  was  that  no  man  serve 
more  than  eight  years  in  the  great  office. 
Nevertheless,  these  men  felt  confident,  and  they 


THE   GARFIELD   TRAGEDY  303 

went  to  the  convention  with  the  air  of  him  that 
putteth  off  his  harness  rather  than  of  him  that 
girdeth  it  on. 

The  Chicago  Convention 

The  great  convention  met  the  first  week  in 
June.  For  some  months  before  this  meeting  an 
exciting  warfare  had  been  going  on  in  Republi 
can  ranks  thoughout  the  country  in  choosing 
delegates.  So  bitter  was  the  contest  between 
the  friends  of  Grant  and  Elaine  that  many 
feared  a  reconciliation  would  be  impossible  even 
after  the  convention  had  made  its  choice. 
Scarcely  a  county  in  the  country  was  free  from 
this  factional  fight.  The  chief  battle-grounds, 
however,  were  the  State  conventions.  In  many 
there  was  open  hostility.  In  the  Georgia  con 
vention  each  faction  elected  its  chairman ;  both 
took  the  stage  at  the  same  moment  and  called 
loudly  for  order,  but  neither  could  be  heard  for 
the  cries  and  yells  of  the  dark  audience.  Simi 
lar  scenes  occurred  in  many  States.  Blaine  was 
the  choice  of  nearly  all  New  England  and  of 
the  Middle  West.  Grant's  support  came  largely 
from  the  South,  and  from  New  York,  Pennsyl- 


304      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

vania,  and  Illinois.  Had  the  people  chosen 
freely  and  without  dictation  from  the  bosses, 
Elaine  would  have  easily  won.  He  was  the 
popular  choice  beyond  a  doubt.  He  stole  a 
portion  of  the  New  York  delegation  from  Conk- 
ling,  twenty-three  from  Cameron  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  and  Grant's  own  State,  Illinois,  would 
have  gone 'to  him  in  a  body  but  for  the  hercu 
lean  efforts  of  Logan  and  Washburn.  John 
Sherman,  a  third  candidate,  failed  to  hold  the 
full  strength  of  Ohio,  several  of  the  delegates 
openly  declaring  for  Elaine. 

The  Grant  forces  were  managed  with  far 
greater  skill  than  those  of  Elaine.  The  nomi 
nation  of  the  "  magnetic  man  "  would  never  have 
been  doubtful  had  his  generals  in  command 
been  equal  to  Conkling  and  Cameron.  But  the 
Grant  forces  lost  in  the  preliminary  battle  when 
the  convention  decided  against  the  unit  rule, 
thus  permitting  the  stray  Elaine  men  from 
Grant  States  to  vote  as  they  chose.  A  second 
blow  to  the  Grant  interests  was  a  written  state 
ment  signed  by  Judge  W.  H.  Robertson  and 
twenty-one  followers,  all  delegates  from  New 
York,  openly  rebelling  against  Conkling's  iron 


THE  GARFIELD  TRAGEDY  305 

rule  and  declaring  that  they  would  not  vote  for 
Grant.  These  two  preliminary  defeats  proved 
fatal  to  the  nomination  of  Grant,  but  they  did 
not  insure  the  nomination  of  Elaine. 

After  two  or  three  days  of  sparring  for  posi 
tion  the  convention  was  ready  to  receive  nomi 
nations.  Conkling  himself  placed  his  candidate 
before  the  vast  assemblage  in  one  of  his  mas 
terly  orations.  "  His  polished  blows  at  Elaine 
were  as  terrible  as  they  were  eloquent,  and 
his  epigrammatic  tributes  to  Grant  exhausted 
the  power  of  language.  .  .  .  The  speech  was 
equal  to  Ingersoll's  speech  for  Elaine  in  1876  in 
eloquence  and  power." 1  He  pronounced  the 
name  of  Grant  the  most  illustrious  borne  by  any 
living  man. 

James  F.  Joy  of  Michigan  presented  the 
name  of  Elaine,  but  his  effort  was  lifeless  com 
pared  with  that  of  Conkling.  Next  to  Conk- 
ling's  brilliant  oration  must  be  ranked  the  one 
delivered  by  James  A.  Garfield  in  presenting- 
the  name  of  John  Sherman  of  Ohio.  An  inci 
dent  occurred  while  Garfield  was  speaking  that 
would  scarcely  be  remembered  but  for  the 

1  A.  K.  McClure  in  Philadelphia  Times,  June  6,  1880. 

VOL.  II.  —  X 


306      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

unexpected  outcome  of  the  convention.  After 
the  speaker  had  finished  his  exordium  he  con 
tinued,  "  But  now,  gentlemen  of  the  convention, 
what  do  we  want?"  Here  he  paused,  and  a 
voice,  clear  and  loud,  rang  out  from  the  depths 
of  the  vast  assemblage  — 

"Garfield." 

A  few  minutes  later  the  speaker,  reaching 
another  climax,  said,  "  Therefore,  gentlemen 
and  brethren,  we  are  here  to  take  calm  counsel 
together,  and  inquire  what  we  shall  do,"  and 
again  he  paused.  Again  arose  the  voice,  clearer 
and  louder  than  before,  "  Nominate  Garfield."  l 
This  was  followed  by  some  applause,  but  the 
orator  continued  unperturbed. 

On  the  first  ballot  Grant  led  with  304  votes, 
lacking  75  of  enough  to  nominate  him ;  Blaine 
followed  with  284,  Sherman  had  93,  Windom, 
Washburn,  and  Edmunds  receiving  many  scat 
tering  votes.  The  second  ballot  was  substan 
tially  the  same  as  the  first  —  but  there  was 

1  Many  afterward  believed  the  rumor  that  Garfield  had  hired 
the  man  who  thus  shouted.  Sherman  always  believed  that  Gar- 
field  betrayed  him  in  this  convention,  but  there  is  no  evidence  of 
this. 


THE   GARFIELD  TRAGEDY  307 

one  ominous  vote  for  Garfield  cast  by  a  stray 
Pennsylvanian  that  Cameron  had  failed  to 
gather  within  his  fold. 

For  several  days  the  balloting  continued. 
The  weather  was  hot ;  the  people  were  weary. 
When  would  the  end  come  ?  Thirty-three 
ballots  were  cast  with  no  material  change  — 
Garfield  receiving  his  uniform  support  —  one 
vote,  now  and  then  augmented  to  two.  Grant's 
vote  had  settled  at  306,  and  here  it  stood  like 
a  solid  wall. 

On  the  thirty-fourth  ballot,  a  break  in  the 
clouds  was  descried.  Wisconsin  cast  14  votes 
for  Garfield,  and  the  act  was  cheered.  Gar- 
field  rose  and  protested  that  he  was  not  a  can 
didate,  and  that  no  one  should  vote  for  him. 
When  the  convention  spoke  again,  Indiana 
followed  the  lead  of  Wisconsin  and  the  Ohio 
man  had  50  votes.  Now  there  was  a  mighty 
surging,  .a  general  breaking  up,  a  rush  for  Gar- 
field.  The  Elaine  men,  the  Sherman  men,  the 
Windom  men,  the  Washburn  men  —  all  but  the 
Grant  phalanx  of  306  —  made  a  dash  for  Gar- 
field,  and  he  was  nominated  on  the  thirty- 
sixth  ballot. 


308      SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

The  scene  was  now  indescribable.  The 
boom  of  cannon  from  without,  the  bands  of 
music  within,  mingled  with  the  wild  huzzas 
of  the  multitude,  and  the  uproar  was  deafen 
ing.  Banners  and  flags  were  seized  by  will 
ing  hands  and  waved  over  the  head  of  the 
new-made  hero.  Now  he  was  callecf  on  for 
a  speech,  but  he  could  not  speak ;  he  sat  in 
his  chair  on  the  stage,  dazed  and  speechless 
with  emotion,  and  seemed  as  one  awaking 
from  a  dream. 

James  Abram  Garfield 

Garfield  was  not  the  choice  of  the  Chicago 
convention.  Not  a  score  of  the  delegates, 
perhaps,  would  deliberately  have  made  him 
their  choice  for  President.  His  nomination 
was  an  accident.  The  chances  of  Windom  or 
of  Edmunds  or  of  Washburn  would  have 
been  considered  far  better  than  his,  when  the 
convention  met.  But  he  became  the  dark- 
horse  nominee,  because  he  happened  to  be  on 
the  uppermost  crest  of  the  popular  wave  when 
the  inevitable  break  came. 

His  nomination  proved  salutary  to  the  party. 


THE  GARFIELD  TRAGEDY  309 

The  politicians  at  first  demurred ;  but  the 
people  rejoiced  that  the  party  was  rescued 
from  the  threatening  factional  quarrel,  and 
all  were  soon  united  for  the  success  of  the 
ticket,  the  Grant  wing  having  been  placated 
by  the  nomination  of  Chester  A.  Arthur  of 
New  York  for  second  place. 

The  career  of  Garfield  was  a  notable  one. 
He  had  sprung  from  the  commonest  walks 
of  life.  His  father  was  a  plodding  farmer, 
hewing  his  living  from  the  sparsely  settled 
forest  of  northern  Ohio,  where  James  was 
born  in  1831.  Two  years  later  the  father 
died.  As  the  boy  grew  toward  manhood  he 
yearned  for  an  education,  and  between  the 
working  hours  —  on  the  farm  in  summer,  in 
the  carpenter  shop  in  winter,  and  occasion 
ally  driving  the  mules  of  a  canal  boat  —  he 
succeeded  in  preparing  for  college.  Having 
taken  a  classical  course,  he  became  a  professor 
and  then  president  of  Hiram  College.  In 
1859  ne  was  elected  to  the  Ohio  legislature, 
where  he  attracted  attention  by  his  eloquence 
and  straightforwardness,  especially  when  up 
holding  the  cause  of  the  Union  at  the  out- 


310      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN    HISTORY 

break  of  the  war.  Soon  after  we  find  him  at 
the  front,  leading  a  band  of  troops  against 
the  forces  of  secession.  His  most  brilliant 
work  on  the  battle-field  was  at  Chickamauga, 
where  he  did  more  perhaps  than  any  one  else 
except  General  Thomas  to  save  the  Union 
army  from  rout.  In  the  autumn  of  1862  he 
was  elected  to  the  Lower  House  of  Congress, 
and,  thinking  the  war  would  soon  be  over,  he 
resigned  his  commission  in  the  army,  and 
entered  the  legislative  halls  at  Washington. 
Here  he  served  for  eighteen  years  without  a 
break,  representing  the  famous  district  that 
had  for  so  many  years  been  represented  by 
Joshua  R.  Giddings.  He  steadily  rose  in  the 
estimation  of  his  fellows,  until,  in  1877,  when 
Elaine  was  transferred  to  the  Senate,  Gar- 
field  succeeded  him  as  leader  of  the  party  in 
the  House.  In  January,  1880,  Garfield  was 
chosen  by  the  Ohio  legislature  to  a  seat  in 
the  United  States  Senate ;  but,  before  enter 
ing  on  his  new  duties,  he  received  the  nomi 
nation  for  the  presidency  at  Chicago. ' 

Garfield  was  not  great  or   brilliant;  he   was 
sturdy,   honest,  reliable.     He  did   not  excel  in 


THE   GARFIELD   TRAGEDY  311 

social  circles ;  as  long  as  he  lived  it  was  not 
difficult  to  see  that  he  was  country  bred.  He 
kept  himself  thoroughly  informed  concerning 
the  business  of  Congress.  His  industry  was 
prodigious.  No  schoolboy  could  improve  his 
time  better  or  study  more  diligently  than  did 
Garfield.  A  little  incident  will  illustrate.  One 
day  a  friend  came  into  his  room  and  found 
Mr.  Garfield  deeply  engrossed  in  a  pile  of 
books  on  his  table.  Seeing  that  all  the  books 
were  about  the  Latin  poet,  Horace,  the  friend 
asked  what  it  meant.  "  I  find  that  I  am  over 
worked  and  need  recreation,"  answered  the 
Congressman.  "  My  theory  is  that  the  best 
way  to  rest  the  mind  is,  not  to  let  it  be  idle, 
but  to  put  it  at  something  quite  outside  of  the 
ordinary  line  of  employment;  so  I  am  resting 
by  learning  all  the  Congressional  Library  can 
show  about  Horace."  1  General  Garfield,  how 
ever,  was  wanting  in  one  important  respect 
as  a  statesman  and  a  leader  —  he  lacked  will 
power.  It  was  not  difficult  for  him  to  stand 
among  the  foremost  in  advocating  a  party 
measure ;  but  it  was  not  in  his  fibre  to  stand 

^Philadelphia  Times,  June  9,  1880. 


312      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

out  alone,  and  advocate  a  measure  on  prin 
ciple.  One  of  his  cotemporaries,  who  was  also 
his  friend,  has  spoken  of  him  as  a  "moral 
invertebrate."  It  is  not  strange,  then,  that 
when  the  new  President  chose  a  stronger 
man  than  himself  for  secretary  of  state,  the 
latter  should  become  the  dominant  force  in 
the  Administration. 

The  Closing  Scenes 

The  Democrats  nominated  General  Win- 
field  Scott  Hancock,  the  hero  of  Gettysburg, 
to  head  their  ticket,  and  William  H.  English 
of  Indiana  for  second  place.  Hancock  was  an 
admirable  character  —  not  a  statesman,  but  an 
ideal  soldier,  and  the  qualities  of  the  sol 
dier,  in  those  days  appealed  to  the  people  more 
readily  than  anything  else.  Not  even  the 
Republican  press  attempted  to  find  fault  with 
Hancock.  But  the  Democratic  tidal  wave  of 
a  few  years  before  had  greatly  subsided,  and 
Garfield  was  elected. 

Garfield  chose  Elaine  secretary  of  state. 
This  was  galling  to  the  Stalwart  leader  of 
New  York.  Conkling  had  been  deeply  cha- 


THE  GARFIELD  TRAGEDY  313 

grined  at  Chicago,  when  the  lifelong  friend 
of  his  lifelong  enemy  received  the  nomination. 
He  had  supported  the  nominee,  however,  in  a 
lukewarm  manner,  but  now  he  was  thrown 
into  a  belligerent  mood  at  seeing  Elaine  made 
the  head  of  the  cabinet. 

Elaine  could  not  but  feel  a  sense  of  triumph 
over  Conkling.  He  had,  on  several  occasions, 
expressed  his  willingness  to  be  reconciled  to 
his  antagonist,  but  at  heart  he  thoroughly  dis 
liked  Conkling,  and  had  no  desire  to  be  his 
friend.  Conkling  was  bold  and  open  in  his 
antagonism ;  Elaine  was  wily  and  cunning,  nor 
did  he  lose  an  opportunity  to  give  the  enraged 
lion  a  stealthy  prod,  making  him  roar  the  louder, 
and  then  turn  to  an  inquiring  public  with, 
"  What  is  he  howling  about  ?  " 

Elaine  and  Garfield  had  been  close  friends 
for  many  years.  Fourteen  years  they  served 
together  in  the  House,  and  in  all  those  years 
there  had  never  even  been  a  coolness  between 
them.  It  is  often  said  that  two  leaders  in  such 
a  body  cannot  get  on  without  quarrelling ;  and 
this  was  no  exception  to  the  rule,  for  only  one 
was  a  leader  —  Garfield  was  a  follower. 


314      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

It  was  the  most  natural  thing  that  now,  in 
this  higher  sphere,  the  mind  of  Elaine  would 
retain  and  increase  its  ascendency  over  that  of 
Garfield.  Indeed,  it  might  further  be  said  that 
Garfield  had  reached  the  limit  of  his  capacity 
in  the  House,  while  the  capacity  of  Elaine  had 
not  yet  been  fully  measured.  There  is  an 
instinct  in  the  lower  animals  that  enables  one 
to  recognize  a  superior.  The  wolf  is  bold 
among  sheep,  but  he  skulks  to  his  lair  on  meet 
ing  a  tiger.  This  instinct  is  also  found  in  men 
—  except  in  the  egotist  who  fails  to  properly 
measure  himself. 

President  Garfield  felt  that  Elaine  was  his 
superior;  he  also  felt  that  the  business  before 
him  was  too  vast  for  him,  —  especially  since  his 
party  was  rent  in  twain,  and  each  faction  more 
ready  to  make  war  upon  the  other  than  to  hold 
up  the  hands  of  the  President,  —  and  he  in 
stinctively  leaned  on  his  great  secretary  of 
state.  Elaine  was  a  great  man,  but  not  too 
great  morally  to  stoop  to  humble  an  old  enemy 
when  in  his  power  to  do  so. 

It  is  the  custom  for  a  President,  in  making 
local  appointments  in  a  State,  to  confer  with 


THE   GARFIELD  TRAGEDY  315 

the  senators  and  representatives  of  his  party 
from  that  State,  and,  in  a  great  measure,  to  be 
guided  by  their  wishes.  Garfield  made  several 
New  York  appointments  that  were  pleasing  tc 
Conkling  and  his  friends.  But  the  President 
astonished  the  Senate  and  the  country  by  the 
appointment  to  the  most  important  office  in  the 
State  of  an  open  enemy  of  Conkling,  and  this 
without  the  knowledge  or  consent  of  the  latter. 
He  appointed  Judge  Robertson  collector  of  the 
port  of  New  York.  Robertson  was  the  man 
who  had  led  the  break  in  the  New  York  dele 
gation  at  Chicago  and  had  voted  for  Blaine ; 
nor  did  any  one  doubt  that  it  was  the  secre 
tary  of  state  who  now  brought  about  his  ap 
pointment  to  the  collectorship.  An  appoint 
ment  more  offensive  to  Conkling  could  not  have 
been  made.  He  and  his  colleague,  Thomas  C. 
Platt,  wrote  a  most  vigorous  protest,  request 
ing,  almost  demanding,  that  Robertson's  name 
be  withdrawn.  The  President  positively  re 
fused  to  withdraw  it  —  that  is  to  say,  Secretary 
Blaine  refused,  for  Garfield  had  no  personal 
object  in  offending  Conkling  or  in  promoting 
Robertson. 


316      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

Conkling's  next  move  was  to  prevent  the 
ratification  of  the  nomination  by  the  Senate, 
He  used  every  means  in  his  power  to  do  this, 
but  for  once  "  senatorial  courtesy "  was  sus 
pended,  and  when  Conkling  saw  that  he  could 
not  accomplish  his  end,  he  and  Platt  resigned 
their  seats  in  the  United  States  Senate. 

Both  men  expected  to  be  triumphantly  re- 
elected  by  the  New  York  legislature,  but  it 
happened  that  there  were  some  twenty  Repub 
lican  members  of  the  legislature,  led  by  Robert 
son  himself,  now  president  of  the  State  Senate, 
who  were  unfriendly  to  Conkling  and  Platt, 
and,  after  many  weeks  of  fruitless  balloting, 
both  were  set  aside  and  others  chosen  in  their 
stead.  Thus  ended  the  public  career  of  Roscoe 
Conkling.  He  never  afterward  appeared  in 
public  life.  This  factional  quarrel  between 
the  Stalwarts1  and  the  Half-breeds  had  now 
reached  an  acute  stage,  and  the  integrity  of 
the  Republican  party  was  seriously  threatened. 
Conkling  had  many  friends  in  his  own  State 

1  The  Conkling  faction  of  the  party  were  called  "  Stalwarts  "; 
the  faction  to  which  Garfield  and  Elaine  belonged  were  known 
as  "  Half-breeds." 


THE  GARFIELD   TRAGEDY  317 

and  elsewhere  who  were  deeply  offended  at  his 
treatment  by  the  Administration. 

There  was  a  man  from  New  York  claiming 
to  be  a  lawyer  and  a  "  Stalwart  of  the  Stal 
warts,"  who  took  upon  himself  the  task  of 
reuniting  the  Republican  party  by  "removing" 
the  President.  This  irresponsible  "crank," 
Charles  Jules  Guiteau  by  name,  hatched  a 
scheme  within  his  own  disordered  and  ego 
tistical  brain  to  assassinate  President  Garfield, 
apparently  believing  that  this  course  would 
bring  harmony  to  the  distracted  party  and 
honor  to  himself.  There  was  a  gleam  of  the 
commendable  in  the  man's  motives,  but  the 
means  he  employed  showed  him  utterly  devoid 
of  moral  consciousness. 

For  six  weeks  the  wily  assassin  lurked  about 
the  streets  of  the  capital  city  awaiting  his 
opportunity,  his  dastardly  purpose  known  only 
to  himself.  One  day  when  the  President  was 
leaving  the  city  with  Mrs.  Garfield,  who  was 
ill,  the  ever  watchful  foe  was  ready  to  fire  the 
fatal  shot ;  his  hand  was  on  the  trigger,  lut, 
as  he  afterward  related,  his  heart  failed  him ; 
Mrs.  Garfield  looked  so  weak  and  frail  that  he 


318       SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

could  not  shoot  her  husband  in  her  presence. 
Again,  he  followed  the  President  to  church ; 
but  when  about  to  fire,  his  hand  stayed  from 
fear  that  he  might  kill  some  one  else.  On 
several  other  occasions  he  lurked  through  dark 
streets  and  beneath  the  shadows  of  the  trees 
watching  for  his  victim.  At  length  the  oppor 
tunity  came. 

It  was  known  throughout  the  city  that  the 
President  would  leave  for  a  brief  New  England 
tour  on  the  morning  of  July  the  2d  by  way 
of  the  Baltimore  and  Potomac  Railway.  Gar- 
field  alighted  from  his  carriage  and  walked 
to  the  ladies'  waiting  room  arm  in  arm  with 
Secretary  Elaine.  In  the  sparse  crowd  there 
was  a  middle-aged  man  of  light,  sallow  com 
plexion,  hollow  cheeks,  and  slender  frame.  He 
paced  restlessly  to  and  fro,  looking  furtively 
out  of  the  window  now  and  then  with  strangely 
glaring  eyes.  Now,  as  the  President  passed 
him  he  stepped  forward,  drew  from  his  pocket 
a  large-caliber  revolver,  took  deliberate  aim,  and 
fired.  The  President  turned  quickly  to  see 
whence  the  report  had  come,  when  a  second 
shot  laid  him  fainting  and  bleeding  upon  the 


THE   GARFIELD  TRAGEDY  319 

floor.  The  crowd  was  struck  with  horror  and 
indignation  as  they  realized  that  a  dreadful 
tragedy  had  been  enacted  before  their  eyes. 

The  bullet  had  entered  the  back  to  the  right 
of  the  spine,  had  taken  a  downward  course,  and 
lodged  in  the  body.  The  victim  was  laid  upon 
a  mattress  by  loving  hands.  His  eyes  were 
closed,  he  neither  stirred  nor  spoke,  and  his 
face  was  deadly  pale.  At  first  it  was  believed 
that  he  would  die  within  the  hour;  but  pres 
ently  he  opened  his  eyes  and  said  to  a 
friend :  — 

"  I  want  to  send  a  message  to  '  Crete '  [the 
pet  name  for  his  wife,  Lucretia,  who  was 
absent]  ;  tell  her  I  am  seriously  hurt  —  how 
seriously  I  cannot  yet  say.  I  am  myself,  and 
hope  she  will  soon  come  to  me." 

The  assassin  Guiteau  was  instantly  seized 
and  taken  into  custody.  He  had  a  carriage 
waiting  at  the  station,  hired  to  take  him  to  the 
jail.  In  his  possession  was  found  a  paper 
written  by .  himself  before  the  -tragedy.  Its 
contents  are  plainly  the  product  of  a  disor 
dered  brain.  They  are  in  part  as  follows :  — - 


320      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

"To  THE  WHITE  HOUSE:  — 

"The  President's  death  was  a  sad  neces 
sity,  but  it  will  unite  the  Republican  party  and 
save  the  Republic.  ...  I  presume  the  Presi 
dent  was  a  Christian,  and  that  he  will  be 
happier  in  paradise  than  here.  It  will  be 
no  worse  for  Mrs.  Garfield,  dear  soul,  to  part 
with  her  husband  this  way  than  by  natural 
death.  ...  I  had  no  ill  will  toward  the  Presi 
dent.  His  death  was  a  political  necessity.  I 
am  a  lawyer,  a  theologian,  and  a  politician.  I 
am  a  Stalwart  of  the  Stalwarts.  I  was  with 
General  Grant  and  the  rest  of  our  men  in 
New  York  during  the  canvass.  I  am  going  to 

the   J^  "CHARLES    GUITEAU." 

Guiteau  was  kept  closely  confined  until  the 
autumn,  when  he  was  arraigned  and  tried  for 
murder.  The  trial  was  long  and  apparently 
fair  —  but  only  apparently.  The  American 
people,  especially  the  Half-breeds,  were  not 
only  deeply  saddened  by  the  tragedy,  they 
were  wrought  up  to  a  high  degree  of  anger, 
and  demanded  a  victim.  Threats  of  violence 
were  not  wanting  against  any  juror  who  dared 


THE   GARFIELD   TRAGEDY  321 

cast  his  ballot  for  acquittal.  But  no  threats 
were  needed.  The  jury  reflected  public  opin 
ion,  and  Guiteau  was  promptly  convicted  and 
hanged.  He  should  have  been  shut  up  for 
the  remainder  of  his  natural  life  in  an  insane 
asylum. 

The  stricken  President  hovered  between  life 
and  death  during  the  hot  summer  weeks.  The 
Nation  watched  and  waited  and  prayed.  Mes 
sages  of  sympathy  were  received  from  nearly 
all  the  leading  sovereigns  of  the  world.  At 
times  it  was  believed  that  the  famous  patient 
would  recover;  but  a  few  days  of  such  hope 
were  always  followed  by  more  depressing 
news.  During  the  long  struggle  the  Presi 
dent  often  conversed  with  friends ;  at  times 
he  was  hopeful,  then  again  despondent;  he 
signed  a  few  official  papers,  but  was  never 
able  to  raise  his  head  from  the  pillow.  Late 
in  August  he  was  removed  from  the  White 
House  to  a  cottage  by  the  sea,  but  the  bene 
fit  was  slight  and  of  short  duration.  One  day 
the  President  in  a  feeble  voice  asked  his  friend, 
Mr.  Swaim,  "  Do  you  think  my  name  will  fill 
a  place  in  human  history?"  "Yes,  a  noble 

VOL.  II. — Y 


322       SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

one,"  was  the  answer,  "  and  there  is  much  yet 
for  you  to  do."  "No,"  was  the  response, 
"  my  work  is  done." 

From  this  moment  it  was  evident  that  the 
President  had  no  hope  of  recovery.  But  the 
people  still  hoped  on*  for  two  weeks  longer, 
when  the  dreaded  messenger  came  and  claimed 
his  own.  It  was  on  the  iQth  of  September,  near 
the  hour  of  midnight,  after  a  day  of  pain 
and  extreme  weakness,  that  the  President  awoke 
from  a  fitful  slumber,  and,  placing  his  hand  to 
his  side,  exclaimed,  "  Oh,  Swaim,  there  is  an  aw 
ful  pain  there,"  s&nk  back  on  his  pillow,  and 
expired.  A  few  hours  later  — some  time  be 
fore  daylight  the  following  morning  —  Chester 
A.  Arthur  took  the  oath  of  office  in  his  own 
house  in  the  city  of  New  York,  and  the  chief 
magistracy  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  Stal 
warts. 

The  people  had  watched  the  hourly  bulletins, 
and  in  grief  and  silence  had  learned  to  expect 
the  worst ;  but  yet  they  were  shocked  at  the 
sudden  news  of  the  death  of  the  President. 
The  first  shock  soon  gave  way  to  reverent  awe 
and  silent  resignation  to  the  decree  of  God. 


THE   GARFIELD   TRAGEDY  323 

The  dead  President  was  taken  to  Cleveland, 
Ohio,  the  beautiful  lake  city  near  which  he 
had  been  born  and  had  always  lived.  Here, 
on  a  grassy  mound  overlooking  the  lake,  whose 
waters  now  moan  a  perpetual  requiem  for  the 
great  dead,  the  body  was  laid  to  rest. 


>  bbfhcij) 


m 


CHAPTER   XIII 
A  CENTURY  OF  TARIFF  LEGISLATION 

THE  period  between  the  tragic  passing  of 
Garfield  and  the  war  with  Spain  presents  no 
very  striking  features  in  our  history,  unless 
the  constant  agitation  on  the  tariff  question 
can  be  considered  as  such.  Until  the  silver 
question  temporarily  pushed  it  aside,  the  tar 
iff  issue  had  been  the  most  prominent  political 
issue  for  more  than  a  decade  between  the  two 
great  political  parties,  and  it  is  deemed  neces 
sary,  in  carrying  out  the  purpose  of  this  vol 
ume,  to  devote  a  chapter  to  this  important, 
but  rather  prosaic,  subject. 

A  tariff  is  a  tax  imposed  by  a  country  on 
the  exported  products  of  its  own  people,  or 
on  the  imports  of  foreign  products;  and  as 
our  Federal  Constitution  prohibits  the  laying 
of  any  tariff  on  exports,  it  is  only  with  the 
latter  we  have  to  deal  in  this  chapter. 

In  preparing  this  work  we  have  carefully 
324 


A  CENTURY  OF  TARIFF   LEGISLATION      325 

avoided  any  discussion  of  living  political  issues 
from  any  partisan  standpoint,  nor  shall  this 
chapter  furnish  an  exception  to  the  rule.  It 
is  absolutely  necessary,  however,  for  the  sake 
of  those  who  may  not  have  given  the  subject 
critical,  dispassionate  study,  to  make  a  few 
general  statements  on  the  subject  in  hand. 

General  Observations 

A  tariff  on  imports  may  be  levied  for  two 
purposes — revenue  or  protection,  or  for  both 
combined.  A  tariff  for  revenue  is  intended  to 
produce  money,  by  taxing  foreign  imports,  for 
the  running  expenses  of  the  Government.  If 
laid  on  goods  produced  in  the  country,  as  it 
sometimes  is,  it  furnishes  incidental  protection. 
This  method  of  indirect  taxation  is  considered 
one  of  the  easiest  and  most  effective  means  of 
meeting  the  expenses  of  the  Government.  The 
tariff  simply  increases  the  price  of  commodi 
ties,  and  this  increase  is  paid  by  the  consumer 
when  he  purchases  them.  The  great  majority 
of  consumers  do  not  attempt  to  keep  track  of 
the  tax  by  which  the  price  of  the  various  goods 
is  augmented,  hence  they  pay  this  tax  uncon- 


326      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

sciously.  However  desirable  this  method  ot 
raising  money  by  indirect  taxation,  there  is  in 
it  an  element  of  injustice,  deep  and  ineradica 
ble,  when  it  touches  the  necessaries  of  life,  as 
well  as  the  luxuries,  as  it  usually  does.  For 
example,  a  man  has  a  large  family  to  support 
from  the  fruit  of  his  daily  toil.  In  purchasing 
food  and  clothing  for  his  family  during  a  year 
he  pays,  say,  fifty  dollars  more  than  their  real 
value  on  account  of  the  tariff.  His  neighbor, 
who  is  worth  a  hundred  thousand  dollars,  but 
without  a  family  of  children,  may  not  spend 
more  for  the  necessaries  of  life  during  the 
year  than  the  laborer.  Thus  each  pays  the 
same  as  the  other  toward  the  expenses  of  the 
Government.  Such  a  system  is  altogether  un 
just  and  inequitable,  but  as  it  operates  with 
out  observation,  it  is  in  most  countries  a 
popular  method  of  taxation.  Of  the  hundred 
dollars  paid  to  the  Government  by  these  two 
men  the  rich  man  should  bear  at  least  ninety- 
five.  Any  system  that  places  a  burden  on 
the  worthy  poor  that  could  easily  be  borne  by 
the  rich  is  unjust  and  unfair.  The  remedy 
may  be  found  in  taxing  luxuries,  used  only  by 


A  CENTURY  OF  TARIFF   LEGISLATION      327 

the  rich,  and  by  direct  taxation  on  property 
and  incomes. 

A  few  words  now  about  protection.  A  protec 
tive  tariff  is  a  tax  laid  on  imports  that  are  also 
produced  in  the  country  laying  such  tax,  and  the 
chief  object  of  it  is  to  encourage  home  manufac 
turing  by  refusing  the  foreign  producer  the  right 
to  sell  his  goods  on  the  conditions  enjoyed  by 
the  home  producer.  If  a  protective  tariff  is  not 
prohibitory,  it  not  only  protects,  it  also  yields  a 
revenue.  A  protective  tariff  is  beneficial  in 
nourishing  young  industries,  especially  in  a  new 
country.  Many  kinds  of  manufacturing  require 
large  capital  at  the  outstart,  and  at  first  it  may 
be  impossible  for  them  to  compete  with  the 
well-established  plants  and  cheap  labor  of  for 
eign  countries.  It  is  here  that  the  real  bene 
fit  of  the  protective  system  is  felt,  and  many 
an  industry  has  been  built  up  by  the  protecting 
arm  of  the  Government. 

But  many  people  overlook  the  fact  that  the 
system  is  subject  to  the  most  flagrant  abuse. 
This  would  not  be  so,  if  all  men  were  just  in 
their  dealings  with  their  fellow-men.  Manufac 
turers  are  human ;  they  have  largely  in  their 


328      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

hands  the  disposal  of  the  benefits  of  protection, 
and  it  is  certain  that  the  laborer  too  frequently 
does  not  receive  his  rightful  share.  Many  manu 
facturers  raise  the  price  of  their  products  to  the 
highest  point  that  the  tariff  will  admit,  and  then 
keep  down  wages  even  to  the  extent  of  employ 
ing  foreign  contract  labor.  If  the  products  of 
labor  are  protected,  why  should  not  labor  be 
protected  by  the  same  power  ?  As  an  example 
of  the  evils  of  over-protection  let  us  cite  here  an 
instance.  Soon  after  the  Civil  War  the  great 
copper  mines  of  Lake  Superior  began  to  be 
developed.  These  are  the  richest  copper  mines 
in  the  world,  and  in  consequence  the  American 
people  should  have  been  supplied  with  copper 
at  a  lower  rate  than  any  other  people,  but  just 
the  reverse  is  true.  Why?  In  1869  the  owners 
of  these  mines  asked  a  higher  tariff  on  cop 
per  while  in  truth  no  protection  whatever  was 
needed  owing  to  the  richness  of  the  mines  and 
the  cost  of  transportation  from  other  countries. 
Through  the  means  of  a  powerful  lobby  they 
secured  a  very  high  tariff  in  spite  of  the  Presi 
dent's  veto.  Whereupon  straightway  the  mine- 
owners  banded  together  and  raised  the  price  of 


A  CENTURY  OF  TARIFF  LEGISLATION      329 

copper  to  almost  double  its  former  price.  For 
many  years  thereafter  the  people  paid  two  dol 
lars,  or  very  nearly,  for  every  dollar's  worth  of 
copper  they  used.  Where  did  the  extra  dollar 
go  ?  Not  to  the  Government,  for  the  tariff  was 
prohibitory  and  yielded  no  revenue:  not  to  the 
workmen  who  operated  the  mines,  for  they 
received  no  higher  wages  than  did  railway 
employes  and  many  others  who  are  not  pro 
tected  by  the  tariff.  It  went  into  the  pockets 
of  the  rich  mine-owners  —  and  so.  great  was  the 
yield  of  the  mines  that  copper  was  actually 
shipped  to  foreign  countries  and  sold  at  a  lower 
price  than  in  America !  This  alone  proves  that 
the  American  people  were  the  victims  of  extor 
tion.  Why  should  a  self-governing,  intelligent 
people  tax  themselves  so  heavily  on  a  widely 
used  commodity  for  the  sole  benefit  of  a  few 
multi-millionaires  ?  Is  this  protection  ?  The 
only  imaginable  explanation  is  found  in  the 
assumption  that  the  people  do  not  study  the 
subject  of  protection  critically.  If  lumber,  for 
example,  is  highly  protected  by  our  tariff,  what 
are  the  results  ?  The  wages  of  a  few  thou 
sand  lumbermen,  a  majority  of  whom  are  Ca- 


330      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

nadians,1  are  doubtless  a  little  higher  than  they 
would  be  otherwise,  but  the  chief  advantage 
falls  to  the  very  few  millionaire  owners  of  the 
forests.  But  there  are  other  results.  Not  only 
are  our  forests  depleted  more  rapidly  than  they 
should  be,  but  the  price  of  lumber  is  raised  to 
a  point  much  above  its  normal  value,  and  this 
affects  every  man  who  builds  or  rents  a  house, 
or  uses  furniture  or  anything  made  of  wood. 
As  James  G.  Elaine  said,  "Whenever  the 
frontiersman  undertakes  to  make  himself  a 
home,  he  needs  lumber  for  his  cabin,  for  his 
fence,  for  his  cart,  for  his  plough.  He  needs  lum 
ber  for  almost  every  purpose  of  his  daily  life."2 
Protection  is  truly  a  blessing  if  discriminately 
applied ;  but  if  not  applied  with  discriminating 
judgment,  it  may  become  a  burden  grievous  to 
be  borne. 

Tlie  First  American  Tariffs 

We  now  come  to  the  main  subject  of  this 
chapter  —  a  brief  survey  of  the  tariff  during 
our  National  period. 

1  Strange's  "  Farmer's  Tariff  Manual,"  p.  236. 
*  Speech  in  the  House,  June  10,  1868. 


A  CENTURY   OF  TARIFF   LEGISLATION      331 

During  the  period  between  the  Revolution 
and  the  adopting  of  the  Constitution,  the  old 
Congress  attempted  more  than  once  to  lay  a 
duty  on  foreign  imports  for  the  purpose  of 
raising  money  with  which  to  pay  the  Revolu 
tionary  debt ;  but  under  the  Articles  of  Confed 
eration  no  such  measure  could  become  a  law 
without  the  consent  of  every  State,1  and  in  no 
case  could  this  be  secured.  In  1782  a  five 
per  cent  impost  duty  was  proposed.  Twelve 
of  the  States  agreed  to  this ;  but  one  —  Rhode 
Island  —  refused,  and  the  whole  project  had 
to  fall  to  the  ground.  Again  the  next  year  a 
desperate  effort  was  made  to  relieve  the  finan 
cial  situation  by  a  tariff  limited  to  twenty-five 
years.  The  time  limit  was  attached  in  the 
hope  that  this  feature  would  be  an  inducement 
to  any  reluctant  State  to  join  in  the  project. 
Twelve  again  agreed,  including  Rhode  Island, 
but  New  York  refused,  and  not  a  dollar  could 
be  raised  by  this  means.  But  these  fruitless 
attempts  were  useful  in  bringing  about  a  new 
Constitution  by  showing  the  people  how  impo 
tent  was  Congress  in  governing  the  country. 

1  See  "  Side  Lights,"  Vol.  I.  p.  31. 


332      SIDE  LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

No  sooner  had  the  new  Constitution  gone 
into  operation  than  the  people  turned  their 
attention  to  the  deplorable  financial  condition 
of  the  country.  The  first  important  act  of  the 
First  Congress  was  the  enactment  of  the  tariff 
of  1789,  which  was  completed  and  sent  to  the 
President  on  the  4th  of  July,  and  soon  after 
went  into  effect.  No  refractory  State  among 
the  thirteen  could  now  prevent  this  needful 
legislation,  and  it  was  not  long  until  the  finan 
cial  condition  was  greatly  improved. 

This  tariff  of  1789  was  exceedingly  moder 
ate  compared  with  our  tariffs  of  recent  times. 
The  average  duty  on  dutiable  goods  was 
about  eight  and  a  half  per  cent.  The  highest 
duty,  that  on  carriages,  was  fifteen  per  cent. 
The  question  is  often  debated  as  to  whether 
this  tariff  was  laid  for  revenue  only,  or  for 
protection  also.  The  great  object  of  this  tariff 
was  to  raise  revenue  ;  but  it  is  certain  that  it 
was  meant  for  protection  also,  as  stated  in  the 
preamble.  The  protective  feature  was  fully 
debated  at  the  time  of  its  passage.  The  object 
of  the  protection  aimed  at,  however,  was  not  so 
much  to  foster  new  industries  for  their  own 


A  CENTURY  OF  TARIFF   LEGISLATION      333 

sake  as  to  encourage  the  manufacture  within 
the  country  of  articles  necessary  in  time  of 
war.  This  is  recommended  by  Washington 
in  his  first  message  to  Congress.  In  1792 
Hamilton  submitted  a  powerful  argument  to 
Congress  in  favor  of  protection,  but  it  did  not 
seem  to  have  much  effect  on  legislation,  for 
the  old  duties  remained  with  little  change  until 
the  War  of  1812.  Of  manufacturing  in  the 
United  States,  except  home  manufacture  for 
family  use,  there  was  almost  none  until  1808, 
when  suddenly  a  radical  and  permanent  change 
was  wrought.  Our  greatness  as  a  manufac 
turing  nation  takes  its  rise  from  this  date. 

The  change  was  brought  about  by  the  Eng 
lish  Orders  in  Council  and  by  the  Milan  and 
Berlin  decrees  of  Napoleon,  which  forced  the 
embargo ;  and  this  was  followed  by  the  non- 
intercourse  act  of  1809,  which  in  turn  was  soon 
followed  by  the  War  of  1812.  This  series  of 
events,  which  amounted  to  a  prohibitive  tariff, 
covered  several  years  and  became  a  twofold 
stimulus  to  domestic  manufacturing.  First,  it 
brought  about  a  dearth  of  commodities  that 
had  hitherto  been  imported ;  second,  it  set 


334      SIr>E   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

free  thousands  of  men  along  the  seaboard 
who  had  been  engaged  in  commercial  pur 
suits.  These  commodities  must  now  be  made 
at  home  and  these  men  must  have  employment, 
and  it  was  not  long  until  they  were  busily  en 
gaged  in  the  new  occupations.  The  manufac 
turing  of  cotton  and  woollen  goods,  of  pottery, 
glass,  and  iron  wares  soon  spread  over  New 
England,  and  busy  workshops  were  to  be  found 
in  every  town  and  village. 

By  the  time  peace  came  in  1815  manufac 
turing  had  become  an  important  industry  of  the 
people,  and  they  called  upon  Congress  to  pro 
tect  by  tariff  laws  what  had  been  protected 
before  by  the  embargo  and  the  war.  This 
call  was  answered  by  the  enactment  of  the 
tariff  of  1816.  This  tariff  raised  duties  gen 
erally  to  an  average  of  about  twenty  per  cent,1 
and,  unlike  its  predecessor,  the  protective  fea 
ture  became  the  chief  feature,  and  the  raising 
of  revenue  was  relegated  to  a  second  place. 
The  protection  afforded  seems  to  have  been 
ample,  as  the  new  manufactories  continued  to 
grow  and  flourish.  The  statement  often  made 

1  Taussig's  "Tariff  History,"  p.  19. 


A   CENTURY  OF  TARIFF   LEGISLATION       335 

that  this  tariff  was  too  low  for  protection  and  a 
want  of  higher  duties  resulted  in  the  financial 
panic  of  1818  seems  without  foundation.  This 
panic  came  from  other  causes,  the  principal 
one  being  the  natural  reaction  of  the  disturbed 
condition  during  the  war  and  of  the  inflated 
currency  incident  on  the  reestablishing  of  the 
United  States  Bank.1  The  fact  that  the  cot 
ton  spindles  in  operation  increased  from.  1 30,000 
to  220,000  in  the  five  years  between  1815  and 
1820  shows  that  the  tariff  could  not  have  pro 
duced  the  panic. 

It  was  about  this  time,  however,  that  a  pro 
tection  wave  swept  over  the  country.  All  sorts 
of  industries  called  upon  Congress  to  protect 
them.  Congress  in  response  framed  a  tariff 
bill  increasing  the  duties  very  materially.  It 
passed  the  Lower  House,  but  was  defeated  in 
the  Senate  by  a  single  vote.  This  was  in  1820. 
The  clamor  for  protection  did  not  subside,  and 
four  years  later  a  tariff  known  as  the  tariff  of 
1824  passed  both  Houses  and  became  law. 
The  duties  were  raised  very  considerably  above 
those  of  the  old  tariff;  those  on  cotton  and 

1  Benton  gives  this  view. 


336      SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

woollen  goods  from  twenty-five  to  thirty-three 
and  one-third  per  cent l  while  the  duties  on  iron, 
hemp,  lead,  and  many  other  articles  were  in 
creased.  This  tariff  was  not  a  party  measure, 
most  of  the  leading  statesmen,  Clay,  Adams, 
Jackson,  Crawford,  and  others,  favoring  it. 

It  is  curious  to  note  that  the  North  and  the 
South  changed  places  on  the  tariff  question 
during  the  fifteen  years  following  the  War  of 
1812.  The  South  at  first  favored  protection, 
while  the  North  advocated  a  low  tariff  or  free 
trade.  These  conditions  were  exactly  reversed 
before  1830.  The  cause  of  this  gymnastic 
feat  of  the  two  sections  is  not  far  to  seek 
The  South  at  first  expected  to  work  its  owx/. 
cotton  and  would  have  protection.  But  h 
was  discovered  that  slave  labor  wanted  the 
necessary  intelligence  to  engage  in  manufactur 
ing,  nor  could  free  labor  flourish  by  the  side  of 
slave  labor.  The  South,  therefore,  was  forced 
to  sell  its  raw  cotton  and  to  buy  its  manufac 
tured  articles,  and  with  free  trade  it  could  buy 
them  more  cheaply  than  otherwise.  Hence  the 

1  This  protection  to  woollens  was  partly  offset  by  a  duty  of 
thirty  per  cent  on  raw  wool. 


A  CENTURY  OF  TARIFF  LEGISLATION      337 

change  of  doctrine.  The  North,  on  the  other 
hand,  especially  New  England,  was  first  en 
gaged  in  shipping  and  desired  that  commerce 
with  Europe  be  as  free  as  possible.  But  New 
England  grew  into  a  manufacturing  centre  and 
thus  came  to  favor  a  protective  tariff. 

The  "Tariff  of  Abominations" 

In  midsummer,  1827,  a  National  convention 
of  manufacturers  was  held  in  Harrisburg  for 
the  purpose  of  advocating  a  general  increase 
of  protective  duties.  About  a  hundred  men 
were  present,  representing  many  of  the  States. 
They  framed  a  tariff  bill  to  be  urged  upon 
Congress,  each  manufacturer  fixing  the  duty 
on  his  particular  goods  without  regard  to  the 
interests  of  anybody  else.  This  became  a 
model  for  the  tariff  of  1828,  known  as  the 
"  Tariff  of  Abominations."  In  its  passage,  this 
bill  was  certainly  an  anomalous  piece  of  legisla 
tion.  A  majority  of  the  committee  that  framed 
it  were  opposed  to  high  protection,  and  they 
fixed  the  rates  ridiculously  high  on  raw 
materials  and  on  articles  that  needed  no 
higher  protection,  on  the  supposition  that  the 

VOL.  II.  —  Z 


338      SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

protectionists  in  Congress  would  themselves  be 
disgusted  with  it  and  defeat  it.  The  object  was 
to  head  off  these  ultra  protectionists  and  pre 
vent  their  going  before  the  country  as  the 
only  true  friends  of  American  mdustriesx  as 
they  had  done  before.1  But  to  the  astonish 
ment  of  all,  the  measure  passed  both  Houses 
and  became  a  law. 

Following  are  a  few  examples  of  this 
"  abominable "  tariff :  The  duty  on  hemp, 
which  before  was  thirty-five  dollars  per  ton, 
was  raised  to  forty-five  dollars,  with  a  further 
increase  of  five  dollars  each  year  until  it 
reached  sixty  dollars.  The  better  kinds  of 
hemp  are  not  raised  in  this  country,  on  ac 
count  of  the  great  labor  required  in  raising 
and  curing  it,  and  the  object  of  this  excessive 
duty  was  to  embarrass  the  rope-makers  and 
ship-builders.  A  duty  was  put  on  various 
farm  products  that  were  never  imported.  On 
pig-iron  and  hammered  bar-iron  the  duties 
were  greatly  advanced,  though  no  one  had 
asked  for  such  advances.  The  great  object  of 
the  free  traders  was  to  "  make  the  tariff  so 

1  Taussig,  pp.  88-89. 


A  CENTURY   OF  TARIFF   LEGISLATION      339 

bitter  a  pill  that  no  New  England  member 
would  be  able  to  swallow  it,"  or  if  it  should 
pass,  as  it  finally  did,  to  make  protection  un 
popular  and  odious  in  the  eyes  of  protection 
ists  themselves. 

In  this  they  were  partially  successful.  From 
this  time  forth,  even  to  the  present  day,  there 
has  been  a  strong  minority  of  free  traders 
throughout  the  North.  This  tariff  pleased 
no  one  and  was  in  force  but  four  years.  In 
a  new  tariff  act  of  1832  many  of  the  abomina 
tions  were  corrected.  The  duties  on  articles 
not  produced  in  the  United  States  were  greatly 
reduced  or  entirely  abolished.  On  dutiable 
goods  the  average  rate  was  about  thirty-three 
per  cent. 

Other  Tariffs  before  the  Civil  War 

The  tariff  of  1832,  though  much  more 
moderate  than  its  predecessor,  was  not  sat 
isfactory  to  the  South.  The  murmurs  against 
it  and  that  of  1828  were  widespread  in  that 
section,  and  resulted  in  an  ordinance  of  nullifi 
cation  in  South  Carolina.  For  several  years 
the  rumblings  of  a  coming  storm  were  heard 


340      SIDE  LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

in  that  State,  and  in  the  autumn  of  1832  it 
burst  forth.  The  result  was,  not  only  the 
famous  proclamation  of  Andrew  Jackson,  but 
also  a  compromise  tariff  agreed  on  by  Clay  and 
Calhoun  and  passed  in  1833.  As  these  two 
leaders  represented  the  extremes  of  protection 
and  free  trade,  both  parties  were  brought  to 
the  support  of  the  measure.  This  tariff  dealt 
with  all  duties  above  twenty  per  cent  and  pro 
vided  that  they  be  gradually  reduced  for  ten 
years,  when  the  uniform  tariff  on  dutiable 
goods  would  be  twenty  per  cent. 

For  several  years  after  this  tariff  became 
a  law,  the  country  had  comparative  rest  on 
the  question  of  protection.  The  tariff  ques 
tion  had  now  become  a  political  issue.  In 
fact  this  had  been  the  case  as  early  as  1828, 
but  party  lines  had  not  then  been  definitely 
drawn  on  that  subject.  But  now  Henry  Clay, 
who  had  for  some  years  been  the  leading  pro 
tectionist  of  the  country,  became  the  founder 
and  leader  of  a  great  political  party,  and  as 
a  matter  of  course  this  party  shared  his  views 
on  this  great  question.  The  Whig  party  got 
control  of  the  government  in  1841,  and  this 


A  CENTURY   OF  TARIFF  LEGISLATION      341 

fact,  coupled  with  the  sudden  drop  of  tariff 
duties  the  following  year,1  revived  the  old 
protection  feeling.  The  Whigs  in  Congress 
were  not  long  in  making  a  response.  Two 
months  after  the  old  tariff  had  reached  its 
horizontal  twenty  per  cent,  the  Whig  tariff 
of  1842  went  into  operation  (September  i). 
This  again  raised  the  duties  on  many  articles 
to  a  very  high  rate.  It  "was  a  hasty  and 
imperfect  measure,"  as  Professor  Taussig  says, 
"of  which  the  details  received  little  considera 
tion."2  Nor  had  it  a  "strong  popular  feeling 
behind  it."  But  this  tariff  was  short-lived. 
The  Democrats,  again  coming  into  power, 
enacted  a  tariff  known  as  the  Walker  tariff 
of  1846,  so  called  because  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  Walker  practically  framed  it.  This 
is  one  of  the  most  famous  of  the  American 
tariffs.  It  has  been  called  the  free-trade 
tariff ;  and  its  framer,  Mr.  Walker,  was  an 
avowed  free  trader.  But  it  was  moderately 
protective  and  changed  many  of  the  specific 
to  ad  valorem  duties.  It  remained  in  force 

1  More   than   half  of  the   ten   years'  reduction   took   place 
within  the  last  year,  1842.  2"  Tariff  History,"  p.  113. 


342       SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

for  eleven  years  when,  owing  to  an  excess 
of  money  in  the  treasury,  the  tariff  of  1857 
was  enacted,  lowering  duties  still  further. 
After  the  Walker  tariff  had  been  in  opera 
tion  a  few  years  it  became  popular  with  all 
classes,  and  at  the  end  of  ten  years  not  a 
voice  could  be  heard  against  it.  Again  the 
tariff  ceased  to  be  a  partisan  issue,  all  parties 
joining  in  the  reduction  of  1857.  Senator 
Seward  made  the  statement  that  "  the  vote 
of  not  a  single  senator  will  be  governed  by 
any  partisan  consideration  whatever."  This 
iow  tariff,  enacted  in  1857,  was  in  force  four 
years,  when  it  was  supplanted  by  the  Morrili 
tariff  on  the  eve  of  the  Civil  War. 

From  the  various  tariff  acts  and  their 
operation  before  the  Civil  War  the  protec 
tionists  on  the  one  hand  and  the  free  traders 
on  the  other  have  drawn  much  campaign 
material,  the  one  side  claiming  that  all  the 
panics  and  depressions  in  business  were  caused 
by  a  low  tariff,  the  other  that  these  were 
caused  by  a  high  protective  tariff,  and  that 
the  only  real  prosperous  times  came  when 
the  duties  were  low.  The  fact  is  the  country 


A  CENTURY   OF  TARIFF   LEGISLATION       343 

prospered  wonderfully  during  the  forty  years 
preceding  the  war,  and  the  prosperity  was 
equally  great  whether  the  tariff  was  high  or 
low.  There  was  an  occasional  brief  season 
of  depression,  but  it  is  impossible  to  say  thaf 
the  tariff  had  any  effect  in  producing  them. 
The  two  most  serious  panics  occurred  in  1837 
and  1857,  tne  one  under  a  high  tariff  and  the 
other  under  a  low  tariff.  Calhoun  claimed 
that  the  first  was  caused  by  the  high  tariff, 
Henry  C.  Carey  claimed  that  it  was  pro 
duced  by  too  low  duties,  while  Henry  Clay 
took  a  middle  ground  and  averred  that  the 
tariff  had  nothing  to  do  with  bringing  about 
this  panic.  The  claim  that  the  reduction  of 
duties  in  1857  brought  about  the  panic  of 
that  year  seems  absurd  when  one  remembers 
that  the  approach  of  this  crisis  was  seen 
before  the  duties  were  reduced,  and  one  of 
the  objects  of  reduction  was  to  avert  it.  A 
more  profound  and  impartial  student  of  the 
subject  than  Professor  Taussig  of  Harvard 
could  not  be  named;  and  he  claims  that  it 
is  not  possible  for  any  one  to  say  whaf 
effect  a  high  or  low  tariff  had  upon  the 


344      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

industries   or   the  financial  panics    during   this 

period. 

Later  Tariff  Legislation 

The  temptation  in  treating  this  subject  is  to 
give  also  a  general  survey  of  the  growth  of  our 
manufacturing  industries,  but  the  limits  of  this 
chapter  forbid.  Even  our  very  important  recent 
tariff  legislation  can  be  given  only  in  brief  out 
line.  The  Morrill  tariff  of  1861  aimed  to  restore 
the  duties  of  the  Walker  tariff ;  it  also  changed 
many  of  them  from  ad  valorem  to  specific,  and 
went  into  effect  but  a  few  weeks  before  the 
firing  on  Fort  Sumter.  The  difference  between 
specific  and  ad  valorem  duties  is  slight  as  long 
as  the  price  of  goods  remains  unchanged;  but 
the  changing  values  of  commodities  renders 
them  very  unlike.  A  specific  duty  of  twenty- 
five  cents  per  yard  on  cloth  worth  one  dollar  is 
equal  to  twenty-five  per  cent  ad  valorem ;  but 
if,  through  the  perfecting  of  machinery  and 
other  causes,  the  same  cloth  can  be  made  for 
fifty  cents,  the  twenty-five  cents  specific  be 
comes  equal  to  fifty  per  cent  ad  valorem  duty. 
Thus  the  specific  duty  has  always  been  favored 
by  protectionists. 


A  CENTURY  OF  TARIFF  LEGISLATION      345 

With  the  coming  of  the  war,  all  former  tariff 
theories  were  shattered.  It  was  necessary  to 
tax  all  the  resources  of  the  Government  to  carry 
on  the  great  struggle.  At  the  extra  session  in 
July,  1 86 1,  Congress  began  a  series  of  tariff  acts 
that  continued  for  years.  Scarcely  a  session 
passed  but  some  duties  were  advanced.  But 
twice,  however,  there  was  a  general  sweeping 
tariff  bill  passed.  The  first  of  these  was  in 
July,  1862,  which  raised  the  average  of  duties 
to  about  thirty-seven  per  cent,  to  compensate 
domestic  manufacturers  for  the  sweeping  inter 
nal  revenue  act  of  the  same  month.  The  sec 
ond  was  enacted  in  June  1864,  and  with  it  came 
the  most  drastic  and  sweeping  internal  revenue 
act  the  country  ever  saw.  This  tariff  became 
highly  protective.  It  "  resulted  in  a  most  un 
expected  and  extravagant  application  of  pro 
tection,  and  made  possible  a  subservience  of 
public  needs  to  the  private  gains  of  individuals. 
.  .  .  Every  domestic  producer  who  came  be 
fore  Congress  got  what  he  wanted  in  the  way 
of  duties."  l 

Soon   after   the  war  was   over,  the   internal 

1  Taussig,  p.  1 66. 


346      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

taxes,  with  few  exceptions,  were  removed,  and 
one  would  have  expected  that  the  high  war 
tariff  would  have  been  correspondingly  modi 
fied.  But  such  was  not  the  case.  The  pro 
tected  industries  demanded  a  continuation  of 
the  system,  and  this  eventually  became  the  set 
tled  policy  of  the  country.  In  1872  a  general 
outcry,  especially  from  the  farmers  of  the  West, 
against  the  high  tariff  resulted .  in  the  removal 
of  the  duties  on  many  articles  not  produced  in 
the  country,  and  a  ten  per  cent  reduction  on 
various  home  manufactured  articles ;  but  three 
years  later,  when  the  clamor  for  tariff  reform 
had  subsided,  this  ten  per  cent  reduction  was 
quietly  repealed. 

Other  minor  changes  took  place  from  time  to 
time,  but  the  next  important  tariff  act  was  that 
of  1883.  In  accordance  with  a  general  demand 
for  tariff  reduction,  there  had  been  appointed  a 
Tariff  Commission,  which  was  to  report  at  the 
meeting  of  Congress,  December,  1882.  The 
tariff  of  1883  grew  out  of  this  report,  and  was 
the  first  general  tariff  measure  since  the  Civil 
War,  except  the  horizontal  reduction  of  1872. 
This  tariff  pleased  no  one.  It  was  an  abortive 


A   CENTURY   OF  TARIFF   LEGISLATION      347 

attempt  at  a  reduction  of  duties ;  but  while 
many  duties  were  lowered  on  articles  that 
needed  no,  reduction,  it  actually  raised  them  on 
articles  such  as  woollen  dress  goods,  where  a 
reduction  would  have  brought  relief. :  It  was 
about  this  time  that  the  tariff  question  became 
the  dominant  issue  between  the  two  great  politi 
cal  parties,  and  the  result  was  the  enactment,  in 
quick  succession,  of  three  of  the  most  impor 
tant  tariff  measures  of  the  century,  the  third  of 
which  is  still  in  force.  Grover  Cleveland  was 
elected  President  in  1884  on  a  tariff  reform 
issue  ;  but  as  the  Senate  was  still  Republican, 
no  important  reduction  could  be  made  during 
the  four  years.  The  Mills  Bill,2  which  did 
not  become  law,  was  simply  an  expression  of 
party  policy.  As  a  similar  party  expression, 
the  Republican  Senate  passed  a  bill  advancing 
duties.  Cleveland's  famous  tariff  message  in 
1887  threw  down  the  gauntlet  again.  The 
Republicans  took  it  up,  and  the  battle  of  1888 

1Taussig,   p.  234. 

2  Even  the  Democrats  did  not  propose  free  trade  by  any  means- 
The  Mills  Bill  was  called  a  free-trade  measure  by  its  enemies  ; 
but  its  average  of  duties  was  about  forty-two  per  cent,  which  is 
much  higher  than  any  antebellum  tariff. 


348       SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

followed.  Cleveland  was  defeated,  and  the 
Republicans  took  their  success  as  a  mandate 
from  the  people  to  raise  the  tariff.  The  Mc- 
Kinley  Bill  of  1890  was  the  result.  This  tariff 
marks  a  new  departure  in  the  history  of  pro 
tection.  It  not  only  surpassed  all  antebellum 
tariffs,  it  exceeded  even  the  highest  of  the 
war  tariffs  in  the  rate  of  its  duties.  The 
average  on  dutiable  goods  was  about  sixty 
per  cent,  the  details  of  which  we  have  not 
space  to  notice. 

But  the  people  seemed  to  have  received  an 
overdose  of  protection,  for  in  the  ensuing  con 
gressional  elections  the  Republicans  were  swept 
from  power  and  the  House  became  Democratic 
by  a  large  majority.  The  Republicans  explained 
by  saying  that  the  new  tariff  had  not  time  to 
ingratiate  itself  with  the  people.  But  two  years 
later  the  same  thing  happened.  The  Democrats 
swept  the  country,  reelecting  Cleveland  and  gain 
ing  control  of  both  Houses  of  Congress.  This 
victory  of  the  Democrats  was  now  interpreted 
by  them  to  mean  that  the  people  repudiated 
the  McKinley  Bill  and  desired  a  reduction  of 
the  tariff,  and  they  proceeded  to  give  them  the 


A  CENTURY  OF  TARIFF  LEGISLATION      349 

Wilson  Bill.  Even  this  tariff  was  by  no  means 
low.  It  reduced  the  McKinley  duties  about 
twelve  or  thirteen  per  cent  on  the  average.  How 
such  a  tariff  —  higher  than  was  any  of  the  war 
tariffs,  higher,  we  believe,  than  that  of  any 
other  protected  country  in  the  world  —  could  be 
branded  as  a  free-trade  measure  is  difficult  to 
understand.  But  so  it  was  branded  by  the 
protectionists,  and  they  appealed  to  the  country 
and  the  country  sustained  them.  In  the  National 
election  of  1896  the  Republicans  won  a  victory 
as  sweeping  as  that  won  by  the  Democrats  four 
years  before,  electing  their  President  and  gaining 
control  of  House  and  Senate.  Although  the 
main  issue  of  this  campaign  was  the  silver  issue, 
it  was  the  chief  apostle  of  protection  that  won 
first  prize,  and  the  party  was  not  slow  to  inter 
pret  -their  victory  to  mean  a  call  for  a  return  to 
high  protective  duties.  The  Dingley  tariff  was 
the  outcome.  By  this  the  duties  of  the  Mc 
Kinley  Bill  were  largely  restored,  the  general 
average,  however,  being  somewhat  below  those 
of  that  famous  act.  This  tariff  is  still  in  force 
and  there  seems  to  be  no  immediate  prospect  of 
change. 


35O      SIDE  LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

The  rapid  fluctuations  in  our  tariff  legislation 
in  the  past  decade  would  indicate  that  the 
American  people  scarcely  know  what  they 
want.  It  is  certain  that  a  vast  majority  of  the 
people  have  not  given  the  subject  thoughtful, 
intelligent  consideration.  They  pay  the  tariff 
tax  in  the  purchase  of  commodities,  and  concern 
themselves  as  little  as  possible  whether  it 
reaches  the  National  treasury  or  the  coffers  of 
the  millionaire.  The  Lead  Trust,  for  example, 
enjoys  a  prohibitory  tariff.  It  has  raised  the 
price  of  lead  to  the  highest  point  that  will  noi 
invite  foreign  competition.  It  not  only  supplies 
the  country  with  lead,  it  also  ships  lead  to 
foreign  countries,  and,  after  paying  the  cost  of 
transportation,  sells  it  at  a  lower  price  than  in 
America.  But  who  buys  lead  ?  Everybody. 
It  is  used  in  the  manufacture  of  many  articles 
that,  we  all  use  every  day,  and  the  price  of  such 
articles  must  be  higher  accordingly.  Where 
does  the  extra  tax  go  ?  Not  to  the  Government, 
for  the  tariff  is  prohibitory.  It  does  not  go  to 
the  employee.  It  goes  to  the  Lead  Trust,  a 
soulless  corporation  composed  of  a  very  few 
rich  men. 


A  CENTURY  OF  TARIFF  LEGISLATION      351 

Protection  is  a  salutary  thing  and  its  applica 
tion  has  been  beneficial  in  many  instances ;  but 
it  becomes  robbery  when  not  applied  with  dis 
criminating  judgment,  with  justice,  and  in  ac 
cordance  with  common  sense. 


CHAPTER   XIV 
THE  SPANISH  WAR 

OF  all  great  nations  of  the  world  ours  is 
preeminently  the  nation  of  peace.  From  the 
time  that  President  Washington  took  his  bold 
stand  for  neutrality  in  the  spring  of  1793,  we 
have  adhered  to  our  policy  of  standing  aloof 
from  the  military  and  political  broils  of  Europe. 
The  year  1898  marks  our  first  war  with  a  Euro 
pean  power  except  with  the  Power  from  which 
we  won  our  independence.  This  war  with 
Spain  will  doubtless  take  the  name  in  history 
of  "  The  Spanish  War "  in  this  country,  while 
in  Spain  it  will  probably  be  known  as  "  The 
American  War." 

In  our  limited  space  but  a  meagre  outline 
can  be  given  of  this  short  but  important  war. 
It  must  be  remembered,  too,  that  the  time  has 
not  come  to  write  a  critical  history  of  this  war. 
This  must  be  done  by  the  historian  of  the 

future.     Our  present  chapter  will  aim  to  give 
352 


THE   SPANISH    WAR  353 

a  condensed  account  of  the  military  and  naval 
movements,  the  causes  and  results  of  the  war, 
leaving  untouched  the  various  personal  con 
troversies  to  which  it  has  given  rise. 

The  Cuban  Revolt"1 

At  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century 
almost  all  of  South  America  and  Central 
America  belonged  to  Spain.  But  so  oppres 
sive  and  inefficient  was  Spanish  rule  that  the 
inhabitants  of  the  various  colonies  revolted 
against  the  mother  country  in  the  early  part 
of  the  century,  and,  after  a  long  struggle  of 
ten  years  or  more,  won  their  independence. 
Cuba  and  Puerto  Rico  alone  in  the  Western 
Hemisphere  remained  to  Spain.  The  Cubans, 
however,  have  never  been  contented  under 
Spanish  government.  In  1826  a  revolt  in 
Cuba  was  put  down  with  a  strong  hand.  A 
few  years  later  another  insurrection  met  with 
the  same  fate.  In  each  case  the  leaders  were 
executed.  In  1850  and  again  in  1851  Nar- 
cisco  Lopez  led  an  expedition  against  the 
island  in  the  interest  of  the  slaveholders  of 

iSee  also  "  Side  Lights,"  Vol.  I.  p.  179. 
VOL.  n.  —  2  A 


354      SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

the  United  States,  the  object  being  to  wrest  it 
from  Spain,  annex  it  to  the  United  States,  and 
thus  extend  slave  territory.  But  the  Cubans 
were  not  at  that  moment  in  a  condition  to  join 
the  invaders,  and  the  movement  met  with  dis 
astrous  failure,  Lopez  being  garroted  in  the 
public  square  at  Havana.  During  the  follow 
ing  years  the  people  of  Cuba  attempted  by 
peaceful  methods  to  secure  from  the  Spanish 
Government  some  mitigation  of  their  wrongs, 
but  without  success. 

In  1868  a  revolt  against  Spain,  far  more 
formidable  than  any  thai:  preceded  it,  broke 
out  in  Cuba.  It  was  led  by  Carlos  Manuel 
de  Cespedes,  assisted  by  Calixto  Garcia  and 
others,  and  was  confined  to  the  eastern  shore 
of  the  island.  The  Spanish  Government,  al 
though  in  the  throes  of  a  revolution  at  home, 
sent  an  army  to  put  down  the  insurrection. 
But  it  was  not  successful  and  the  war  contin 
ued  for  ten  years.  The  American  people  were 
deeply  interested  in  the  progress  of  the  war, 
and  our  Government  offered  to  put  an  end  to 
the  strife  by  purchasing  the  island ;  but  Spain 
refused  to  sell  it.  In  1873  an  event  occurred 


THE   SPANISH   WAR  355 

that  led  the  Americans  to  take  a  more  vital 
interest  in  the  matter.  The  Virginius,  an 
American  merchant  vessel,  was  captured  by 
the  Spanish  man-of-war  Tornado  on  the  high 
seas  near  Jamaica,  the  ground  being  that  she 
intended  furnishing  men  and  munitions  for  the 
Cuban  insurgents.  The  captain  and  a  num 
ber  of  the  crew  were  shot.  A  war  feeling  in 
the  United  States  soon  rose ;  but  the  Spanish 
authorities  were  prompt  to  make  ample  repa 
ration,  and  the  matter  was  dropped.  The 
rebellion  continued,  and  Spain,  after  spending 
millions  of  dollars  and  finding  herself  wholly 
unable  to  suppress  it,  promised  the  Cubans 
the  reforms  for  which  they  had  fought.  The 
insurgents  accepted  the  offer  and  laid  down 
their  arms ;  but  scarcely  had  they  done  this 
when  Spain  violated  every  promise  and  re 
sumed  the  government  of  the  island  with  the 
same  tyrannical  hand  as  before. 

The  matter  now  slumbered  for  thirteen  years, 
during  which  Spain  held  the  island  in  a  con 
dition  of  servitude  by  oppressive  taxation  and 
by  sending  over  a  vast  number  of  carpet-bag 
gers  to  hold  the  offices  and  grow  rich  by  loot- 


356      SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

ing  the  natives.  During  all  these  years  the 
people  of  Cuba  were  watching  and  waiting 
for  another  opportunity  to  rebel.  In  Febru 
ary,  1895,  the  storm  broke  forth  more  furi 
ously  than  ever  before.  In  half  a  year  the 
insurgents  had  swept  over  the  island  from 
Santiago  to  the  suburbs  of  Havana,  and  had 
taken  possession  of  a  large  part  of  the  island 
outside  the  cities  and  towns.  The  leader  of 
the  rebellion  was  the  sagacious  old  general, 
Maximo  Gomez,  ably  assisted  by  Garcia,  who 
had  made  himself  famous  in  the  ten  years'  war, 
and  by  Maceo,  the  dashing  young  mulatto  cav 
alry  leader,  who  gave  his  life  to  the  cause. 
The  plan  of  Gomez  was  to  avoid  pitched  bat 
tles,  to  harass  the  Spaniards  by  skirmishes 
and  by  ravaging  the  country  so  as  to  prevent 
their  collecting  the  usual  revenue.  By  this 
plan  Gomez  hoped  to  exhaust  the  treasury  of 
Spain  and  win  independence,  or  to  bring  about 
the  intervention  of  the  United  States.  In  the 
one  important  battle  of  the  war  (Bayamo,  July 
J3>  I^95),  the  Cubans  were  successful  and 
came  near  making  Captain-General  Campos  a 
prisoner.  Some  months  later  Campos  was 


THE  SPANISH   WAR  357 

recalled  by  the  Spanish  Government  and  Wey- 
ler  was  sent  in  his  stead.  Weyler  had  already 
an  unsavory  reputation  for  brutality  and  corrup 
tion,  and  his  brief  reign  in  Cuba  did  nothing 
to  redeem  it. 

A  large  portion  of  the  Cuban  peasantry  re 
mained  quietly  on  their  farms  and  took  no  part 
in  the  war.  They  were  called  "pacificos."  To 
prevent  these  people  from  supplying  the  insur 
gent  army  with  food,  General  Weyler  issued  an 
edict  in  the  autumn  of  1896  that  the  army  for 
cibly  concentrate  this  rural  population  into  the 
garrisoned  towns.  This  was  carried  out  with 
heartless  severity,  and  these  poor  people  were 
thus  driven  from  their  homes  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet,  and  deprived  of  their  only  means  of 
livelihood.  Weyler  was  unable  to  feed  them, 
nor  would  he  permit  them  to  earn  their  own 
living.  What  could  they  look  forward  to  but 
starvation?  In  a  few  months  their  provisions 
were  well-nigh  exhausted ;  by  the  following 
spring  the  death  rate  was  frightful.  The  Span 
iards  looked  on  with  complacency ;  their  object 
seemed  to  be  to  depopulate  the  island.  Not 
Weyler  alone,  but  the  whole  Spanish  Govern- 


358       SIDE   LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

ment,  was  responsible  for  this  inhuman  and 
savage  measure.  The  Queen  Regent  of  Spain, 
with  all  her  intelligence  and  good  qualities,  set 
her  hand  and  seal  to  this  infamous  edict. 
These  Cubans,  now  called  "  reconcentrados/ 
were  perishing  by  thousands,  and  the  voice  of 
their  blood  cried  out  from  the  ground  unto  the 
civilized  world. 

Causes  of  the   War 

It  was  now  that  our  own  people  began  to 
open  their  ears  to  this  wailing  cry  from  the 
neighboring  island.  Their  sympathy  was  ex 
pressed  in  private  and  through  public  meetings 
called  for  the  purpose,  and  eventually  by  the 
adoption  of  resolutions  in  Congress.  But  sym 
pathy  and  resolutions  could  do  nothing  for  the 
dying  Cubans.  There  must  be  action.  Dur 
ing  the  year  1896  there  was  a  growing  feeling 
on  all  sides  that  it  was  our  solemn  duty  to  send 
an  army  to  the  rescue  of  down-trodden  Cuba, 
regardless  of  our  friendly  relations  with  Spain. 
President  Cleveland  hesitated.  His  responsibil 
ity  was  great.  He  was  not  oblivious  to  the 
demands  of  his  countrymen  nor  to  the  cry  of 


THE   SPANISH    WAR  359 

distress  from  the  unhappy  island ;  but  his  posi 
tion  led  him  to  realize  as  no  one  else  could  that 
it  is  no  light  thing  to  disturb  our  peaceful  rela 
tions  with  a  great  European  nation  —  and  he 
still  hesitated.  When,  in  the  spring  of  1897, 
Mr.  McKinley  succeeded  to  the  presidency, 
his  attitude  toward  the  great  question  was  very 
similar  to  that  of  his  predecessor,  and  so  it  con 
tinued  for  more  than  a  year. 

Meantime,  the  American  people  were  further 
exasperated  by  the  seizure  and  imprisonment  by 
the  Spanish  authorities  of  American  citizens  in 
Cuba.  These,  however,  were  released  on  the 
demand  of  President  McKinley.  When  it  was 
known  that  there  were  many  Americans  among 
the  starving  "  reconcentrados,"  Congress  voted 
$50,000  by  which  to  send  them  provisions.  This 
was  promptly  carried  out,  and  many  of  the 
Cubans,  as  well  as  Americans,  were  thereby 
saved  from  starvation. 

In  January,  1898,  it  was  decided  to  send  a 
battleship  to  Cuban  waters  to  protect  American 
interests,  and  the  Maine,  commanded  by  Cap 
tain  Sigsbee,  was  selected  for  the  purpose. 
The  Maine  was  a  stanch  and  beautiful  armored 


360      SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

vessel  of  seven  thousand  tons  burden,  a  battleship 
of  the  second  class.  On  the  night  of  the  i$th 
of  February,  the  crew  was  sleeping  in  fancied 
security,  when  suddenly  there  arose  from  the 
surface  of  the  water  a  vast  column  of  fire  com 
mingled  with  beams  and  rigging  and  the  bodies 
of  men,  and  accompanied  by  a  sound  surpassing 
the  roar  of  artillery.  The  Maine  had  been 
blown  to  fragments,  and  266  of  her  brave  sea 
men  had  perished  in  the  explosion.  When,  on 
the  following  morning,  the  news  of  the  explo 
sion  was  flashed  across  the  country,  the  people 
were  stunned  and  shocked,  and  the  first  thought 
was  that  it  had  been  caused  by  Spanish  treach 
ery.  Captain  Sigsbee,  who  was  one  of  the  few 
to  escape  without  injury,  counselled  that  the 
people  suspend  judgment  until  the  cause  of  the 
calamity  be  thoroughly  investigated.  A  board 
of  naval  officers  was  appointed  to  make  an 
exhaustive  examination  of  the  wreck,  and  dis 
cover,  if  possible,  what  had  caused  the  explo 
sion.  For  forty  days  they  labored,  and  the 
American  people  waited  in  silence  for  the  ver 
dict.  But  the  silence  was  ominous  of  a  gathering 
storm,  and  when  the  board  at  length  announced 


THE  SPANISH   WAR  361 

that  the  Maine  had  been  destroyed  by  a  sub 
marine  mine,  there  was  an  outburst  of  wrath 
from  one  end  of  the  land  to  the  other. 

The  treacherous  destruction  of  the  Maine 
hastened  the  coming  of  war,  but  did  not  cause 
it.  Let  every  American  rejoice  that  this  was 
not  made  the  chief  causus  belli.  Because,  first, 
it  could  not  be  proved  absolutely  who  caused 
the  explosion,  or  that  any  one  wilfully  caused  it. 
No  one  could  doubt  that  that  deed  had  been 
wilfully  committed,  but  absolute  proof  was 
wanting.  And  again,  the  Spanish  Government 
and  people  as  a  whole  could  not  have  been 
guilty;  but  even  if  they  were,  would  it  have 
been  wise  to  wage  war  on  that  account  ?  No 
amount  of  bloodshed  would  bring  back  our 
dead  sailors.  Such  a  war  would  be  a  war  of 
revenge,  and  that  is  the  ignoblest  of  motives. 
But  one  excuse  could  be  found  for  such  a 
war,  and  that  is,  it  would  teach  Spain  and 
other  nations  that  our  ships  and  rights  must  be 
respected.  But  that  would  scarcely  be  neces 
sary,  as  the  world  already  knows  that  we  are  able 
to  take  care  of  ourselves.  If,  therefore,  the 
destruction  of  the  Maine  alone  had  been  the 


362       SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

subject  in  dispute  with  Spain,  it  is  probable  that 
a  demand  on  our  part  for  suitable  reparation,  if 
properly  heeded,  would  have  ended  the  matter, 
as  in  the  case  of  the  Virginins. 

But  the  old  question  remained  unsettled.  The 
Spanish  army,  unable  to  conquer  the  rebellion, 
continued  its  ruthless  policy  of  starving  the 
peaceful  inhabitants.  The  people  of  the  United 
States  could  endure  it  no  longer.  The  President, 
still  hesitating,  was  at  last  forced  by  public  opin 
ion  to  take  the  final  step.  On  April  the  uth  he 
sent  a  message  to  Congress  in  which,  after  a 
careful  review  of  the  Cuban  question,  we  find 
these  words,  "  In  the  name  of  humanity,  in 
the  name  of  civilization,  in  behalf  of  endangered 
American  interests,  .  .  .  the  war  in  Cuba  must 
stop."  The  message  also  stated  that  diplomacy 
had  been  exhausted,  and  the  matter  was  turned 
over  to  Congress.  Th\s  could  mean  war  and 
nothing  else,  for  Congress  has  no  diplomatic 
relations;  its  only  weapon  in  dealing  with  for 
eign  nations  is  the  war  power.1  This  message 
was  followed  on  the  iQth  by  a  congressional 
resolution  declaring  that  the  people  of  Cuba, 

1"The  War  with  Spain,"  Lodge,  p.  36. 


THE   SPANISH    WAR  363 

• 

are  and  of  right  ought  to  be  free,  demanding 
that  the  Government  of  Spain  at  once  relinquish 
its  authority  and  government  in  the  island,  and 
empowering  and  directing  the  President  to  use 
the  entire  land  and  naval  forces  of  the  United 
States,  and  to  call  forth  the  militia  of  the  sev 
eral  States,  if  necessary,  to  carry  the  resolutions 
into  effect.  The  resolutions  also  disclaimed  all 
intention  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  to 
exercise  sovereignty  over  the  island,  declaring 
that  its  government  must  be  left  to  its  people. 

The  following  day  the  President  issued  a 
proclamation  declaring  a  blockade  of  the  Cuban 
ports  and  allowing  all  neutral  vessels  thirty 
days  to  issue  therefrom,  and  on  the  25th  Con 
gress  made  the  formal  declaration  of  war. 

Manila 

In  addition  to  Cuba  and  Puerto  Rico  in  the 
New  World,  Spain  possessed  in  the  Orient  a 
vast  and  populous  archipelago  known  as  the 
Philippine  Islands.  This  island  empire  had 
been  discovered  in  1521  by  the  dauntless  Magel 
lan  in  the  most  famous  but  one  of  all  sea  voy 
ages.  But  the  brave  navigator  did  not  live  to 


364      SIDE  LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

• 

tell  his  story ;  he  was  killed  by  the  natives 
before  leaving  the  islands.  Magellan  had 
named  the  island  group  in  honor  of  St.  Laza 
rus,  on  whose  day  the  discovery  was  made ;  but 
years  afterward  they  were  called  the  Philip 
pines,  after  King  Philip  II.  of  Spain. 

During  the  early  months  of  1898,  when  our 
relations  with  Spain  became  more  and  more 
strained  and  war  seemed  inevitable,  the  Navy 
Department  issued  orders  to  Commodore  George 
Dewey  to  collect  a  fleet  at  Hong-Kong  and 
hold  it  in  readiness  for  instant  action. 

With  great  agility  Dewey  set  about  to  obey 
orders.  He  purchased  the  English  steamship 
Nashan  with  her  thirty-three  hundred  tons  of 
coal,  and  the  Zafiro,  filled  with  provisions  and 
fuel.  The  Baltimore,  with  a  great  load  of  am 
munition,  the  Mohican,  and  others,  were  sent  to 
join  the  Asiatic  squadron.  The  bunkers  of  all 
were  filled  with  coal ;  provisions  and  ammunition 
were  secured  in  ample  quantities.  By  the  mid 
dle  of  April  Dewey  found  himself  in  command 
of  a  respectable  fleet  of  nine  ships  headed  by 
his  flagship  the  Olympia,  and  he  waited  quietly 
for  further  instructions.  But  he  had  not  long  to 


THE   SPANISH   WAR  365 

wait ;  on  the  26th  a  cablegram  reached  him  from 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  Long.  It  was  short  and 
unequivocal.  "War  has  commenced  between 
the  United  States  and  Spain.  Proceed  at  once 
to  Philippine  Islands.  .  .  .  Capture  vessels  or 
destroy.  Use  utmost  endeavors." 

So  vigilant  had  Dewey  been  in  making  prep 
arations  that  on  the  very  next  day  the  fleet 
began  its  long  voyage  of  more  than  six  hundred 
miles  to  the  Philippines.  For  three  days  and 
nights  the  fleet  ploughed  through  a  boisterous 
sea,  when  we  find  it  at  the  mouth  of  Manila 
Bay. 

At  the  head  of  the  bay  and  some  twenty-five 
miles  from  the  entrance  is  Manila,  the  capital 
of  the  archipelago.  The  city  with  its  quarter 
of  a  million  inhabitants  lies  low,  not  far  above 
tide-water,  is  intersected  by  water  passages,  and 
has  been  called  the  Venice  of  the  East.  The 
bay  of  Manila  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  har 
bors  in  the  world.  Two  small  islands  whose 
cliffs  rise  five  hundred  feet  above  the  water 
stand  like  sentries  at  its  mouth.  On  these  and 
on  the  points  jutting  from  the  mainland  were 
forts  from  which  bristled  great  guns  awaiting 


366      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

the  coming  foe.  At  nightfall  on  April  30 
Dewey's  fleet  was  steaming  as  silently  as  possi 
ble  through  the  channel  into  the  bay.  Every 
light  was  extinguished,  and  the  moon  rising 
from  the  eastern  waters  gave  the  ships  the 
appearance  of  spectres  as  they  crept  into  the 
harbor.  All  was  silent  except  for  the  heart 
throb  of  each  vessel  from  its  great  engine 
beneath,  and  it  was  believed  that  they  would 
pass  the  outer  forts  unperceived.  But  sud 
denly  a  shot  from  one  of  the  shore  batteries 
broke  the  stillness  of  the  night,  and  this  was 
followed  by  another  and  another.  These  were 
answered  by  several  shots  from  the  fleet  which, 
however,  was  soon  past  all  danger  from  these 
forts.  All  night  long  the  fleet  steamed  silently, 
slowly  —  scarcely  moving  at  times  —  up  the  bay 
toward  Manila,  when  at  the  dawn  of  that  tropi 
cal  day  —  the  ever  memorable  first  day  of  May 

—  the  vigilant   commander   discovered    at   last 
the  object   of   his  search  —  the    Spanish    fleet. 
There  it  lay,  close  under  the  guns  of  Cavite,  a 
small  suburban  town  some  miles  from  the  capi 
tal.     Nothing  could  now  prevent  a  naval  battle 

—  one  of  the  greatest  in  history. 


THE   SPANISH    WAR  367 

A  glance  at  the  opposing  fleets  is  here  in 
order.  The  American  fleet  consisted  of  nine 
vessels,  two  of  which  were  supply  ships  and 
non-combatant,  and  a  third  the  McCulhch  a 
steel  revenue  cutter,  was  not  engaged  in  the 
battle  of  May  the  ist.  The  best  ship  of  the 
fleet  was  the  flagship  Olympia,  a  steel  cruiser  of 
the  first  class  and  of  nearly  six  thousand  tons. 
Next  to  her  came  the  Baltimore ',  the  Boston,  and 
the  Raleigh,  all  second-class  steel  cruisers  of 
about  three  thousand  tons  each.  These  all  car 
ried  eight-inch  guns  and  many  rapid-fire  guns 
of  a  smaller  caliber.  In  addition  to  these  were 
the  two  gunboats,  the  Concord  and  the  Petrel. 

The  Spanish  fleet  consisted  of  ten  ships,  the 
largest  of  which  was  the  Reina  Cristina,  a 
second-class  steel  cruiser,  as  were  also  the  Isla 
de  Luzon  and  the  Isla  de  Cuba.  There  were 
three  iron  cruisers,  one  wooden  cruiser,  and 
three  gunboats.  None  of  the  Spanish  ships 
could  be  compared  in  size  and  strength  with 
the  Olympia.  The  two  fleets  were  very  well 
matched.  The  Spanish  ships  were  more  numer 
ous,  but  older  and  not  equal  to  the  American  in 
strength  or  speed.  Both  fleets  were  equipped 


368      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

with  the  best  grade  of  modern  guns,  a  slight 
advantage  of  numbers  being  with  the  Ameri 
cans,  who  had  fifty-seven  big  guns  and  seventy- 
four  rapid-fire  machine  guns,  to  fifty-two  of  the 
former  and  seventy-two  of  the  latter  possessed 
by  their  opponents.  Ten  of  Dewey's  guns 
were  eight  inch,  while  the  largest  of  the  Span 
ish  guns  was  six  and  two-tenths  inch.1  Dewey 
had  the  advantage  in  heavy  guns  and  in  the 
weight  of  metal,  but  Admiral  Montojo,  the 
Spanish  commander,  had  the  advantage  in  men, 
1796  as  against  1678  Americans.  The  advan 
tage,  on  the  whole,  lay  decidedly  with  the 
Spaniards  on  account  of  their  support  from  the 
powerful  shore  batteries  in  front  of  Cavite. 

When  Dewey  came  into  the  immediate 
presence  of  the  enemy  he  was  fully  prepared 
for  action.  He  determined  on  immediate  battle. 
After  making  a  detour  toward  Manila  and 
leaving  the  supply  ships  out  of  range,  the 
American  ships  steamed  slowly  and  with  grim 
determination  toward  the  enemy.  The  Spanish 
guns  began  to  open  on  them  as  they  approached, 
but  without  replying  they  moved  steadily  and 

1  "  The  War  with  Spain,"  Lodge,  p.  64. 


THE  SPANISH   WAR  369 

silently  until  they  came  within  five  thousand 
yards,  when  Dewey  said  to  the  captain  of  the 
Olympia,  "If  you  are  ready,  Gridley,  you  may 
fire."  A  moment  later  an  eight-inch  shell 
sped  across  the  still  water  to  the  Spanish  flag 
ship.  A  little  later  the  order  to  open  with  all 
the  guns  was  answered  by  one  broadside  after 
another  from  the  American  ships  as  they  swung 
round  in  a  half-circle  before  the  enemy.  A 
terrific  fire  was  poured  forth  at  the  same  time 
from  the  Spanish  fleet  and  forts.  Again  and 
again  the  American  battle-ships  swept  round  in 
a  grand  graceful  curve,  each  time  nearer  the 
enemy  than  before,  each  time  pouring  forth  a 
deadlier  fire.  In  the  midst  of  the  action  the 
Spanish  flagship,  the  Reina  Cristina,  steamed 
away  from  her  fellows  and  made  directly  toward 
the  Olympia.  Dewey  instantly  concentrated 
the  whole  fire  of  his  fleet  upon  her.  The 
Reina  Cristina  was  dreadfully  torn ;  she  halted 
and  swung  round  to  flee  from  that  awful  raking 
fire  when  an  eight-inch  shell  from  the  Olympia 
penetrated  her  stern,  tore  her  deck  to  splinters, 
and  exploded  one  of  her  boilers.  The  wounded 
vessel  was  barely  able  to  stagger  back  to  the 


VOL.  II.  —  2  B 


3/0      SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

forts  with  two  hundred  and  fifty  of  her  crew 
dead  or  wounded  upon  her  shattered  decks.  A 
Spanish  gunboat  followed  the  example  of  the 
Reina  Cristina  with  still  more  fatal  results. 
After  being  terribly  raked  with  American  shells, 
she  was  struck  in  the  centre  by  a  great  projec 
tile,  broken  to  pieces,  and  sunk  to  the  bottom 
with  all  on  board. 

Five  times  did  the  American  fleet  swing  past 
the  enemy,  each  time  doing  more  deadly  work 
than  before.  At  the  end  of  the  fifth  round, 
when  the  battle  had  raged  for  two  hours,  an 
erroneous  cry  of  a  lack  of  ammunition  for  the 
five-inch  guns  led  Dewey  to  withdraw  his  fleet 
to  a  safe  distance  on  the  other  side  of  the  bay, 
knowing  that  the  remnant  of  the  Spanish  fleet 
could  not  escape,  and  that  the  work  could  be 
completed  at  a  later  hour.  /  \'^.  > 

The  Spaniards,  believing  that  the  Americans 
had  been  driven  off,  set  up  a  shout  of  victory, 
and  the  news  was  flashed  beneath  the  sea  to 
Madrid  that  the  Americans  had  retreated  to 
land  their  dead  and  wounded.1  But  imagine 

1This  misleading  cablegram  was  the  first  news  of  the  battle 
to  reach  America. 


THE   SPANISH    WAR  3/1 

the  astonishment  of  Dewey  and  his  captains  to 
find  that  not  a  man  on  the  fleet  had  been  killed 
or  wounded !  Several  of  the  ships  had  been 
struck,  but  none  disabled  or  seriously  injured. 
This  was  certainly  a  marvellous  showing.  It 
was  now  but  little  past  eight  o'clock,  and  the 
crews  sat  down  and  leisurely  ate  their  breakfast. 
The  decks  were  then  cleaned,  the  guns  examined, 
and  fresh  supplies  of  ammunition  brought  up. 
Three  hours  were  thus  consumed  when,  at 
eleven  o'clock,  the  order  came  to  proceed  to 
Cavite  and  complete  the  terrible  work  of  the 
day.  The  steam  whistles  shrieked  and  the 
crews  cheered  as  again  the  great  leviathans 
moved  to  their  task  of  destruction.  They 
swung  round  as  before,  the  Baltimore  in  the 
lead.  Not  a  shot  was  fired  in  answer  to  the 
Spanish  volleys  until  they  came  within  three 
thousand  yards,  when  the  Baltimore  opened  a 
withering  fire  on  the  half-wrecked  Reina  Cris- 
tina,  which  was  soon  shattered  to  fragments, 
and  she  sank  to  rise  no  more.  Still  another 
was  sunk  by  the  Baltimore.  Another  was 
blown  up  by  the  Raleigh,  several  were  set  on 
fire  by  the  Petrel,  and  so  the  work  of  destruc- 


372       SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

tion  went  on  until  the  entire  Spanish  fleet  was 
utterly  destroyed.  Admiral  Montojo  had  aban 
doned  his  flagship  for  a  gunboat,  which  he 
managed  to  steer  to  shore,  whence  he  made  his 
escape  by  land  to  Manila.  The  shore  batteries 
continued  to  fire,  and  Dewey  now  addressed  his 
attention  to  them.  In  a  surprisingly  short  time 
they  were  destroyed  by  the  unerring  marksman 
ship  of  the  American  gunners,  ran  up  the  white 
flag  —  and  the  battle  of  Manila  was  over. 

The  victory  was  one  of  the  most  brilliant  and 
complete  in  the  history  of  naval  warfare.  The 
Spaniards  had  lost  every  ship  and  six  hundred 
and  thirty-four  men  in  killed  and  wounded; 
of  the  American  fleet  not  a  ship  had  been  seri 
ously  damaged,  not  a  man  had  been  killed,  and 
only  eight  wounded,  all  on  the  Baltimore  and 
mostly  from  flying  splinters.  Whatever  ex 
planations  and  causes  may  be  named  of  the 
thoroughness  of  the  victory  and  the  striking 
disparity  of  the  casualties  on  the  two  sides, 
they  may  all  be  summed,  as  far  as  human 
elements  entered  into  it,  into  one,  and  that  is 
the  superiority  of  the  American  character  over 
the  Spanish.  The  Spaniards  thought  the  ma- 


THE  SPANISH   WAR  373 

nceuvring  of  the  American  ships  in  making 
those  great  curves  was  a  sign  of  weakness  and 
exhaustion,  and  indicated  a  readiness  to  retreat, 
and  they  even  wired  this  conviction  to  Spain. 
But  the  fact  is,  every  movement  was  planned 
beforehand  and  had  its  origin  in  the  brain  of 
Dewey. 

The  battle  of  Manila  ended  the  three  and  a 
half  centuries  of  Spanish  misrule  in  the  Philip 
pine  Islands ;  it  directed  the  attention  of  the 
Orient  as  nothing  had  ever  done  before  to  the 
vast  and  growing  Power  beyond  the  Western 
Ocean ;  it  brought  to  one  man  immortal  fame. 
What  a  strange  thing  is  fame  !  Many  toil  a 
lifetime  for  it  and  then  it  comes  —  to  somebody 
else.  Dewey  was  long  past  middle  age.  His 
ambition  to  win  fame,  if  he  ever  had  any,  must 
have  been  greatly  dulled  ere  this.  Before  this 
remarkable  sea-fight  he  was  known  only  to  his 
friends  and  in  naval  circles.  The  great  public 
had  never  heard  of  him.  In  a  day  he  became 
a  world  hero,  and  his  fame  is  of  the  kind  that 
will  endure.  When  our  times  become  ancient 
history,  Dewey  will  be  remembered  as  one  of 
the  greatest  of  naval  commanders. 


374      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Santiago 

The  battle  of  Manila  was  the  first  great 
action  of  the  war,  but  before  it  had  occurred 
operations  had  been  commenced  in  Western 
waters.  Immediately  on  the  declaration  of  war 
Admiral  Sampson,  who  had  been  waiting  with 
his  fleet  at  Key  West,  was  ordered  to  proceed 
to  the  harbor  of  Havana  and  to  begin  the 
blockade  that  had  been  proclaimed  by  the 
President.  On  April  the  2/th  Sampson  from 
his  flagship  the  New  York,  supported  by 
the  Puritan  and  the  Cincinnati ',  bombarded  the 
fortifications  at  Matanzas.  In  a  few  hours  the 
works  were  torn  to  pieces.  The  Spaniards  had 
returned  the  fire,  but  every  shot  fell  short  of  its 
mark.  This  was  the  first  action  of  the  war. 
Meantime  the  President's  call  for  125,000  vol 
unteers  was  being  filled  with  remarkable  rapid 
ity.  Thirty  years  and  more  had  passed  since  a 
call  to  arms  had  been  heard  in  the  United 
States ;  it  now  went  forth  like  a  clarion  note  to 
ev^ry  corner  of  the  Union,  and  the  response 
was  scarcely  less  marvellous  than  when  the 
ancient  prophet's  call  brought  forth  an  army 


THE   SPANISH   WAR  375 

from  the  valley  of  dry  bones.  From  the  family 
circle,  from  the  workshop  and  counting-room, 
men  hastened  to  heed  the  country's  call,  and 
but  few  weeks  had  passed  when  a  formidable 
army  was  collected  at  Tampa,  Florida,  await 
ing  further  orders.  Crude  and  untrained  these 
soldiers  were,  for  the  most  part,  but  in  personal 
valor  and  in  love  of  country  no  army  ever  sur 
passed  them. 

While  these  men  waited  eager  and  impatient 
to  measure  swords  with  the  Castilian,  the 
country  was  held  in  painful  suspense  by  a  two 
fold  subject  —  the  whereabouts  of  the  Spanish 
fleet  under  Admiral  Cervera  and  the  welfare  of 
the  Oregon.  The  Oregon  was  one  of  our  noblest 
battle-ships.  At  the  beginning  of  March  she 
was  lying  off  the  coast  of  California  and  was 
ordered  to  join  the  Atlantic  squadron.  On 
the  iQth  she  started  on  her  long  voyage 
around  Cape  Horn.  A  glimpse  of  her  was  had 
when  she  stopped  to  coal  at  Callao  and  a  few 
other  places,  when  she  was  again  lost  to  the 
world.  But  half  her  great  voyage  was  com 
pleted  when  war  was  declared,  and  her  fate  now 
became  a  subject  of  the  greatest  solicitude. 


376      SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

The  fleet  of  Cervera  represented  Spain's 
sea  power,  and  was  much  more  formidable 
than  that  which  Dewey  destroyed  at  Manila. 
It  consisted  of  four  new  first-class  armored 
cruisers,  the  Colon,  the  Oquendo,  the  Vizcaya, 
and  the  Maria  Teresa,  three  large  torpedo  boat 
destroyers  and  a  few  smaller  vessels.  The  fleet 
had  left  Cape  Verde  Islands  and  was  now  some 
where  in  mid-ocean.  Many  were  the  specula 
tions  concerning  Cervera's  destination.  One 
theory  was  that  he  would  suddenly  appear 
in  north  Atlantic  waters  and  harry  the  New 
England  coast;  another  was  that  he  was  at 
tempting  to  intercept  and  destroy  the  Oregon 
in  her  long  and  lonely  voyage.  A  third  theory 
was  that  Cervera  was  steaming  for  Cuba  or 
Puerto  Rico  with  the  object  of  giving  battle  to 
the  American  fleet.  At  least  it  was  fully 
believed  that  the  Spanish  admiral  had  a  defi 
nite  aim,  and  that  his  purpose  was  to  strike  an 
effective  blow  at  some  point. 

Admiral  Sampson  with  his  ill-assorted  fleet 
\Wtched  and  waited  for  his  antagonist;  he 
steamed  to  San  Juan,  Puerto  Rico,  and  bom 
barded  the  city,  seriously  damaging  the  forts. 


THE  SPANISH   WAR  377 

At  last  Cervera  made  his  appearance  in  the 
Western  Hemisphere.  After  touching  at  a  few 
of  the  West  Indian  ports,  he  led  his  fleet  into 
the  harbor  of  Santiago  de  Cuba.  It  was  after 
ward  found  that  his  fleet  was  not  in  good  con 
dition,  his  guns  were  not  of  the  best  modern 
type,  and,  above  all,  he  had  had  no  definite  plan 
in  crossing  the  Atlantic,  but  had  drifted  vaguely 
and  aimlessly,  scarcely  knowing  whither  he  was 
going.  Here  at  least  he  found  a  safe  retreat, 
for  no  hostile  fleet  could  enter  the  harbor 
strewn  with  mines  as  it  was. 

At  length  the  Oregon  arrived  safe  and  sound 
off  the  coast  of  Florida  on  May  the  24th.  Her 
voyage  had  been  a  great  one.  In  a  little  over 
two  months  she  had  covered  fourteen  thousand 
miles  —  more  than  half  the  circumference  of  the 
globe  —  ploughing  through  summer  seas,  en 
countering  the  gales  of  winter,  pushing  on  and 
on  at  fourteen  miles  an  hour,  until  she  reached 
the  scene  of  war  without  a  "  a  rivet  or  a  bolt  or 
a  gearing  broken  or  out  of  place."  All  honor 
to  her  valiant  commander,  Captain  Clark. 

Cervera  was  caught  like  a  rat  in  a  trap. 
When  it  was  known  positively  that  his  fleet 


378       SIDE   LIGHTS  .ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

rested  in  Santiago  harbor,  Commodore  Schley 
was  ordered  to  proceed  with  his  flying  squad 
ron  to  the  mouth  of  the  harbor,  and  prevent 
the  escape  of  the  Spanish  fleet.  Schley,  after 
some  days  of  needless  delay,  had  the  Spanish 
admiral  effectually  bottled  in  the  harbor  and 
without  a  possibility  of  escape  except  by  fight 
ing  his  way  out.  Schley  was  soon  joined  by 
Sampson,  whose  fleet  had  been  augmented  by 
the  now  famous  Oregon. 

Santiago  harbor,  seven  or  eight  miles  in 
depth,  is  so  narrow  at  the  mouth  that  scarcely 
a  hundred  yards  of  water  lie  between  the  bold 
promontories,  one  of  which  was  crowned  with 
Morro  Castle,  with  its  bristling  cannon,  while 
the  entrance  in  the  bay  was  strewn  with  dan 
gerous  mines.  Admiral  Sampson  conceived 
the  plan  of  sinking  a  vessel  across  this  narrow 
channel  to  prevent  the  more  surely  the  escape 
of  the  Spaniards  until  the  American  army 
could  cooperate  with  him  from  the  shore.  The 
Merrimac  was  chosen  for  the  purpose,  and  the 
project  put  into  the  hands  of  Lieutenant  Rich 
mond  P.  Hobson,  a  young  naval  constructor  of 
great  energy  and  ambition. 


THE   SPANISH    WAR  379 

On  the  evening  of  June  the  2d,  Sampson  lined 
up  several  hundred  men  on  the  deck  of  the  New 
Yorkt  told  them  of  the  intention  to  sink  a  vessel 
under  the  fire  of  the  Spanish  guns,  and  called 
for  volunteers  to  go  on  the  mission  from  which 
it  was  believed  none  would  return.  He  then 
ordered  all  who  were  willing  to  go  to  make  one 
step  forward.  Every  man  before  him  stepped 
forward. 

What  an  exhibition  of  American  valor !  From 
these  Hobson  chose  seven  men,1  and  by  three 
o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  4th,  the  little 
crew  were  steaming  up  the  channel  on  their 
perilous  journey.  Suddenly  a  stream  of  light 
from  Morro  Castle  flashed  upon  them  and 
showed  that  they  were  discovered.  Then  broke 
forth  the  peals  of  artillery,  and  the  shells  fell 
thick  and  fast  about  the  devoted  crew.  Hob- 
son  stood  in  the  pilot-house  in  the  midst  of  the 
storm  and  viewed  the  night  battle  in  all  its  ter 
rific  grandeur.  He  now  coolly  lowered  the 
anchors,  blew  up  the  bulkheads,  and  the  vessel 
sank.  The  little  crew  clung  to  their  small 

JThe  names  of  the  men  who  went  with  Hobson  were  Phillips, 
Kelly,  Deigman,  Charette,  Montaque,  Murphy,  and  Clausen. 


380      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

boats,  escaping  the  Spanish  fire  in  the  dark 
ness.  At  the  coming  of  daylight  they  were 
picked  up  unhurt  by  the  Spanish  admiral,  who 
was  lavish  in  praise  of  their  gallantry.  After 
some  weeks  of  imprisonment  in  Morro,  they  were 
exchanged  and  returned  to  their  own  lines. 
The  deed  attracted  the  attention  of  the 
world.  It  was  certainly  one  of  the  most 
daring  in  history,  and  deserves  to  be  classed 
with  the  most  renowned  in  the  annals  of  song 
or  story. 

Let  us  now  leave  the  navy  for  a  moment  and 
take  a  glance  at  the  operations  of  the  army. 
President  McKinley's  call  for  125,000  volun 
teers  in  April  was  supplemented  by  another  call 
a  month  later  for  75,000  more.  While  the  re 
sponse  to  these  calls  was  most  gratifying,  our 
system  of  army  organization  was  thoroughly 
bad,  owing  to  the  narrowness  of  Congress,  the 
reign  of  the  politician,  and  the  endless  coils  of 
red  tape  to  be  encountered,  and  many  were  the 
delays  and  blunders  before  an  army  ready  for 
the  field  could  be  formed  of  this  crude  material. 
After  some  weeks  of  confusion  an  army  was 
formed  and  an  expedition  against  Santiago 


THE   SPANISH   WAR  381 

under  the  command  of  General  Shafter  was 
planned.  At  last,  on  June  the  I4th,  after 
what  seemed  endless  waiting  in  the  broiling 
sun,  an  army  of  15,000  men  embarked  at 
Tampa  harbor  for  the  enemy's  country.  Not 
a  large  army  indeed,  but  the  largest  Ameri 
can  army  that  ever  embarked  upon  the  sea  for 
the  invasion  of  a  foreign  country.  The  army 
was  landed  at  Daiquiri,  sixteen  miles  south  of 
Santiago  harbor,  and  the  difficult  task  of 
marching  to  Santiago  by  way  of  two  mountain 
trails  was  begun.  Generals  Wheeler  and  Young 
led  the  regulars,  while  Colonels  Wood  and 
Roosevelt  led  a  very  irregular  band  of  cavalry 
known  as  the  "  Rough  Riders."  These  Rough 
Riders,  five  hundred  and  thirty-four  strong, 
were  a  motley  crowd.  Most  of  them  had  come 
from  the  far  West,  hunters,  pioneers,  cowboys, 
and  ranchmen,  who  were  used  to  hardships; 
about  forty  were  full-blooded  Indians,  while  a 
hundred  or  more  of  this  strange  regiment  were 
young  men  from  the  most  highly  cultured  fam 
ilies  of  the  East  —  graduates  of  Yale  and  Har 
vard,  members  of  the  most  fashionable  clubs 
of  New  York  and  Boston.  This  regiment  of 


382       SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

Rough   Riders    was  by  far  the   most  effective 
volunteer  regiment  of  the  war. 

Leaving  the  main  part  of  the  army  behind', 
these  two  columns  pressed  forward  over  the 
mountain  passes.  Their  first  fight  was  at  Las 
Guasimas,  and  began  soon  after  they  started. 
As  they  pressed  up  the  hillside  through  the 
underbrush  in  the  intense  heat,  they  suddenly 
heard  volley  after  volley  of  Mauser  bullets 
singing  above  their  heads,  but  they  could  see 
no  enemy.  Some  fell  in  their  tracks,  dead  or 
wounded ;  the  others  pressed  on  until  at  length 
the  enemy,  in  spite  of  their  smokeless  powder, 
came  into  view.  The  Americans  rushed  for 
ward,  firing  as  they  ran,  until  they  carried 
the  ridge,  and  the  Spaniards  fled.  The  fight 
of  Las  Guasimas  was  won.  The  American 
force  numbered  nine  hundred  and  sixty-four, 
the  Spanish  about  two  thousand.  Of  the 
Americans,  sixteen  were  killed,  eight  of  whom 
were  Rough  Riders,  and  fifty-two  wounded  in 
all.  The  Spaniards  lost  two  hundred  and  sixty- 
five  in  killed  and  wounded.  That  night  the 
Spanish  soldiers  said  at  Santiago :  "  Instead 
of  retreating  when  we  fired,  the  Americans 


THE  SPANISH   WAR  383 

came  on.  The  more  we  fired,  the  more  they 
advanced.  They  tried  to  catch  us  with  their 
hands."  In  this  battle  Captain  Capron,  a 
brave  and  promising  young  officer,  was  among 
the  slain. 

A  few  days  later,  the  rest  of  the  troops 
under  Generals  Lawton  and  Chaffee  having 
come  up,  it  was  decided  to  make  an  attack 
on  El  Caney,  a  village  northeast  from  San 
tiago,  strongly  fortified  by  a  fort  and  block 
houses.  The  assault  was  made  on  July  the 
ist,  soon  after  daybreak,  with  about  six  thou 
sand  men.  It  was  a  valiant  charge  indeed, 
and  showed  the  true  American  spirit.  But 
the  guns  of  the  battery  were  few  and  inade 
quate,  while  the  powder  used  was  black  pow 
der,  the  smoke  of  which  soon  revealed  the 
besiegers  to  the  enemy,  who,  using  smokeless 
powder,  found  it  comparatively  easy  to  remain 
concealed.  Had  Congress  done  its  duty  and 
supplied  the  army  with  smokeless  powder, 
many  a  brave  American  who  fell  that  day 
would  still  be  with  us.  Slowly  and  steadily 
for  seven  or  eight  hours  the  attacking  party 
closed  in  around  the  fort.  The  Spaniards 


384      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN    HISTORY 

within,  less  than  a  thousand  in  number,  had 
no  possible  means  of  escape,  and  they  fought- 
with  the  bravery  of  desperation.  Late  in  the 
afternoon  the  walls  of  the  fort  began  to  crum 
ble,  and  General  Chaffee  ordered  that  the  works 
be  taken  by  storm.  The  men  made  an  impetu 
ous  dash  up  the  hill,  and  began  to  scale  the 
walls.  The  Spaniards,  what  were  left  of  them, 
instantly  fled,  some  escaping,  many  being  taken 
prisoners.  The  fort  was  strewn  with  scores  of 
dead  bodies,  and  among  them  were  the  bodies 
of  the  commander,  General  Vara  del  Rey,  his 
two  sons,  and  his  brother.  The  American  loss 
in  killed  and  wounded  reached  almost  five  hun 
dred.  No  other  engagement  of  the  war  proved 
so  destructive  to  the  Americans  as  this  action 
at  El  Caney. 

On  the  same  day  San  Juan,  a  suburb  of 
Santiago,  was  taken  by  a  most  brilliant  and 
daring  assault  led  by  Colonel  Roosevelt.  Val 
iant  charges  were  also  made  at  other  points  by 
Generals  Kent  and  Hawkins. 

The  terrible  fighting  around  Santiago  on 
July  the  ist  (and  continued  into  the  next 
day)  consisted  of  several  separate  engagements 


THE   SPANISH   WAR  385 

which  as  a  whole  have  taken  the  name  of  the 
Battle  of  San  Juan.  It  far  surpassed  any  other 
land  battle  of  the  war.  General  Shafter  has 
been  severely  criticised  for  not  having  had  any 
definite  plan,  and  for  not  properly  supporting 
the  infantry  with  artillery.  In  view  of  these 
facts,  the  victory  achieved  by  the  Americans 
was  little  short  of  marvellous.  The  infantry, 
unsupported  by  artillery,  carried  heights  and 
blockhouses  and  captured  batteries  in  a  man 
ner  that  astonished  military  critics  throughout 
the  world.  The  entire  American  force  engaged 
was  about  sixteen  thousand  men,  two  hundred 
and  forty-one  of  whom  were  killed  and  nearly 
fourteen  hundred  wounded.  The  Spanish  army 
did  not  perhaps  exceed  ten  thousand  men,  but 
they  had  the  great  advantage  in  being  strongly 
intrenched ;  yet  their  losses  exceeded  the  Ameri 
can  losses. 

Now,  briefly,  let  us  turn  to  another  scene 
that  followed  hard  on  the  Battle  of  San  Juan, 
and  that  riveted  the  world's  attention  in  a  still 
greater  degree.  Admiral  Cervera  had  lain  with 
his  fleet  in  Santiago  harbor  for  five  weeks.  He 
was  restive  and  anxious  to  escape,  especially 

VOL.  II.  —  2  C 


386      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

when  he  saw  that  the  city  of  Santiago  was 
about  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  and 
believing  the  besieging  force  to  be  much  greater 
than  it  was.  Cervera  therefore  made  a  dash 
for  liberty,  —  a  brave,  desperate,  and  fatal  dash. 
It  was  on  the  morning  of  July  the  3d,  at  half- 
past  nine,  when  some  one  on  the  deck  of  the 
Iowa  descried  a  thin  column  of  smoke  far  up 
the  bay  and  apparently  moving  toward  the 
entrance.  The  cry  was  soon  raised  that  the 
Spanish  fleet  was  escaping,  and  presently  one 
after  another  of  the  vessels  issued  from  the 
mouth  of  the  harbor  and  turned  westward,  at 
the  same  time  opening  a  terrific  fire  upon  the 
American  ships. 

It  happened  that  Admiral  Sampson  had  an 
appointment  to  meet  General  Shatter  that 
morning  at  Siboney,  and  at  the  moment  when 
the  firing  began  was  four  miles  away  with  his 
flagship,  the  New  York.  Wheeling  his  vessel 
about,  he  hastened  back  with  all  speed,  but 
his  presence  was  not  needed.  The  battle  was 
well-nigh  over  when  he  reached  the  scene 
of  action.  Admiral  (then  Commodore)  Schley, 
being  second  in  rank,  had  general  charge  of 


THE   SPANISH    WAR  387 

the  battle.  But,  more  strictly  speaking,  it  was 
a  captain's  fight,  as  each  commander,  knowing 
just  what  to  do,  managed  his  own  vessel  as 
seemed  best  in  his  eyes.  A  written  standing 
order  had  been  pasted  in  every  conning  tower 
to  close  with  the  enemy  if  he  attempted  to 
escape.  Schley  now  reiterated  this  order,  and 
the  American  vessels,  which  had  been  cleared 
for  action  for  a  month,  bore  down  on  the  Span 
iards  as  the  latter  emerged  from  the  harbor. 

The  battle  was  short,  decisive,  and  dreadful. 
It  was  a  repetition  of  Manila.  Few  of  the 
Spanish  shots  took  effect,  and  after  the  first 
few  broadsides  the  gunners  were  swept  from 
the  decks  by  the  unerring  aim  of  the  Ameri 
cans  ;  and  the  Spaniards  could  do  nothing  now 
but  hasten  their  speed  in  their  desperate  flight 
for  life.  At  first  they  gained  slightly,  owing 
to  the  fact  that  the  American  ships  were  under 
low  steam ;  but  this  obstacle  was  soon  over 
come,  and  the  awful  race  became  a  death- 
race.  The  American  marksmanship  was  fatally 
accurate.  Within  an  hour  of  the  opening  of 
the  running  fight  the  Maria  Teresa  was  a  burn 
ing  wreck,  having  been  destroyed  by  a  thirteen- 


388      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

inch  shell  from  the  Indiana,  and  the  Oquendo, 
with  her  rigging  torn  to  fragments,  was  also  a 
burning  mass.  The  Vizcaya  survived  a  little 
longer,  but  only  to  meet  a  similar  fate.  The 
two  torpedo  boats,  emerging  last  from  the  har 
bor,  were  thought  to  be  able  to  escape,  owing 
to  their  high  speed ;  but  they  were  set  upon 
by  the  Gloucester,  lying  in  wait  with  her  deadly 
rapid-fire  guns,  and  in  twenty  minutes  both 
Spanish  vessels,  torn  and  shattered  to  pieces, 
found  their  bed  on  the  bottom  of  the  sea. 
As  the  two  Spanish  boats  were  ready  to  sink, 
the  men  of  the  Gloucester  nobly  and  gallantly 
leaped  upon  their  decks  to  save  their  crews. 
They  succeeded  in  saving  forty-five  out  of  one 
hundred  and  thirty-four ;  the  rest  found  their 
grave  on  the  ocean's  bed. 

But  one  of  the  Spanish  fleet  now  remained 
above  the  water,  the  Cristobal  Colon,  which  had 
got  outside  the  fighting  line  and  was  making  a 
heroic  effort  to  gain  the  open  sea  and  escape. 
But  the  Brooklyn  and  Oregon  gave  chase,  gained 
rapidly  on  the  fleeing  vessel,  and  about  one 
o'clock  opened  fire  with  their  great  guns.  The 
Colon  soon  struck  her  colors  and  surrendered; 


THE   SPANISH    WAR  389 

but  the  Spaniards  had  headed  for  the  shore,  and 
opened  her  sea-valves  so  that  she  sank  in 
shallow  water. 

Thus  ended  the  great  sea-fight  of  Santiago. 
It  reminds  us  forcibly  of  the  battle  of  Manila. 
Several  of  the  American  vessels  were  repeatedly 
struck  by  Spanish  shells,  but  none  seriously 
injured.  One  man  was  killed  and  one  wounded, 
both  on  the  Brooklyn.  The  Spaniards  lost 
everything.  The  killed  and  drowned  numbered 
three  hundred  and  fifty  while  one  hundred  and 
sixty  were  wounded  and  nearly  eighteen  hundred 
taken  prisoners.  The  Americans  prevented  a 
further  loss  of  life  by  leaping  upon  the  burning 
decks  of  the  sinking  ships  and  saving  as  many 
as  possible.  The  completeness  of  the  American 
victory  astonished  the  world,  and  added  to  the 
proof  already  given  that  the  Spaniards  are  a  de 
generate  and  broken  people  and  utterly  incapable 
of  competing  in  battle  with  a  stanch  and  virile 
race ;  yet  the  despairing  courage  they  displayed 
was  truly  heroic  and  excites  our  admiration. 

Two  weeks  after  this  battle  the  city  of 
Santiago  was  surrendered  by  General  Toral  to 
General  Shafter,  and  the  city  and  surrounding 


390      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

district,  and  practically  the  entire  island  of  Cuba, 
passed  into  the  hands  of  the  United  States. 

Puerto  Rico 

Puerto  Rico,  the  smallest  of  the  four  Greater 
Antilles,  and  about  half  the  size  of  the  State  of 
New  Jersey,  lies  a  thousand  miles  southeast 
from  the  coast  of  Florida  and  half  as  far  from 
the  eastern  extremity  of  Cuba.  It  is  a  link  of 
the  great  island  chain  that  separates  the  Carib 
bean  Sea  from  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  The  inte 
rior  of  the  island  is  mountainous  and  heavily 
timbered,  and  the  mountains  are  belted  along 
the  coast  with  lowlands  of  grassy  meadows  and 
blooming  gardens.  The  soil  is  exceedingly 
fertile  and  the  climate  perpetual  summer.  The 
population,  numbering  almost  a  million,  is  a 
strange  mixture  of  Spaniards  touched  with 
Indian  blood,  negroes,  and  a  sprinkling  of 
Europeans. 

Of  all  the  vast  possessions  of  Spain  in  the 
New  World  at  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth 
century,  Puerto  Rico  alone,  besides  Cuba,  re 
mained  to  that  country  after  the  great  politi 
cal  upheaval  in  Central  and  South  America. 


THE   SPANISH    WAR  391 

Scarcely  had  our  war  with  Spain  opened 
when  the  Americans  began  to  look  wistfully 
to  this  beautiful  island,  this  tempting  morsel 
of  the  sea,  and  but  a  few  months  elapsed  till 
an  expedition  was  planned  for  the  conquest  of 
the  island. 

The  campaign  in  Puerto  Rico  was  short,  nor 
was  there  any  great  battle  fought ;  yet  measured 
by  its  results  it  was  one  of  the  most  important 
of  the  war.  The  expedition  was  put  into  the 
hands  of  General  Nelson  A.  Miles,  who  had  dis 
tinguished  himself  in  the  Indian  wars  of  the  far 
West  and  who  was  known  to  be  an  able  and 
daring  commander.  He  embarked  at  Santiago 
with  about  thirty-five  hundred  men  on  July  the 
2Oth,  and  six  days  later  made  a  landing  at  Ponce, 
a  city  of  forty  thousand  population,  the  largest 
city  of  the  island,  situated  on  the  southern  coast. 
Part  of  the  troops  had  already  landed  at  Guanica. 
The  surrender  of  the  city  was 'immediately  de 
manded  with  the  threat  of  bombardment  in  case 
of  refusal.  As  the  Spanish  forces  had  fled  and  the 
property  owners  advised  a  surrender,  but  few 
hours  elapsed  until  the  American  flag  was  wav 
ing  over  the  port. 


392      SIDE   LIGHTS   ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

The  next  step  was  to  move  the  troops  along 
the  great  road  from  Ponce  to  San  Juan,  the 
capital  of  the  island,  capturing  the  various  towns 
along  the  way.  The  first  objective  point  was 
Aibonito,  some  thirty-five  miles  from  Ponce, 
where  two  thousand  Spanish  troops  were  await 
ing  them.  General  Wilson  led  this  expedition. 
Before  reaching  Aibonito  he  came  to  Coamo,  a 
village  with  a  blockhouse  held  by  two  hundred 
and  fifty  Spaniards,  and  captured  the  place  after 
a  sharp  skirmish  lasting  an  hour,  in  which  six 
Americans  were  wounded.  The  army  pushed  on 
toward  Aibonito.  It  first  encountered  some  out 
lying  batteries,  and  fierce  firing  resulted  in  the 
killing  and  wounding  of  several  men  on  each  side. 
A  demand  for  surrender  being  refused  (August 
12),  the  Americans  with  high  spirits  were  plan 
ning  a  movement  to  force  the  surrender  of  the 
city  —  when  lo  !  the  news  came  that  the  peace 
protocol  with  Spain  had  been  signed,  and  all 
hostilities  had  to  cease  from  that  moment. 
While  these  movements  were  in  progress  two 
other  expeditions,  planned  by  General  Miles, 
were  operating  in  other  parts  of  the  island. 
First  General  Brooke  was  ordered  to  proceed 


THE   SPANISH    WAR  393 

with  a  body  of  troops  to  Guayama,  a  consider 
able  coast  town  thirty-five  miles  east  of  Ponce ; 
but  scarcely  had  they  landed  and  made  ready  to 
open  fire  on  the  Spaniards  when  everything  was 
brought  to  a  standstill  by  the  news  of  the  peace 
protocol. 

Second,  a  formidable  expedition  was  sent 
under  General  Schwan  against  Mayaguez,  a 
large  town  on  the  western  coast  of  the  island. 
On  August  the  Qth  the  troops  left  Ponce,  and 
soon  reached  their  destination.  The  fighting 
before  Mayaguez  in  the  intense  heat  of  the 
sun  was  very  severe.  The  Spanish  forces  were 
about  equal  in  number  to  the  Americans,  and 
they  knew  the  ground  and  were  on  the  defen 
sive,  but  they  were  unable  to  stand  before  the 
fierce  attack  of  the  latter.  The  American 
troops  had  full  possession  of  the  town  on 
August  the  nth,  and  a  body  of  men  were 
immediately  sent  in  pursuit  of  the  fleeing 
Spaniards,  who,  turning  on  their  pursuers, 
gave  battle  and  were  again  defeated.  General 
Schwan  pressed  on  with  unwearied  toil  and 
would  soon  have  captured  Lares  in  the  interior 
and  Arecibo  on  the  northern  coast,  when  the 


394      S1DE   LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN  HISTORY 

whole  movement  was  stopped  by  the  unwel 
come  news  of  the  peace  protocol. 

Still  another  expedition,  on  a  smaller  scale, 
under  General  Stone,  operating  in  the  western 
part  of  the  island,  was  brought  to  a  standstill 
in  the  same  way. 

Thus  all  the  various  movements  in  Puerto 
Rico  came  to  an  end  with  shocking  suddenness. 
Had  they  continued  their  operations  for  two  or 
three  weeks  longer,  there  is  little  doubt  that  the 
entire  island  would  have  been  overrun  and 
taken  possession  of  by  the  American  soldiers. 
While  there  were  no  great  battles  fought  in 
Puerto  Rico,  the  perfect  plan  of  the  campaign, 
the  vigor  and  energy  of  the  American  troops, 
and  their  unbroken  successes  in  an  unknown 
region  against  superior  forces,  reflect  great 
credit  on  General  Miles  and  his  little  army. 

The  Coming  of  Peace 

The  war  had  been  in  progress  a  trifle  over 
three  months ;  a  large  part  of  Cuba  and  of 
Puerto  Rico  had  been  captured  by  the  Ameri 
cans,  and  they  were  still  pressing  onward  and 
winning  victory  in  every  encounter;  Spain's 


THE   SPANISH   WAR  395 

naval  power  had  been  swept  from  the  seas,  and 
now  an  American  fleet  under  Commodore  Wat 
son  was  preparing  to  sail  direct  to  Spain  and 
open  a  bombardment  on  the  coast  towns,  —  such 
was  the  condition  at  the  beginning  of  August, 
1898,  and  so  hopeless  was  the  outlook  from  the 
other  side  of  the  Atlantic  that  poor  old  Spain, 
with  all  her  boasted  chivalry  and  pride,  was 
forced  to  sue  the  young  Republic  for  peace. 

The  request  for  peace  came  from  Spain's 
minister  of  state  through  M.  Cambon,  the 
French  ambassador  at  Washington,  and  reached 
the  President  on  July  the  26th.  But  few  days 
elapsed  when  Secretary  of  State  Day  made 
answer  that  the  President  was  anxious  for 
peace  and  would  gladly  open  negotiations 
on  the  following  conditions :  that  Spain  relin 
quish  forever  her  sovereignty  over  Cuba,  that 
Puerto  Rico  and  an  island  in  the  Ladrones  be 
added  to  the  United  States  as  a  war  indemnity, 
and  that  the  control  of  the  Philippines  be 
determined  later  and  embodied  in  a  treaty  of 
peace.  The  terms  being  accepted,  a  protocol 
stating  the  three  conditions  in  exact  terms  was 
prepared  and  signed  by  the  two  governments 


396      SIDE   LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN   HISTORY 

on  August  the  I2th.  This  ended  hostilities  as 
soon  as  the  news  reached  the  belligerents  in 
the  field.  It  was  only  a  truce,  but  it  proved 
to  be  the  end  of  the  war. 

Arrangements  were  immediately  made  to 
frame  a  treaty  of  peace.  The  American  com 
missioners  appointed  by  the  President  were 
Secretary  Day,  who  resigned  his  position  in  the 
cabinet,  Senators  Davis  of  Minnesota,  Frye  of 
Maine,  Grey  of  Delaware,  and  Mr.  Whitelaw 
Reid  of  New  York.  The  Spanish  Government 
appointed  an  equal  number  with  the  president 
of  the  Senate,  Don  Eugenio  Montero  Rios,  at 
the  head.  These  men  met  at  Paris  on  Octo 
ber  the  ist,  and  sat  till  December  the  loth, 
when  the  treaty  was  completed. 

We  have  not  the  space  to  dilate  on  the  debates 
and  wrangles  of  this  commission.  The  one 
serious  question  that  had  to  be  disposed  of 
was  the  ownership  of  the  Philippine  Islands. 
Dewey  had  taken  Manila  just  before  the  news 
of  the  peace  protocol  reached  him,  and  the 
American  flag  now  waved  over  the  city.  Pub 
lic  opinion  was  much  divided  as  to  what  should 
be  done  with  the  islands.  It  was  plain  that 


THE  SPANISH   WAR  397 

Spain  was  utterly  unable  to  govern  them.  It 
was  equally  certain  that  they  were  incapable  of 
self-government.  Should  they  then  be  left  to 
themselves  and  become  a  prey  to  wrangling 
European  powers  ?  It  was  therefore  decided  by 
the  American  commissioners  that  the  only  thing 
for  the  United  States  to  do  was  to  assume  the 
responsibility  of  the  government  of  the  islands 
and  to  retain  them  as  an  American  possession. 
This  demand  was  therefore  made  and  laid  down 
as  necessary  to  the  treaty  of  peace. 

The  Spaniards  yielded  with  ill  grace ;  but,  as 
there  was  nothing  else  to  do,  they  yielded,  ac 
cepting  twenty  million  dollars  for  the  archi 
pelago.  The  treaty  was  ratified  by  the  United 
States  Senate  in  February,  1899,  the  month 
that  marked  the  first  anniversary  of  the  de 
struction  of  the  Maine,  after  considerable  oppo 
sition  in  that  body,  and  by  the  two  governments 
in  April,  which  marks  the  anniversary  of  the 
opening  of  the  war.  The  year  was  a  momen 
tous  one  indeed  in  the  life  of  Spain  and  the 
United  States.  It  had  brought  vast  and,  in  their 
effects,  incalculable  changes  to  both. 

The  war  was  not  a  great  one  measured  by 


398      SIDE  LIGHTS   ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

many  others,  but  in  its  results  few  wars  have 
been  so  important  as  this  one.  It  marked  an 
end  of  Spanish  dominion  in  the  Western  Hemi 
sphere.  It  did  more;  it  marked  the  downfall 
of  Spain  as  an  empire,  as  a  world  power.  Three 
hundred  years  ago  Spain  was  the  greatest  na 
tion  of  Europe  or  the  world.  Philip  II.  ruled 
not  only  Spain  but  Portugal,  the  Netherlands, 
the  Milanese,  and  the  Sicilies.  He  was  master 
of  Cuba,  Puerto  Rico,  and  almost  all  of  Central 
and  South  America.  His  revenue  was  ten 
times  that  of  Elizabeth  of  England,  says  Mac- 
aulay.  But  alas  for  Spain !  With  all  her  chiv 
alry  and  her  national  pride  she  was  wanting  in 
the  virtues  so  essential  to  national  longevity. 
The  government  of  her  colonies  was  one  of  un 
ceasing  corruption  and  plunder,  and  her  home 
government  was  scarcely  better.  The  canker 
soon  began  its  work.  The  empire  began  to 
crumble.  For  three  centuries  the  work  has 
been  going  on  ;  the  empire  has  fallen  to  pieces 
little  by  little,  and  the  war  of  1898  completed 
the  downfall. 

But,  after  all,  this  war   may  prove   a   great 
blessing  to  Spain.     Her  people,  now  hemmed 


THE   SPANISH   WAR  399 

within  the  limits  of  their  own  peninsula,  have 
no  colonies  to  excite  their  cupidity  or  invite 
corruption,  and,  being  no  longer  a  first-class 
power,  they  have  little  temptation  to  boast  or  to 
wage  war.  If  now  they  will  give  their  attention 
to  the  arts  of  civilization,  to  the  education  of 
the  masses,  to  the  weeding  out  of  corruption 
from  their  government,  they  may  yet  become 
a  great  and  happy  people. 

The  change  that  was  wrought  in  the  United 
States  by  this  war  was  still  greater.  During 
the  century  and  a  quarter  of  our  national  history 
we  had  remained  in  comparative  isolation  from 
the  rest  of  the  world.  While  other  nations  were 
reaching  out  and  acquiring  new  possessions  in 
various  parts  of  the  earth,  we  have  been  content 
to  develop  our  resources  at  home ;  and  in  so  doing 
we  have  grown  into  a  vast  power,  of  wealth  and 
strength  untold.  This  war  with  Spain  was  the 
occasion,  not  the  cause,  of  our  expanding  into 
a  world  power.  It  was  a  movement  of  world 
forces,  as  uncontrollable  as  destiny,  which  no 
man  can  foresee  or  shape.  It  brought  to  us  an 
expansion  of  power,  of  influence,  of  opportunity, 
of  responsibility.  This  expansion  has  come,  not; 


400      SIDE  LIGHTS  ON   AMERICAN   HISTORY 

that  any  man  planned  or  foresaw  it,  but  because 
it  was  time  for  it  to  come  —  because  our  light 
could  be  hid  under  a  bushel  no  longer  —  because 
the  Ruler  of  the  nations  intended  that  no  longer 
should  our  influence  in  self-government,  in  pop 
ular  education,  in  religious  freedom,  be  confined 
to  our  own  bounds.  But  the  increased  respon 
sibility  that  comes  to  us  is  great.  Similar  re 
sponsibilities  have  come  to  others  in  the  past  — 
to  Egypt,  to  Israel,  to  Persia,  and  to  Rome  of 
the  ancient  world  —  and  to  others  in  later  times. 
But  none  of  them  proved  worthy  of  the  great 
trust ;  each  one  ran  its  course  and  fell  into  ruins. 
Nor  is  the  cause  far  to  seek.  It  was  — 

"  Wealth,  vice,  corruption,  and  barbarism  at  last " 

that  rendered  their  "  history  with  all  its  volumes 
vast "  capable  of  being  crowded  into  one  page. 

Our  future  as  a  nation  rests  with  ourselves. 
There  is  no  natural  limit  to  a  nation's  life.  If 
we  are  swayed  by  "  wealth,  vice,  and  corruption, " 
nothing  under  heaven  can  prevent  our  downfall 
as  a  nation  ;  but  if  we  cultivate,  above  all  things, 
national  and  individual  integrity  and  virtue, 
there  is  no  reason  why  this  great  country  of 


THE   SPANISH   WAR  40 1 

which  we  are  so  proud  should  not  endure,  under 
its  present  form  of  government,  "  as  long  as  the 
earth  remaineth,  and  seed-time  and  harvest  and 
summer  and  winter  and  day  and  night  shall  not 
cease." 


VOL.  II.  —  2  D 


INDEX 


Adams,  Charles  Francis,  144,  227, 
228  ;  retires  from  English  min 
istry,  229 ;  candidate  for  Presi 
dent,  245. 

Adams,  John  Quincy,  36;  Opin 
ion  of  Jefferson  Davis,  50. 

Agrippina,  the,  219. 

Alabama,  the,  218  sq. ;  begins  her 
great  tour,  220;  sunk  by  the 
Kearsarge,  223. 

Alabama  delegates  withdraw  from 
Democratic  Convention,  6. 

Amendment,  Fourteenth,  170 ; 
Fifteenth,  173. 

Ames,  Oakes,  74. 

Archer,  General,  105. 

Arkansas,  accepts  Lincoln's  re 
construction,  155. 

Arthur,  Chester  A.,  309. 

Ashley,  James  M.,  75. 

Baker,  Edward,  service  for  the 
Union,  68  ;  death  in  battle, 
69. 

Baltimore,  adjourned  convention 
meets  at,  7. 

Banks,  national,  141. 

Barlow,  General,  106;  wounded, 
109. 

Bates,  Edward,  10;  his  national 
reputation,  13. 

Beecher,  H.  W.,  137. 

Bell  and  Everett,  18. 

Benjamin,  Judah  P.,  birth,  fare 
well  to  Senate,  removal  to  Eng 
land,  56. 


Biglow,  Captain,  117. 

Blaine,  James  G.,  74;  following 

.  in  1876,  264 ;  enters  Congress, 
286 ;  early  life,  287 ;  parallel 
with  Conkling,  288  ;  feud  with 
Conkling,  289 ;  defeated  for  the 
presidency,  294 ;  expectednomi- 
nation  in  1880,  299 ;  the  popular 
candidate,  304;  chosen  Secre 
tary  of  State,  312. 

Blair,  Frank  P.,  242. 

Blockade  of  southern  ports,  131 
sq. ;  of  Cuban  ports,  363. 

Border  States,  135  sq.       .  ,;    . 

Boutwell,  George  S.,  74. 

Breckinridge,  John  C.,  nominated 
by  Democratic  faction  at  Balti 
more  and  Richmond,  9 ;  Vice- 
President  of  United  States,  56 ; 
lineage,  popularity,  57. 

Britain,  Great,  demands  release 
of  Confederate  ministers,  144, 
178  ;  change  of  attitude  of,  215, 
216 ;  responsible  for  Confeder 
ate  cruisers,  228. 

Brown,  John,  58. 

Bryant,  William  Cullen,  12. 

Bryce,  James,  153. 

Buchanan,  James,  i,  250. 

Buford,  General,  leads  advance 
guard  at  Gettysburg,  102. 

Bullock,  Mr.,  Confederate  agent 
at  Liverpool,  218,  219. 

Burnside,  General,  133. 

Burr,  Aaron,  210. 

Butler,  Benjamin  F.,  201. 


403 


404 


INDEX 


Calhoun,  John  C.,  champion  of 
slavery,  37 ;  50,  87,  296. 

California,  admission  as  free 
State,  38,  82. 

Cambon,  M.,  395. 

Cameron,  Don,  302. 

Campaign,  presidential,  of  1860, 
19;  forecast  of  outcome,  20 ;  of 
1872,  250. 

Campos,  Governor-General,  356. 

Carpet-baggers,  174  sq. 

Cass,  Lewis,  68,  297.  il    • 

Cervera,  Admiral,  376,  377,  386. 

Cespedes,  Carlos  Manuel,  354. 

Chaffee,  General,  383,  384. 

Chancellorsville,  battle  of,  98,  99. 

Chandler,  Zachariah,  67. 

Charleston,  Democratic  Conven 
tion  at,  3 ;  blockaded,  133. 

Chase,  Salmon  P.,  10,  140;  pre 
sides  over  Senate  at  Johnson's 
trial,  199. 

Civil  Rights  Bill.  188. 

Civil  War,  slavery  the  sole  cause 
of,  76  sq. 

Clay,  Cassius  M.,  241. 

Clay,  Henry,  38,  250. 

Cleveland,  Grover,  elected  on 
tariff  issue,  347 ;  defeated  on 
same,  348 ;  reflected,  348 ;  at 
titude  on  Cuban  question,  358. 

Colfax,  Schuyler,  74. 

Collamer,  Jacob,  67. 

Confederation,  Articles  of,  on 
State  Sovereignty,  27. 

Congress,  opposes  Lincoln's  re 
construction,  155;  overthrows 
Johnson's  plans,  165. 

Conkling,  Roscoe,  74,  264;  par 
allel  with  Elaine,  288 ;  feud  with 
Elaine,  289;  prevents  Elaine 
from  becoming  President,  294; 
nominates  Grant,  305 ;  resigns 
from  the  Senate,  316. 


Connecticut,  refuses  soldiers  for 
War  of  1812,  35. 

Constitution,  Federal,  27;  pre 
amble  of,  29. 

Convention,  Democratic,  of  1860, 
3  sq. ;  adjourns  to  Baltimore,  7 ; 
nominates  Douglas,  8;  Hart 
ford,  35;  of  1876,  meets  at  St. 
Louis,  267  ;  nominates  Tilden, 
267;  Liberal  Republican,  of 
1872,  242;  Republican  of  1869, 
meetsatChicago,9,meetsatChi- 
cago  in  1876,  263 ;  of  1880,  303. 

Cortez,  132. 

Cox,  Samuel  S.,  75. 

Credit  Mobilier,  270. 

Crittenden,  John  J.,7i;  served  in 
War  of  1812,  six  times  elected 
to  Senate,  72;  prevents  seces 
sion  of  Kentucky,  72;  death  ,73. 

Cuba,  revolt  in,  353,  356. 

Curtin,  Andrew,  n  (note)  ; 
elected  governor  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  22;  241,  262. 

Curtis,  Benjamin  S.,  defends 
Johnson,  200. 

Gushing,  Caleb,  3-4,  8. 

Davis,  David,  245,  281. 

Davis,  Henry  Winter,  158. 

Davis,  Jefferson,  birth,  49; 
Quincy  Adams's  opinion  of, 
50;  successor  of  Calhoun,  50; 
his  sincerity,  51,  253. 

Day,  Secretary,  395,  396. 

Decatur,  Illinois,  12. 

Declaration  of  Independence,  28. 

Deerhound,  the,  223. 

Democratic  party,  long  lease  of 
power,  i ;  vitality  of,  2 ;  fatal 
split  in,  3  ;  platform  in  1860, 17 ; 
gains  control  of  House,  261 ; 
benefited  by  Liberal  move 
ment,  262. 


INDEX 


405 


Dennison,  Governor,  266. 

Dewey,  George,  fleet  in  the  East, 
364;  wins  battle  of  Manila, 
372 ;  his  fame,  373 ;  396. 

Disunion,  early  threats  of,  32. 

Doubleday,  Abner,  105 ;  •  falls 
back  to  Seminary  Ridge,  107. 

Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  author  of 
Squatter  Sovereignty,  5 ;  op 
posed  by  South,  5;  leads  in 
ballot,  7;  nominated  at  Balti 
more,  8 ;  his  opinion  of  Lin 
coln,  16;  tour  in  campaign, 

19- 

Dred-Scot  Decision,  2,  77. 
Dudley,  Mr.,  consul  at  Liverpool, 

218. 

Edmunds,  Senator,  proposes 
Electoral  Commission,  280 ; 
308. 

El  Caney,  fight  at,  383,  384. 

Election,  presidential,  of  1860,  re 
sult,  23. 

Electoral  commission,  280  sq.  \ 
composition  of,  281  (note). 

Emancipation  Proclamation,  145. 

England,  see  Britain,  Great. 

Evarts,  William  M.,  201,  202. 

Ewell,  General,  reaches  Gettys 
burg,  106 ;  orders  pursuit,  107. 

Ewing,  Thomas,  199. 

Farragut,  Admiral,  133. 

Federalists,  resist  acquisition  of 
new  territory,  33 ;  oppose  War 
of  1812,  35. 

Fessenden,  William  Pitt,  birth, 
great  lawyer,  enters  Congress, 
character,  63 ;  considerate  of 
opponents,  a  founder  of  Re 
publican  party,  64 ;  greatest  act 
of,  65 ;  206. 

Fish,  Hamilton,  230. 


Florida,  the,  225. 

Foreign  relations  during  the  war, 

142  sg. 

Fremont,  John  C.,  40. 
Fry,  James  B.,  289,  291,  293. 
Frye,  Senator,  277,  396. 
Fugitive  Slave  Law,  39,  83,  90. 

Garcia,  Calixto,  354. 

Garfield,  James  A.,  nominates 
Sherman,  305;  is  nominated 
for  President,  307;  boyhood 
and  early  life  of,  309 ;  valor  at 
Chickamauga,  career  in  Con 
gress,  310;  industry  of,  311; 
career  as  President,  312,  313 ; 
offends  Conkling  by  appoint 
ment,  315 ;  is  shot  by  Guiteau, 
318;  dies,  322. 

Garrison,  William  Lloyd,  37. 

Geary,  General,  109. 

Geneva  Conference,  235  sq. 

Georgia,  174. 

Gerry,  Elbridge,  pronounces  the 
republic  a  failure,  33. 

Gettys,  James,  founder  of  Gettys 
burg,  95. 

Gettysburg,  location  of,  96. 

Gettysburg,  battle  of,  95  sq.\  to 
pography  of  ground,  96  sq. 

Ghent,  treaty  of,  35. 

Gist,  Governor,  convenes  South 
Carolina  legislature,  40. 

Goldsborough,  Commodore,  133. 

Gomez,  Maximo,  leads  Cuban 
rebellion,  356. 

Grant,  U.  S.,  appointed  Secretary 
of  War,  191 ;  recommends  that 
the  government  assume  the 
Alabama  claims,  232, 251 ;  par 
doned  Lee  at  Appomattox,  253 ; 
275;  makes  tour  of  the  world( 
299;  his  return,  300;  proposed 
for  third  term,  301. 


4o6 


INDEX 


Granville,  Lord,  233. 

Greeley,  Horace,  137  ;  nominated 
for  President,  245 ;  early  life 
and  career,  246  sg. ;  tour  of 
the  West,  255;  defeat,  257; 
death,  258. 

Grey,  Senator,  396. 

Guasimas,  fight  at,  382. 

Guiteau,  Charles  J.,  317;  shoots 
President  Garfield,  318;  exe 
cuted,  321. 

Half-breeds,  316  (note). 

Halleck,  H.  W.,  101. 

Hancock,  W.  S.,  103;  reaches 
Gettysburg,  108 ;  nominated  for 
President,  312. 

Hannibal,  132. 

Harris,  Isham  G.,  governor  of 
Tennessee,  57;  service  in  the 
Confederacy,  later  career,  58. 

Hartranft,  Governor,  264. 

Hatteras,  the,  221. 

Hayes,  Rutherford,  B.,  nominated 
for  President,  265;  early  life, 
265;  declared  elected  by  the 
Electoral  Commission,  282. 

Hazlilt,  Colonel,  118. 

Hill,  General,  103. 

Hoar,  Senator,  277. 

Hobson,  Richmond  P.,  378,  379. 

Holman,  William  S.,  74. 

Hooker,  Joseph,  99 ;  resigns  from 
the  army,  101. 

Howard,  O.  O.,  reaches  Gettys 
burg,  105;  chooses  battle 
ground,  108. 

Illinois,  leaders  in  Congress  from, 

73- 

Impeachment  of  President  John 
son,  197. 

Impeachments  by  the  House  of 
Representatives,  195  (note  2). 


Independent,  the,  on    Johnson's 

trial,  213. 
Indiana,    leaders     in    Congress 

from,  74 ;  256. 

Indians,  tradition  among,  47. 
Iron  brigade,  105. 

Jackson,  Andrew,  185 ;  attempted 
assassination  of,  285  (note) ; 
296,  301. 

Jackson,  Stonewall,  99. 

Johnson,  Alexander,  quoted,  29. 

Johnson,  Andrew,  becomes 
President,  threatens  southern 
leaders,  160;  conversion,  162; 
issues  amnesty  proclamation, 
162;  is  opposed  by  Congress, 
165;  early  life,  185;  becomes 
Vice-President,  187;  his  many 
blunders,  193-194;  impeached 
by  the  House,  197;  tried  by 
Senate,  200  sq. 

Johnson,  Clarendon  treaty,  229. 

Johnson,  Reverdy,  minister  to 
England,  229. 

Joint  High  Commission,  pro 
posed,  232;  its  composition, 
234  (note). 

Joy,  James  F.,  nominates  Elaine 
at  Chicago,  305. 

Julian,  George  W.,  74. 

Kansas-Nebraska  Law,  2,  5 ;  in 
terpreted  differently  north  and 
south  of  Mason  and  Dixon's 
line,  17 ;  77,  83. 

Kearsarge,  the,  221 ;  destroys  the 
Alabama,  223. 

Kellogg,  Governor,  278. 

Kennebec  Journal,  edited  by 
Elaine,  287. 

Know-Nothing,  or  American, 
party,  n,  239. 


INDEX 


407 


Laird,  Mr.,  builder  of  the  Ala 
bama,  218. 

Lawton,  General,  383. 

Lecompton  Constitution, 
2  (note),  5. 

Lee,  Robert  E.,  commands  Army 
of  Northern  Virginia,  98 ;  de 
cides  to  invade  the  North,  99 ; 
decides  on  battle  at  Gettysburg, 
no. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  10;  Cooper 
Union  speech,  12;  named  for 
President  by  Illinois,  12 ;  "  rail- 
splitter,"  13;  nomination,  15; 
created  little  enthusiasm,  16, 
88;  proclaims  blockade,  132; 
saves  Border  States,  136;  re 
leases  Trent  captives,  144;  at 
variance  with  Congress,  153 
sq. ;  his  plan  of  reconstruction, 
153  sq. ;  his  death,  159,  181. 

Logan,  John  A.,  73,  302. 

Log  Cabin,  the,  247.      • 

Longstreet,  General,  115;  ad 
vances  on  Sickles,  116. 

Lopez,  Narcisco,  expedition  of, 
in  Cuba,  353 ;  executed,  354. 

Louisiana,  accepts  Lincoln's  re 
construction,  154;  laws  of  gov 
erning  freedmen,  166. 

Lovejoy,  Owen,  73. 

Lowell,  James  Russell,  quoted,  20. 

Maceo,  General,  356. 

Magellan,     discovers    Philippine 

Islands,  363. 

Maine,  the,  explosion  of,  360. 
Manila,  battle  of,  368  sq. 
Manila,  city  of,  365. 
Massachusetts,     constitution     of 

1780,  refuses  soldiers  for  War 

of    1812,    35;     delegation     in 

Congress,  74. 
Matthews,  Stanley,  241. 


McClernand,  John  A.,  73. 

McClure,  Alexander  K.,  n 
(note),  241,  262. 

McKinley,  William,  359  ;  his  war 
message,  362 ;  blockade  proc 
lamation,  363 ;  calls  for  vol 
unteers,  380. 

McPherson,  General,  105. 

Meade,  George  Gordon,  becomes 
commander  of  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac,  101 ;  orders  move 
ment  northward,  102;  sends 
Hancock  to  Gettysburg,  108. 

Miles,  Nelson  A.,  manages 
Puerto  Rican  campaign, 39 1  sq. 

Mississippi,  law  of  concerning 
freedmen,  166,  173. 

Missouri,  starts  Liberal  Repub 
lican  movement,  242. 

Missouri  Compromise,  80. 

Montojo,  Admiral,  372. 

Morrill,  Justin  S.,  long  service  in 
Senate,  73. 

New  England,  threatens  seces 
sion,  34. 

New  York,  leaders  in  Congress 
from,  74. 

North,  the,  could  not  yield  to 
southern  demands,  8 ;  differed 
from  the  South,  78. 

North  Carolina,  31,  250. 

Northern  Virginia,  Army  of,  at 
Bull  Run,  Chancellorsville,  98 ; 
division  into  corps,  99;  disad 
vantage  at  Gettysburg,  112. 

Ohio,  delegation  of,  in  Congress, 
75;  remarkable  career  in  na 
tional  politics,  75  (note). 

Olympia,  Dewey's  flag-ship,  364. 

Omnibus  Bill,  38,  82. 

Oregon,  the,  great  voyage  of,  375, 
377- 


408 


INDEX 


Panic  of  1873,  I7I- 

Paper  money  issued  during  the 

war,  140. 

Paul,  General,  109. 
Philippine    Islands,    discovered, 

363 ;  396 ;  ceded  to  the  United 

States,  397. 

Phillips,  Wendell,  168. 
Pickens,  Governor  of  S.C.,44. 
Pickett,     General,     assault     on 

Union  army,  124. 
Pierce,  Franklin,  3,  4. 
Pinckney,  Charles  C,  28. 
Potomac,  Army  of,  in  pursuit  of 

Lee,  loo ;  advantage  at  Gettys 
burg,  113. 

President,  the,  his  war  powers,  92. 
Protection  by  means  of  a  tariff, 

its  advantages,  abuses,  327  sq. 
Public  opinion,  the  great  arbiter 

in  America,   112;    forced   the 

Spanish  war,  362. 
Puerto   Rico,  353 ;    invaded    by 

Americans,  390  sq. 
Purchase,  Louisiana,  33. 

Quincy,  Josiah,  opinion  on 
Louisiana  purchase,  34. 

Race  problem  in  the  South,  177. 

Raymond,  Henry  J.,  170. 

Reconcentrados  in  Cuba,  358. 

Reid,  Whitelaw,  396. 

Republican  party,  rise  of,  i ;  nom 
inates  Lincoln  at  Chicago,  15 ; 
platform  in  1860,  17;  blamed 
for  carpet-bag  rule,  176;  its 
early  composition,  239. 

Returning  boards,  274-  sq. 

Reynolds,  General,  killed  at  Get 
tysburg,  104. 

Rhett,  Robert  B.,  57. 

Rhode  Island,  31 ;  refuses  soldiers 
to  War  of  1812,  35. 


Robertson,  W.  H.,  304 ;  appointed 
collector  of  post  of  New  York, 
315;  prevents  reelection  of 
Conkling  and  Platt,  316. 

Rocking  ham,  the,  221. 

Roosevelt,  Theodore,  381 ;  leads 
brilliant  assault,  384. 

Rose,  Sir  John,  reaches  America 
on  a  secret  mission,  232. 

Rough  Riders,  381. 

Russell,  Earl,  228. 

"  Salary  Grab,"  270. 

Sampson,  Admiral,  376. 

San  Jacinto,  the,  220. 

San  Juan,  battle  of,  384,  385. 

Santiago,  campaign  of,  374  sq.  \ 
seafight  near,  386  sq. 

Santiago,  city  of,  surrenders,  389. 

Scalawags,  174. 

Schenck,  Robert  C.,  75. 

Schley  W.  S.,  378,  386,  387. 

Schurz,  Oarl,  106;  retreats  to 
Gettysburg,  107 ;  241. 

Semmes,  Raphael,  captain  of  the 
Alabama,  220 ;  challenges  Win- 
slow,  222. 

Seward,  William  H.,  10,  n ;  his 
magnanimity,  20,  161,  227. 

Shafter,  General,  381,  385. 

Shenendoah,  the,  225. 

Sheridan,  P.  H.,  108. 

Sherman,  John,  69;  opinion  of 
Tenure  of  Office  Bill,  190. 

Sherman,  W.  T.,  quoted,  152; 
witness  in  Johnson  trial,  203. 

Sickles,  General,  102 ;  advances 
without  orders,  116;  wounded, 
120. 

Sigsbee,  Captain,  360. 

Slaveholders,  the,  sought  to  ex 
tend  slavery,  78;  dominant  in 
the  government,  84;  blunders 
of,  89. 


INDEX 


409 


Slavery,  sole  cause  of  Civil  War, 
76  sq. ;  a  political  and  moral 
question,  78. 

Smith,  Goldwin,  147. 

South,  the,  demands  on  Demo 
cratic  Convention,  5;  grounds 
for  seceding,  25 ;  accepts  Om 
nibus  Bill,  39;  differed  from 
North,  78;  sincerity,  151. 

South  Carolina,  nullification  in, 
36;  rejoicing  in,  at  Lincoln's 
election, 42;  secedes ,45  ;  passes 
laws  against  freedmen,  166. 

Spain,  her  former  possessions, 
353.  363.  398;  makes  peace 
with  Cuba,  355  ;  sues  for  peace, 
395 ;  cedes  Cuba  and  Puerto 
Rico  to  U.S.,  395 ;  cedes  Phil 
ippines,  397 ;  hope  for,  399. 

Spanish  fleet  at  Manila,  367. 

Spaulding,  E.  G.,  74. 

Squatter  Sovereignty,  5. 

Stalwarts,  316  (note). 

Stanberry,  Henry,  201. 

Stanley,  Lord,  228. 

Stanton,  Edwin  M.,  refuses  to  re 
sign  from  cabinet,  190 ;  deeply 
disappointed  at  outcome  of 
Johnson's  trial,  his  death,  209. 

State  Sovereignty,  in  theory,  26; 
in  practice,  29 ;  a  weapon  for 
slavery,  36,  77. 

Stephens,  Alexander  H.,  his  ap 
pearance,  52 ;  courage,  53 • 
opposes  secession,  54;  later 
career,  54. 

Stevens,  Thaddeus,  birth  and 
education  of,  leader  of  Anti- 
Masons,  leader  in  Congress, 
70;  radical,  intolerant,  71,  167  ; 
moves  great  Reconstruction 
Act,  172. 

Stewart,  J.  E.  B.,  99,  113. 

Sumner,   Charles,   lineage,  early 


aim,  58;  espouses  Free  Soil 
cause,  elected  to  Senate,  59; 
great  speech,  an  idealist,  60; 
egotism,  sincerity  of,  61 ;  as 
saulted  by  Brooks,  62;  i55t 
168 ;  speaks  on  Alabama 
claims,  230,  241. 

Sweet,  Leonard,  241. 

Sykes,  General,  103. 

Tallahassee,  the,  225. 

Tariff,  the,  its  objects,  325 ;  that 
of  1789,  332;  of  1816,  334;  of 
"abominations,"  337;  of  1832, 
339;  compromise  of  1833,  340; 
Whig  of  1842,  341;  Walker, 
341 ;  of  1857,  342 ;  Morrill, 
342;  during  the  war,  345  sy.; 
McKinley  Bill,  348;  Wilson 
Bill,  349;  Dingley  Bill,  349. 

Taussig,  Professor,  on  the  tariff, 
342. 

Taylor,  Zachary,  50,  67,  251. 

Tenure  of  Office  Act,  189  sq.,  200. 

Texas,  an  independent  power,  30 ; 
admitted  to  Union,  81,  173. 

Thomas,  Lorenzo,  200. 

Thornton,  Sir  Edward,  proposes 
joint  high  commission,  232. 

Tilden,  Samuel  J.,  210;  nomi 
nated  for  President,  267;  as  a 
reformer,  268,  269;  receives 
popular  majority  in  presiden 
tial  election,  283. 

Toombs,  Robert,  54 ;  opinion  of 
Lincoln,  debater  in  Congress, 

55- 

Toral,  General,  389. 
Treaty  of  Washington,  233  sq. 
Trent,  the,  144. 
Tribune,    New     York,    supports 

Bates,    13 ;    on    Johnson  trial, 

213;     opposes      Grant,     241; 

founded  by  Greeley,  247. 


4io 


INDEX 


Trumbull,  Lyman,  69,  206;  can 
didate  for  President,  245,  246, 
262. 

Tycoon,  the,  221. 

Tyler,  John,  4,  86. 

Union,  the,  danger  of  dissolution 
of,  7. 

Vallandigham.  Clement  LM  75. 
Valley  of  death,  120. 
Van  Buren,  Martin,  297. 
Virginia,  173. 
Virginius,  the,  355. 
Voorhees,  Daniel  W.,  74. 

Wachusett,  the,  225. 

Wade,  Benjamin,  early  life  of, 
enters  the  Senate,  great  courage 
of,  66;  opposes  policy  of  Lin 
coln  67,  157 ;  later  career,  210. 

Wadsworth,  General,  109. 

Walker,  Robert  J.,  341. 

War,  Mexican,  81. 

War,  Spanish,  causes  of,  358  sq. 

War 'of  1812,  216. 


Warren,  General,  117. 

Wars,  Indian,  80. 

Washburn,  Elihu  B.,  73,  308. 

Washington,  Booker  T..  181. 

Washington,  George,  301,  352. 

Washington,  treaty  of,  233. 

Welles,  Gideon,  203. 

Weyler,  Captain-General,  357. 

Wheeler,  Joseph,  381. 

Wheeler,  William  A.,  74;  nomi 
nated  for  Vice- President,  265, 
277. 

Whigs,  86,  239. 

Wilmot,  David,  69. 

Wilmot  Proviso,  38. 

Wilson,  General,  392. 

Wilson,  Henry,  69,  170. 

Windom,  William,  308. 

Winslow,  Captain,  commands 
the  Kearsarge,  221. 

Wisconsin ,  expression  of,  on  State 
Sovereignty,  27. 

Wise,  Henry  A.,  58. 

Wood,  Colonel,  381. 

Yancey,  William  R.,  6,  57. 


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The  authorized  edition  of  these  children's  classics.  They  have 
recently  been  reprinted  from  new  type  and  new  cuts  made  from 
the  original  wood  blocks. 

CHURCH.  THE  STORY  OF  THE  ILIAD.  By  Rev.  A.  J.  Church. 
vii-f  314  pages. 

CHURCH.  THE  STORY  OF  THE  ODYSSEY.  By  Rev.  A.  J. 
Church,  vii  +  306  pages. 

The  two  great  epics  are  retold  in  prose  by  one  of  the  best  of 
story-tellers.  The  Greek  atmosphere  is  remarkably  well  preserved. 

CRADDOCK.     THE     STORY     OF     OLD     FORT     LOUDON.     By 

Charles  Egbert  Craddock.    12mo.   Illustrated,  v  +  409  pages. 

A  story  of  pioneer  life  in  Tennessee  at  the  time  of  the  Cherokee 
uprising  in  1760.  The  frontier  fort  serves  as  a  background  to  this 
picture  of  Indian  craft  and  guile  and  pioneer  pleasures  and  hard 
ships. 

CROCKETT.  RED  CAP  TALES.  By  S.  R.  Crockett.  8vo. 
Illustrated,  xii  +  413  pages. 

The  volume  consists  of  a  number  of  tales  told  in  succession 
from  four  of  Scott's  novels  —  "Waverley,"  "Guy  Mannering," 
"Rob  Roy,"  and  "The  Antiquary";  with  a  break  here  and  there 
while  the  children  to  whom  they  are  told  discuss  the  story  just 
told  from  their  own  point  of  view.  No  better  introduction  to 
Scott's  novels  could  be  imagined  or  contrived.  Half  a  dozen  or 
more  tales  are  given  from  each  book. 


3 

DIX.  A  LITTLE  CAPTIVE  LAD.  By  Beulah  Marie  Dix.  12mo. 
Illustrated,  vii  +  286  pages. 

The  story  is  laid  in  the  time  of  Cromwell,  and  the  captive  lad 
is  a  cavalier,  full  of  the  pride  of  his  caste.  The  plot  develops 
around  the  child's  relations  to  his  Puritan  relatives.  It  is  a  well- 
told  story,  with  plenty  of  action,  and  is  a  faithful  picture  of  the 
times. 

EGGLESTON.  SOUTHERN  SOLDIER  STORIES.  By  George 
Gary  Eggleston.  12 mo.  Illustrated,  xi  +  251  pages. 

Forty-seven  stories  illustrating  the  heroism  of  those  brave 
Americans  who  fought  on  the  losing  side  in  the  Civil  War.  Humor 
and  pathos  are  found  side  by  side  in  these  pages  which  bear  evi 
dence  of  absolute  truth. 

ELSON.     SIDE  LIGHTS  ON  AMERICAN  HISTORY. 

This  volume  takes  a  contemporary  view  of  the  leading  events  in 
the  history  of  the  country  from  the  period  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  to  the  close  of  the  Spanish-American  War.  The 
result  is  a  very  valuable  series  of  studies  in  many  respects  more 
interesting  and  informing  than  consecutive  history. 

GAYE.  THE  GREAT  WORLD'S  FARM.  Some  Account  of 
Nature's  Crops  and  How  they  are  Sown.  By  Selina  Gaye. 
12mo.  Illustrated,  xii  +  365  pages. 

A  readable  account  of  plants  and  how  they  live  and  grow.  It 
is  as  free  as  possible  from  technicalities  and  well  adapted  to 
young  people. 

GREENE.  PICKETT'S  GAP.  By  Homer  Greene.  12mo.  Illus 
trated,  vii  +  288  pages. 

A  story  of  American  life  and  character  illustrated  in  the  per 
sonal  heroism  and  manliness  of  an  American  boy.  It  is  well  told, 
and  the  lessons  in  morals  and  character  are  such  as  will  appeal  to 
every  honest  instinct. 

HAPGOOD.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  By  Norman  Hapgood. 
12mo.  Illustrated,  xiii  +  433  pages. 

This  is  one  of  the  best  one-volume  biographies  of  Lincoln,  and  a 
faithful  picture  of  the  strong  character  of  the  great  President,  not 
only  when  he  was  at  the  head  of  the  nation,  but  also  as  a  boy  and 
a  young  man,  making  his  way  in  the  world. 


4 

HAPGOOD.  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  By  Norman  Hapgood 
12mo.  Illustrated,  xi  +  419  pages. 

Not  the  semi-mythical  Washington  of  some  biographers,  but  a 
clear,  comprehensive  account  of  the  man  as  he  really  appeared  in 
camp,  in  the  field,  in  the  councils  of  his  country,  at  home,  and  in 
society. 

HOLDEN.  REAL  THINGS  IN  NATURE.  A  Reading  Book  of 
Science  for  American  Boys  and  Girls.  By  Edward  S.  Holden. 
Illustrated.  12mo.  xxxviii  +  443  pages. 

The  topics  are  grouped  under  nine  general  heads :  Astronomy, 
Physics,  Meteorology,  Chemistry,  Geology,  Zoology,  Botany,  The 
Human  Body,  and  The  Early  History  of  Mankind.  The  various 
parts  of  the  volume  give  the  answers  to  the  thousand  and  one 
questions  continually  arising  in  the  minds  of  youths  at  an  age 
when  habits  of  thought  for  life  are  being  formed. 

HUFFORD.  SHAKESPEARE  IN  f  ALE  AND  VERSE.  By  Lois 
Grosvenor  Hufford.  12mo.  ix  +  445  pages. 

The  purpose  of  the  author  is  to  introduce  Shakespeare  to  such 
of  his  readers  as  find  the  intricacies  of  the  plots  of  the  dramas 
somewhat  difficult  to  manage.  The  stories  which  constitute  the 
main  plots  are  given,  and  are  interspersed  with  the  dramatic 
dialogue  in  such  a  manner  as  to  make  tale  and  verse  interpret  each 
other. 

HUGHES.  TOM  BROWN'S  SCHOOL  DAYS.  By  Thomas  Hughes. 
12mo.  Illustrated,  xxi  +  376  pages. 

An  attractive  and  convenient  edition  of  this  great  story  of  life 
at  Rugby.  It  is  a  book  that  appeals  to  boys  everywhere  and 
which  makes  for  manliness  and  high  ideals. 

HUTCHINSON.  THE  STORY  OF  THE  HILLS.  A  Book  about 
Mountains  for  General  Readers.  By  Rev.  H.  W.  Hutchinson. 
12mo.  Illustrated,  xv  +  357  pages. 

"A  clear  account  of  the  geological  formation  of  mountains  and 
their  various  methods  of  origin  in  language  so  clear  and  untech- 
nical  that  it  will  not  confuse  even  the  most  unscientific."  — 
Boston  Evening  Transcript. 


ILLINOIS  GIRL.  A  PRAIRIE  WINTER.  By  an  Illinois  Girl. 
16mo.  164  pages. 

A  record  of  the  procession  of  the  months  from  midway  in  Septem 
ber  to  midway  in  May.  The  observations  on  Nature  are  accurate 
and  sympathetic,  and  they  are  interspersed  with  glimpses  of  a 

charming  home  life  and  bits  of  cheerful  philosophy. 
{.lYi-j'MrfjJfc  Jaoip  it  >.i  SdptfJ  'rnlr.n  vil-T   '•<•  -Uuio*r;5i;   ;  ••<•    -Ja!*/    ;Juo7 

INGERSOLL.  WILD  NEIGHBORS.  OUTDOOR  STUDIES  IN 
THE  UNITED  STATES.  By  Ernest  Ingersoll.  12mo. 
Illustrated,  xii  +  301  pages. 

Studies  and  stories  of  the  gray  squirrel,  the  puma,  the  coyote, 
the  badger,  and  other  burrowers,  the  porcupine,  the  skunk,  the 
woodchuck,  and  the  raccoon. 

INMAN.  THE  RANCH  ON  THE  OXHIDE.  By  Henry  Inman. 
12mo.  Illustrated,  xi  +  297  pages. 

A  story  of  pioneer  life  in  Kansas  in  the  late  sixties.  Adventures 
with  wild  animals  and  skirmishes  with  Indians  add  interest  to  the 
narrative. 

JOHNSON.  CERVANTES'  DON  QUIXOTE.  Edited  by  Clifton 
Johnson.  12mo.  Illustrated,  xxiii  +  398  pages. 

A  well-edited  edition  of  this  classic.  The  one  effort  has  been  to 
bring  the  book  to  readable  proportions  without  excluding  any  really 
essential  incident  or  detail,  and  at  the  same  time  to  make  the  text 
unobjectionable  and  wholesome. 

JUDSON.       THE  GROWTH    OF  THE   AMERICAN  NATION.      By 

Harry     Pratt     Judson.     12mo.     Illustrations     and      maps. 
xi  +  359  pages. 

The  cardinal  facts  of  American  History  are  grasped  in  such  a 
way  as  to  show  clearly  the  orderly  development  of  national  life. 

KEARY.  THE  HEROES  OF  ASGARD:  TALES  FROM  SCANDI 
NAVIAN  MYTHOLOGY.  By  A.  and  E.  Keary.  12mo. 
Illustrated.  323  pages. 


The  book  is  divided  into  nine  chapters,  called  "The 
"How  Thor  went  to  Jotunheim,"  "  Frey,"  "The  Wanderings  of 
Freyja,"  "  Iduna's  Apples,"  "Baldur,"  "The  Binding  of  Fenrir," 
"The  Punishment  of  Loki,"  "Ragnarok." 


6 

KING.     DE  SOTO  AND  HIS  MEN  IN  THE  LAND  OF  FLORIDA. 

By  Grace  King.     12mo.     Illustrated,     xiv  +  326  pages. 

A  story  based  upon  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  accounts  of  the 
attempted  conquest  by  the  armada  which  sailed  under  De  Soto  in 
1538  to  subdue  this  country.  Miss  King  gives  a  most  entertain 
ing  history  of  the  invaders'  struggles  and  of  their  final  demoralized 
rout;  while  her  account  of  the  native  tribes  is  a  most  attractive 
feature  of  the  narrative. 

KINGSLEY.  MADAM  HOW  AND  LADY  WHY:  FIRST  LESSONS 
IN  EARTH  LORE  FOR  CHILDREN.  By  Charles  Kingsley. 
12mo.  Illustrated,  xviii+321  pages. 

Madam  How  and  Lady  Why  are  two  fairies  who  teach  the  how 
and  why  of  things  in  nature.  There  are  chapters  on  Earthquakes, 
Volcanoes,  Coral  Reefs,  Glaciers,  etc.,  told  in  an  interesting  man 
ner.  The  book  is  intended  to  lead  children  to  use  their  eyes  and 
ears. 

KINGSLEY.  THE  WATER  BABIES:  A  FAIRY  TALE  FOR  A 
LAND  BABY.  By  Charles  Kingsley.  12mo.  Illustrated. 
330  pages. 

One  of  the  best  children's  stories  ever  written;  it  has  deservedly 
become  a  classic. 

LANGE.  OUR  NATIVE  BIRDS:  HOW  TO  PROTECT  THEM 
AND  ATTRACT  THEM  TO  OUR  HOMES.  By  D.  Lange. 
12mo.  Illustrated,  x  +  162  pages. 

A  strong  plea  for  the  protection  of  birds.  Methods  and  devices 
for  their  encouragement  are  given,  also  a  bibliography  of  helpful 
literature,  and  material  for  Bird  Day. 

LOVELL.  STORIES  IN  STONE  FROM  THE  ROMAN  FORUM. 
By  Isabel  Lovell.  12mo.  Illustrated,  viii  -f  258  pages. 

The  eight  stories  in  this  volume  give  many  facts  that  travelers 
wish  to  know,  that  historical  readers  seek,  and  that  young  students 
enjoy.  The  book  puts  the  reader  in  close  touch  with  Roman  life. 

McFARLAND.  GETTING  ACQUAINTED  WITH  THE  TREES. 
By  J.  Horace  McFarland.  8vo.  Illustrated,  xi  4-  241  pages. 

A  charmingly  written  series  of  tree  essays.  They  are  not 
scientific  but  popular,  and  are  the  outcome  of  the  author's  desire 
that  others  should  share  the  rest  and  comfort  that  have  come  to 
him  through  acquaintance  with  trees. 


MAJOR.  THE  BEARS  OF  BLUE  RIVER.  By  Charles  Major. 
12mo.  Illustrated.  277  pages. 

A  collection  of  good  bear  stories  with  a  live  boy  for  the  hero. 
The  scene  is  laid  in  the  early  days  of  Indiana. 

MARSHALL.  WINIFRED'S  JOURNAL.  By  Emma  Marshall. 
12mo.  Illustrated.  353  pages. 

A  story  of  the  time  of  Charles  the  First.  Some  of  the  characters 
are  historical  personages. 

MEANS.  PALMETTO  STORIES.  By  Celina  E.  Means.  12mo. 
Illustrated,  x  +  244  pages. 

True  accounts  of  some  of  the  men  and  women  who  made  the 
history  of  South  Carolina,  and  correct  pictures  of  the  conditions 
under  which  these  men  and  women  labored. 

MORRIS.  MAN  AND  HIS  ANCESTOR:  A  STUDY  IN  EVOLU 
TION.  By  Charles  Morris.  16mo.  Illustrated,  vii  +  238 
pages. 

A  popular  presentation  of  the  subject  of  man's  origin.  The 
various  significant  facts  that  have  been  discovered  since  Darwin's 
time  are  given,  as  well  as  certain  lines  of  evidence  never  before 
presented  in  this  connection. 

NEWBOLT.     STORIES  FROM  FROISSART.     By  Henry  Newbolt. 

12mo.     Illustrated,     xxxi  +  368  pages. 

Here  are  given  entire  thirteen  episodes  from  the  "Chronicles" 
of  Sir  John  Froissart.  The  text  is  modernized  sufficiently  to  make 
it  intelligible  to  young  readers.  Separated  narratives  are  dove 
tailed,  and  new  translations  have  been  made  where  necessary  to 
make  the  narrative  complete  and  easily  readable. 

OVERTON.  THE  CAPTAIN'S  DAUGHTER.  By  Gwendolen 
Overton.  12mo.  Illustrated,  vii  +  270  pages. 

A  story  of  girl  life  at  an  army  post  on  the  frontier.  The  plot  is 
an  absorbing  one,  and  the  interest  of  the  reader  is  held  to  the  end. 

PALGRAVE.  THE  CHILDREN'S  TREASURY  OF  ENGLISH 
SONG.  Selected  and  arranged  by  Francis  Turner  Palgrave. 
16mo.  viii  +  302  pages. 

This  collection  contains  168  selections  —  songs,  narratives, 
descriptive  or  reflective  pieces  of  a  lyrical  quality,  all  suited  to  the 
taste  and  understanding  of  children. 


8 

PALMER.  STORIES  FROM  THE  CLASSICAL  LITERATURE 
OF  MANY  NATIONS.  Edited  by  Bertha  Palmer.  12mo. 
xv  -I-  297  pages. 

A  collection  of  sixty  characteristic  stories  from  Chinese,  Japa 
nese,  Hebrew,  Babylonian,  Arabian,  Hindu,  Greek,  Roman, 
German,  Scandinavian,  Celtic,  Russian,  Italian,  French,  Spanish, 
Portuguese,  Anglo-Saxon,  English,  Finnish,  and  American  Indian 
sources. 

RIIS.     CHILDREN  OF  THE  TENEMENTS.     By  Jacob  A.  Riis. 

12mo.     Illustrated,     ix  -j-  .'587  pages. 

Forty  sketches  and  short  stories  dealing  with  the  lights  and 
shadows  of  life  in  the  slums  of  New  York  City,  told  just  as  they 
came  to  the  writer,  fresh  from  the  life  of  the  people. 

SANDYS.  TRAPPER  JIM.  By  Edwyn  Sandys.  12mo.  Illus 
trated.  ix  +  441  pages. 

A  book  which  will  delight  every  normal  boy.  Jim  is  a  city  lad 
who  learns  from  an  older  cousin  all  the  lore  of  outdoor  life  — 
trapping,  shooting,  fishing,  camping,  swimming,  and  canoeing. 
The  author  is  a  well-known  writer  on  outdoor  subjects. 

SEXTON.  STORIES  OF  CALIFORNIA.  By  Ella  M.  Sexton. 
12mo.  Illustrated,  x-f-211  pages. 

Twenty-two  stories  illustrating  the  early  conditions  and  the 
romantic  history  of  California  and  the  subsequent  development 
of  the  state. 

SHARP.  THE  YOUNGEST  GIRL  IN  THE  SCHOOL.  By  Evelyn 
Sharp.  12mo.  Illustrated,  ix  +  326  pages. 

Bab,  the  "  youngest  girl,"  was  only  eleven  and  the  pet  of  five 
brothers.  Her  ups  and  downs  in  a  strange  boarding  school  make 
an  interesting  story. 

SPARKS.  THE  MEN  WHO  MADE  THE  NATION:  AN  OUTLINE 
OF  UNITED  STATES  HISTORY  FROM  1776  TO  1861.  By 
Edwin  E.  Sparks.  12mo.  Illustrated,  viii  +  415  pages. 

The  author  has  chosen  to  tell  our  history  by  selecting  the  one 
man  at  various  periods  of  our  affairs  who  was  master  of  the  situ 
ation  and  about  whom  events  naturally  grouped  themselves. 
The  characters  thus  selected  number  twelve,  as  "  Samuel  Adams, 
the  man  of  the  town  meeting"  ;  "Robert  Morris,  the  financier  of 
the  Revolution";  "Hamilton,  the  advocate  of  stronger  govern 
ment,"  etc.,  etc. 


THACHER.  THE  LISTENING  CHILD.  A  selection  from  the 
stories  of  English  verse,  made  for  the  youngest  readers  and 
hearers.  By  Lucy  W.  Thacher.  12mo.  xxx  +  408  pages. 

Under  this  title  are  gathered  two  hundred  and  fifty  selections. 
The  arrangement  is  most  intelligent,  as  shown  in  the  proportions 
assigned  to  different  authors  and  periods.  Much  prominence  is 
given  to  purely  imaginative  writers.  The  preliminary  essay,  "A 
Short  Talk  to  Children  about  Poetry,"  is  full  of  suggestion. 

WALLACE.  UNCLE  HENRY'S  LETTERS  TO  THE  FARM 
BOY.  By  Henry  Wallace.  16mo.  ix  4-  180  pages. 

Eighteen  letters  on  habits,  education,  business,  recreation,  and 
kindred  subjects. 

WEED.      LIFE     HISTORIES     OF     AMERICAN     INSECTS.      By 

Clarence  Moores  Weed.     12mo.     Illustrated,     xii  -f  272  pages. 

In  these  pages  are  described  by  an  enthusiastic  student  of 
entomology  such  changes  as  may  often  be  seen  in  an  insect's 
form,  and  which  mark  the  progress  of  its  life.  He  shows  how  very 
wide  a  field  of  interesting  facts  is  within  reach  of  any  one  who  has 
the  patience  to  collect  these  little  creatures. 

WELLS.  THE  JINGLE  BOOK.  By  Carolyn  Wells.  12mo. 
Illustrated,  viii  +  124  pages. 

A  collection  of  fifty  delightful  jingles  and  nonsense  verses.  The 
illustrations  by  Oliver  Herford  do  justice  to  the  text. 

WILSON.      DOMESTIC    SCIENCE    IN    GRAMMAR    GRADES.      A 

Reader.     By  Lucy  L.  W.  Wilson.     12rno.     ix  +  193  pages. 

Descriptions  of  homes  and  household  customs  of  all  ages  and 
countries,  studies  of  materials  and  industries,  glimpses  of  the 
homes  of  literature,  and  articles  on  various  household  subjects. 

WILSON.  HISTORY  READER  FOR  ELEMENTARY  SCHOOLS. 
By  Lucy  L.  W.  Wilson.  16mo.  Illustrated,  xvii  +  403 
pages. 

Stories  grouped  about  the  greatest  men  and  the  most  striking 
events  in  our  country's  history.  The  readings  run  by  months, 
beginning  with  September. 

WILSON.  PICTURE  STUDY  IN  ELEMENTARY  SCHOOLS.  By 
Lucy  L.  W.  Wilson.  12mo.  Illustrated. 


10 

Ninety  half-tone  reproductions  from  celebrated  paintings  both 
old  and  modern,  accompanied  by  appropriate  readings  from  the 
poets.  All  schools  of  art  are  represented. 

WRIGHT.     HEART   OF   NATURE.      By  Mabel   Osgood  Wright. 
12mo.     Illustrated. 

This  volume  comprises  "Stories  of  Plants  and  Animals," 
"Stories  of  Earth  and  Sky,"  and  "Stories  of  Birds  and  Beasts," 
usually  published  in  three  volumes  and  known  as  "The  Heart  of 
Nature  Series."  It  is  a  delightful  combination  of  story  and 
nature  study,  the  author's  name  being  a  sufficient  warrant  for  its 
interest  and  fidelity  to  nature. 

WRIGHT.     FOUR-FOOTED  AMERICANS  AND  THEIR  KIN.     By 

.     Mabel  Osgood  Wright,  edited  by  Frank  Chapman.     12mo. 
Illustrated,     xv  +  432  pages. 

An  animal  book  in  story  form.  The  scene  shifts  from  farm  to 
woods,  and  back  to  an  old  room,  fitted  as  a  sort  of  winter  camp, 
where  vivid  stories  of  the  birds  and  beasts  which  cannot  be  seen 
at  home  are  told  by  the  campfire,  —  the  sailor  who  has  hunted  the 
sea,  the  woodman,  the  mining  engineer,  and  wandering  scientist, 
each  taking  his  turn.  A  useful  family  tree  of  North  American 
Mammals  is  added. 

WRIGHT.     DOGTOWN.      By     Mabel     Osgood     Wright.     12mo. 
Illustrated,     xiii  +  405  pages. 

"Dogtown"  was  a  neighborhood  so  named  because  so  many 
people  loved  and  kept  dogs.  For  it  is  a  story  of  people  as  well  as 
of  dogs,  and  several  of  the  people  as  well  as  the  dogs  are  old  friends^ 
having  been  met  in  Mrs.  Wright's  other  books. 

YONGE.       LITTLE    LUCY'S    WONDERFUL    GLOBE.      By   Char 
lotte  M.  Yonge.     12mo.     Illustrated,     xi  +  140  pages. 

An  interesting  and  ingenious  introduction  to  geography.  In 
her  dreams  Lucy  visits  the  children  of  various  lands  and  thus 
learns  much  of  the  habits  and  customs  of  these  countries. 

YONGE.      UNKNOWN   TO   HISTORY.      By  Charlotte  M.   Yonge. 
12mo.     Illustrated,     xi  -f  589  pages. 

A  story  of  the  captivity  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  told  in  the 
author's  best  vein. 


UNIVERSITY    OF    CALIFORNIA 
BRANCH    OF    THE    COLLEGE    OF    AGRICULTURE 

THIS  BOOK  IS  DUE  ON  THE  LAST  DATE 
STAMPED  BELOW 


'APR 

'JAN 


I     1937 
4    '5f 


JUL241968 


5m-8,'26 


LIBRARY,  BRANCH  OF  THE  COLLEGE  OF  AGRICULTURE 


